THE JVC VIDEO ANTHOLOGY OF WORLD MUSIC AND DANCE

Book V: The Middle East & Africa

Editor FUJII Tomoaki

Assistant Editors OMORI Yasuhiro SAKURAI Tetsuo

In collaboration with The National Museum of Ethnology (Osaka)

Producer ICHIKAWA Katsumori (JVC)

Directors NAKAGAWA Kunihiko (JVC)

ICHIHASHI Yuji (JVC)

Translation Editors Richard Emmett MINEGISHI Yuki

JVC Victor Company of Japan, Ltd.

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Translated in collaboration with Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings Anthony Seeger, Director

Edmund O’Reilly, Text Editor

English Language Version Translation Advisory Committee Mantle Hood

J.H. Kwabena Nketia Hiromi Lorraine Sakata

Barbara B. Smith

English Language Version Production Coordinator Stephen McArthur

Special Thanks to: Stephen McArthur (Rounder Records)

TAKESHITA Fumio (Heibonsha, Ltd., Publishers) UEHARA Izumi (Heibonsha, Ltd., Publishers)

Post Production Video Tech Co., Ltd.

Translation Office Asia

Published by Victor Company of Japan, Ltd,

Distributed by Multicultural Media Montpelier, Vermont 05602

The JVC Video Anthology of World Music and Dance books have finally made it into the digital age! The content is unchanged except for spelling and minor punctuation and grammar errors found during the conversion process. There are new Tables of Contents which contain hyperlinks to the sections which start (for the most part) on a new page intended to make printing a section neater. The books are also searchable to help find needed information quicker. The page numbers in the index found in the Introduction book still refer to the old paper books but they should at least get you close to where you want to go. It is hoped that these books will now be easier to use, especially in today’s classroom. The complete set will be included in all future purchases of the JVC Video Anthology of World Music and Dance so explore and enjoy!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

How to Use the JVC Anthology

THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA I — Tape 16

Turkey

Iran

Arab Music

Iraq

Lebanon

Qatar

THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA II — Tape 17

Egypt

North African Music

Tunisia

Morocco

“Sound Culture” in Black Africa

The Music of Africa

Mali

Cameroon

Zaire

Tanzania

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THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA III — Tape 18

Chad

Cameroon

THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA IV — Tape 19

Ivory Coast (Côte d’Ivoire)

Botswana

Republic of South Africa

GLOSSARY

SELECTED REFERENCES

MAPS

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INTRODUCTION Anthony Seeger Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings

The JVC Video Anthology of World Music and Dance is the first music anthology to combine video technology with extensive printed notes about the selections. Until now it has been virtually impossible to obtain samples of musical performances from a wide variety of cultures except by trying to compare many different films, each shot with a different editorial policy and usually interrupted by intrusive narration. The JVC Anthology is a pioneering effort to present some of the variety of the world’s musical cultures in a single educational package, combining examples from nearly one hundred countries into a single series, indexed and described in texts written by many Japanese specialists. This anthology was prepared by the Victor Company of Japan, Limited, in collaboration with the National Museum of Ethnology at Osaka, Japan. Using both licensed and original films, the JVC Video Anthology of World Music and Dance presents the diversity of musical and dance forms practiced today throughout the world. Documented in more than 1,000 pages of text written by Japanese scholars, the videos present footage without narration or interruption, which facilitates their use for a variety of educational purposes. Rather than attempting to write all the commentary as a team, many different Japanese scholars have written about areas in which they have done research. Some additional user aids, including glossaries, have been added to this English­language edition, which is otherwise very similar to the original Japanese edition, published in 1988. All anthologies face problems in the selection of material. There is much more music in the world than can be included in any anthology, and there are many more styles in any single culture than could be represented here. The difficult job of selecting examples from the material available to them was undertaken by Professor Fujii Tomoaki and his staff at the National Museum of Ethnology. Professor Fujii, in his “Editor's Introduction", and Professor Omori, in “Enjoying Music Visually,” (both are included in the introductory Book I of the Anthology) describe the reasons for their choices. No attempt was made to include every country, or every tradition. This is an anthology — not an encyclopedia. Areas nearer to Japan are more amply represented than those more distant, reflecting that country's geo­cultural perspective; Southeast Asia, for example, is represented by five tapes, whereas North and South America are represented by only one tape each. However, the area focus of the JVC Anthology generally complements the availability of video materials in the United States: most of the footage easily available here is from the Americas and Europe. There are no examples of Japanese music in this anthology; JVC is preparing a separate anthology of Japanese music for future release. Music is performed everywhere — in homes, in churches, on the streets, in nightclubs, in theaters, at music festivals, and in recording studios. Studio recordings exclude social context in an effort to record the most “uncontaminated” sound, and are only occasionally used in this anthology. Video recordings in isolated homes have often been difficult for technical and other reasons. Most of the recordings in this collection are thus of public events (on the streets, at music festivals, or in restaurants, nightclubs, and theaters). Regional, national, and international music festivals are found almost everywhere in the second half of the twentieth century. Performances at music festivals are often modified from their original local performance styles

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because of the festival format or large theater stage, and this is the case with many of the festival recordings here. For each large region, however, the Anthology includes both festival recordings and more local “field” footage. Viewers should keep in mind that just as music in their own society is performed in many different ways, so is other people's music. You are seeing only one of the possible performance contexts in any given example. An anthology, like an encyclopedia, is format for an initial contact with a subject, not its in­depth study. Non­specialists will find useful supplementary information in some of the printed encyclopedias of music, especially the multi­volume The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (New York: Macmillan, 1980), which has country­by­country descriptions of musical traditions and covers a broader variety because they use writing rather than video examples. At least two other encyclopedias with extensive coverage of musical traditions from many countries are scheduled for release in the next five years. This is a pioneering anthology because it presents music and movement together. Most music making in the world is associated with movements in addition to those required for the production of sound. When people make music they almost always move in some culturally specific way. Music can accompany dancing, feasting, worshipping, healing, working, putting a baby to sleep, and many other activities. The accompanying music often makes the actions more effective, pleasing, or possible; the actions often lend significance to the music. In this anthology you can often see the dance, watch the instruments being played, and get a glimpse of the context in which the recordings were made — all impossible with audio recordings. Yet since audio recording technology is much older and audio recordings are less expensive to manufacture, there are many audio recordings already available for supplementing the visual examples in this anthology. In addition to providing further musical examples, some of these recordings give more complete performances than those presented here. A short list of the names and addresses of some of the larger record companies that produce well­documented world music recordings can be found in Book I. The JVC Video Anthology of World Music and Dance enables a non­specialist English­speaking audience to sample the variety of the world’s musical traditions, and to read commentary on the performances by Japanese scholars. Language has been a barrier to access to Japanese scholarship, and part of the importance of this anthology is the access it provides to writings by many of Japan's leading ethnomusicologists and anthropologists, as well as to a sampling of the world’s rich variety of musical traditions through their eyes.

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How to Use the JVC Anthology The JVC Anthology consists of 30 videos and 9 books. The collection is subdivided into eight regions, each with its own accompanying book. An introductory book includes a general table of contents, an index for the entire series, supplementary information, and some general articles that apply to more than one region. Users interested in a particular country can scan the contents of the tapes for a given region, and should also be sure to look at the documentation in the book for that region. Users interested in particular subject matter should turn to the introductory book and use the combined index. Each geographic region usually has been divided into smaller units — often countries — each with its own short general discussion and followed by descriptions of each video example. Video examples are identified by the number of the tape followed by the number of the example on the tape (12­7 would be the seventh example on tape number twelve), and by a short title. These numbers and titles appear on the tapes at the start of each example, in the general table of contents, in the headnotes to descriptions of the individual selections, and on the cassette sleeves. Elapsed time indications should facilitate locating the examples on the tape. Each book contains a glossary, providing short definitions of key terms and, often, locations in the text (region or example numbers) where the terms are used. We have attempted to be consistent in the treatment of non­English words. A common contemporary form, printed in boldface, is used in the text; alternative forms, sometimes involving diacritical marks, may be noted in brackets in the glossaries. Glossaries are derived from the text and contain only the definitions of terms as they are specifically used in the articles in the Anthology. The glossaries are not intended to be definitive or comprehensive, but only to assist the reader in managing an abundance of unfamiliar terminology. With a little practice, it should be quite easy to use this anthology, and to take advantage of the resources it provides for the investigation and appreciation of world musical traditions.

Here are three examples of how the sequences in the videotapes are entitled. The number preceding each title (14­9) refers to the tape number (14) and the sequence number (9). Title formats vary according to the information available.

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THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA I — Tape 16

Turkey Koshiba Harumi

On the map, Turkey resembles the head of a ram with its horns jutting west into Europe. The ancestors of the Turks came from the region south of Lake Baikal in southern Siberia, spreading westward into Anatolia. Some indeed went as far as Europe. The Turks not only assimilated and systematically organized the culture around them, including Persian and Arabian music, but also perpetuated the music handed down to them from their forefathers. Turkey has played a dominant role in the molding of various central Asian societies throughout history. Travelers of assorted ethnic origins remained at this strategically important area of the Silk Road and helped to create its rich cultural tapestry. Some Turkish scholars trace their culture to the synthesis of elements from four sources: Asia, the culture surrounding the Mediterranean Sea, Islamic culture, and intemational elements from the Ottoman Empire. Turkish music, too, broadly comprises four categories: folk, military, religious, and classical music. The cultural elements mentioned above are woven into these musical forms in varying degrees of complexity to produce highly distinctive genres.

The impact of Islam on music

Although religion and state are separate, 99 percent of Turkey‘s population is Muslim, and religion plays an integral part in all aspects of daily life. Even the smallest towns and villages have their own mosques. Like Muslims everywhere, Turks prostrate toward Mecca five times a day. The first supplication of the day is at sunset, then after dusk, at night, early morning, noon and in the aftemoon. Although the practice has declined in the cities, Turks in the countryside strictly observe Ramadan, the month­long fast between sunrise and sunset, as well as other sacrificial festivals in accordance with the Islamic calendar. Unlike Christian or Buddhist services, ceremonial music is not part of orthodox Islamic worship. The call to worship and the intoning of the sacred Koran, which sounds like singing to the uninitiated, is not considered music by Muslim believers. Exceptions are certain Muslim mystics, notably those of the Mevlevi and Bektasi orders, which do employ verse, music, and dance in order to unite with Allah.

Folk music and dance

Folk music and dance continue to flourish throughout Turkey. Folk song, which goes by the generic term turku, meaning “Turkish,” is broadly divided into two contrasting forms. The uzun hava (“long melody”) style, which covers a wide tonal range, has a rhythmically free nature and generously employs melismata. The kirik hava (“broken melody”) style, is characterized by a clear beat, a narrow range, and repetitions of short melodic phrases. The second style is often seen in dance songs known as oyun hava. (There is an interesting parallel, brought about by cultural exchange along the ancient Silk Road, between the contrasting forms of turku and the

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folk music of Mongolia.) Folk dances, which differ from region to region, are generally group dances designed to foster community ties and identity. Many can be seen at weddings and festivals. In accordance with Muslim custom, men and women seldom dance together, and individuals will only dance hand in hand with a relative. While fewer and fewer women wear veils, in the countryside even today women will not reveal their faces before male strangers. But the growing popularity of dance clubs among the younger generation has led to a decline of this tradition as well. Many students and workers from the countryside join dance groups in the cities and compete in annual competitions. The most interesting part of Turkish folk dance is the diversity of the dance steps. In general, there are two dance styles: in one the dancers grasp each other’s shoulders or hands and form a chain or semi­circle, and in the other the dancers pair off and dance while lifting their arms in the air in succession. The dances delineate aspects of daily life, mimic birds and animals, or may have no particular meaning at all. Many dances are simply intended to get everyone to step in unison. Musical accompaniment to folk dance is based on the heptatonic scale. A variety of rhythmic meters are used, many of which apply to the music of the Balkan peninsula as well. The nine­beat aksak meter (2 + 2 + 2 + 3) is the representative beat for the zeybek rhythm used in men’s dances from the western Aegean Sea region. The final beat of the four units is extended by a half, creating a “limping” effect. The basic 2 + 3 rhythmic unit is used to construct rhythmic phrases of five, seven, eight (3 + 3 + 2), and eleven beats. These are all often found in song and dance and reflect the abundance of Turkish music and dance steps. The drum (davul) and an oboe­like double reed instrument (zurna), are generally used to accompany dance. Semi­professional Gypsy musicians often serve as accompanists.

Asik — the troubadours

The saz­playing asik (literally, “love”) troubadours are found primarily in the eastern part of Turkey. These wandering minstrels are also called ozan in Turkish. Tradition had it that ordinary men were turned into asik quite suddenly. They would lose consciousness, and in a dream state meet an old man and a beautiful young woman who would beg for water, apples, and other food before disappearing. Upon regaining consciousness they would burst forth into poetic verse at will and play the saz effortlessly. The asik would then begin the life of a wanderer, searching for the beautiful woman of the dream. These wandering minstrels, then, had several points in common: a spiritual or mystic sense, their dream, and their wandering. They were also supposed to be able to cure the sick. A related tradition is the recitation of the heroic narratives of Koroglu and Dadaloglu, the leading warriors of the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. This tradition is carried on among other Central Asian peoples. Some scholars contend that today classical narratives are dying out and have been reduced to a position comparable to the improvised songs played by folk singers.

Military and classical music

The Turkish tradition of military music dates back to the age when the ancestors of the present­day Turks were in Central Asia. Marco Polo’s travel diaries describe troops being led by drums and trumpets. But the “Turkish march” and marching bands did not become familiar in the

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West until the heroic deeds of the military troops of the Ottoman Empire (called mehterhane) became widely known. At their zenith in the seventeenth century the military bands retained by the sultan were large ensembles consisting of twelve players of each instrument. The most symbolically important as well as the largest kettle drum (kos) was placed on a camel or an elephant‘s back. Meanwhile, singing has been and remains as important aspect of Turkish military music. Classical Turkish music is the assimilation, compilation, and synthesis of traditional Persian and Arabic music. It is based on a vast and exhaustive theoretical framework. The makam, which lays out melodic theory, divides all whole tones into semitones of onc­ninth. Usul is the theory outlining rhythmic structure. Compositional forms for various instrumental ensembles and vocal music are also strictly laid out. Perhaps the most unique feature of classical Turkish music is the koro vocal ensemble form in which a melody is sung in unison. The object of this monophonic music is to achieve a balance in each tone. Comparable vocal forms can also be found in many different ethnic groups absorbed at one time by the Turkish empire from northern Africa to eastern Europe. Scholars speculate that this may be compared to the government’s efforts to maintain political equilibrium in order to control such a vast area.

16­1

Azan — Islamic call to worship Istanbul, Turkey

The azan (referred to as ezan in Turkish) is the call to worship from the minaret tower of a mosque which occurs five times a day. Each mosque retains a muezzin, or caller, who informs people that it is time to worship. He sings out, “The almighty Allah is the one and only god. Mohammed is Allah’s prophet. Come to worship, come and be saved. The almighty Allah is the one and only god.” The calls to worship, intoned simultaneously from the mosques in every town and village five times a day, resonate deeply with each other. This recording shows a muezzin at a mosque in Istanbul. His hand is cupped to his ear, and he calls out in a natural voice, which is unusual. Today, microphones and speakers are frequently used to save the muezzin from having to climb the tower five times a day. But this setup has its drawbacks during blackouts. I recall my pleasure in such a circumstance some ten years ago, when the muezzin at the mosque next to my living quarters intoned the azan without the use of a microphone. Since that time, I have always looked forward to blackouts.

16­2

Mehter — military music of the Ottoman Empire: “Eski ordu marsi” (“An old army march”) Istanbul, Turkey

The crescent moon has deep symbolic significance in Islamic culture. In times past, the yeniceri (“new army”) of the Ottoman Empire went into battle with flags and banners decorated with the crescent moon and would parade into conquered towns, displaying the banners and flags proudly. Today mehter, the military music of the Ottoman Empire, is performed at the military museum

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in Istanbul primarily for tourists. The colors of their costumes reflect their roles; for example, the band conductor and leading members wear uniforms having a long red coat and yellow shoes. They march advancing three steps, then turn at an angle to the right or left. The band sometimes performs in a semi­circle. The instrumental accompaniment is monophonic and includes song. Each singer holds a staff (cevgen) with a crescent­shaped ornament at the top and decorated with horse tail and bells. These are lifted up and down to the beat. Wind instruments, including the oboe­like zurna and a simple trumpet (boru), are responsible for the melody while the percussion instruments account for the reverberating beat associated with military music. The nakkare is made of two bowl­like drums bound together and supported by the player’s left arm and struck with two drumsticks. The davul is a large double­headed cylindrical drum struck with two bearers, one heavy and club­shaped and the other small and light. The timpani­like kos is carried on horses. The cymbals called zil are struck three times then opened widely. The piece is called “Eski ordu marsi” (“An old army march”), also known as “Ceddin deden.” The lyrics, loosely translated, are:

Our forefathers, grandfathers, fathers, and sons All brave men The Turkish army will go down in history For its valor and honor The Turks, the Turks, the beloved Turks We will sweep away the humiliation The enemies who overcame our forebears.

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Hancer bar — dance of the knives Istanbul, Turkey

This dance from the Erzurum region is known as the hancer bar, or knife dance. The dance was originally meant to be a demonstration of masculinity and bravery. The two dancers thrust knives in front of one another‘s faces and criss­cross them in the air. They are not allowed to dodge the knives. This thrilling dance, which involves vertical movement as well as complex dance steps, leaves the audience breathless. The davul and zurna are used most often as accompaniment. Circular breathing (inhaling through the nose while simultaneously expelling air through the mouth) permits the oboe­like zurna to sound without pause, like bagpipes. The two­headed davul produces heavy bass tones using a thick drumstick and higher pitched tones with a slender drumstick. The drum is important in setting the ominous tone for the dance and largely determines its success or failure.

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16­4

Dances from the Gaziantep region Istanbul, Turkey

One of the most famous dance forms of southeast Turkey is the halay group dance. The repertoire consists of over fifty dances. The video shows the leylim dance (2/4 meter) in which men and women dance in a circle. The zurna provides the melodic accompaniment. Then follows a series of group dances from the same area, including oguzlu, cibikli, and dokuzlu. In the line dances, the leader usually waves a handkerchief and signals a change to another dance. The leylim lyrics, loosely translated, are:

We went to the castle and brought back treasures Hele yar yar yar We brought them back hidden in a handkerchief Shina nai nai nai In the handkerchief, the scent of grief Hele yar yar yar We brought back grief with the treasures Shina nai nai nai.

16­5

Dance from the Black Sea region ensemble: The Tourism and Folklore Education Center Troupe Asian Festival of Traditional Music and Dance (1985) September 19­21, 1985/Tokyo, Japan

The northeastern part of the Black Sea is noted for mountains which almost extend into the sea, plentiful rainfall, and the bountifulness of nature. The area was long colonized by the Greeks, and many Greek fishermen continued to live here until this century. The region is known for horon, a fast­paced line dance which is perhaps the most difficult of all the Turkish folk dances. Various explanations exist for why the folk dance and music of this region are so fast­paced. Some say the speed resembles the rippling waves of the Black Sea. Others say it has Greek origins. In this extremely conservative region, men and women customarily never dance together (notwithstanding the recorded example). The first horon is called kiz horon (“girls’ horon”), in which the dancers roll their shoulders to a fast 7/8 meter. This continues until the dancers are all out of breath. The men’s horon is characterized by flexible knee action that resembles a well­orchestrated line dance. The leader, the dancer in the center of the line, calls out signals indicating a switch to another dance. This is also danced to a seven­beat meter. Each horon is composed of various types of dance steps. A small zurna called a cura zurna is used with a davul as accompaniment. In some villages a three­string violin (karadeniz kemence, “Black Sea kemence”) is used.

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16­6

Dance from the Afyon Region ensemble: The Tourism and Folklore Education Center Troupe Asian Festival of Traditional Music and Dance (1985) September 19­21, 1985/Tokyo, Japan

This dance is from the town of Dinar near central Anatolia. The song accompanying the dance, called hatcem, is based on alternating slow and fast nine­beat (2 + 2 + 2 + 3) aksak meters. The dancers shake their arms aloft and skip to the beat. They hold kasik, or wooden spoons, in both hands with which they keep the beat. Melodic accompaniment is provided by a medium­sized baglama saz, a vertical flute (kaval), and song. A goblet­shaped single­headed drum (darabukka) provides rhythmic accompaniment.

16­7

Saz — plucked lute solo ensemble: The Tourism and Folklore Education Center Troupe Asian Festival of Traditional Music and Dance (1985) September 19­21, 1985/Tokyo, Japan

The saz, the most popular Turkish stringed instrument, is used in folk music and to accompany narrative recitations. The instrument is used to freely arrange melodies from song or dance. Sometimes it is played improvisationally. Originally the term “saz” was a generic term referring to a whole range of melodic instruments. Today, however, it refers to long­necked lute­like instruments with mulberry bodies and sounding boards of pine. Saz come in three sizes, the large divan, the medium­sized baglama, and the small cura. This recording shows a baglama saz. Generally it is strung with five to seven metal strings in three courses. It has nineteen to twenty­three frets of nylon string which can be moved to adjust pitch slightly. The saz is strummed with a plastic plectrum (originally cherry bark) held in the right hand. The left hand depresses the strings. Various tunings are used, most of which are based on intervals of fourths and fifths (e.g., sol»re­la in which re is the lowest pitch). In the short introductory section of the solo shown here, the player does not use the plectrum. This playing style was probably incorporated from the rarely played three­string chordophone uctelli (“three strings”). Next is a portion of the accompaniment to a religious dance of the mystic Muslim sect, Alevi, called sema, in 9/4 time. Following that is a dance melody from the Ankara region called “Yandim seker oyun havasi.” The solo concludes by returning to the beginning improvisatory section in free rhythm. Attention should be paid to the subtle decorative effects created by the left hand and the handling of the plectrum.

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16­8

Dance from the Silifke region ensemble: The Tourism and Folklore Education Center Troupe Asian Festival of Traditional Music and Dance (1985) September 19­21, 1985/Tokyo, Japan

This is the famous kasik spoon dance from the southern town of Silifke on the Mediterranean Sea. The Turks call the Mediterranean Sea Ak Deniz or “White Sea.” This dance from Silifke, which borders the White Sea, depicts the process of yoghurt making. The Turks believe that their ancestors discovered yoghurt, and particularly take deep pride in the texture and taste of the yoghurt of the Silifke region. The dancers have two long spoons in each hand which they click like castanets. Following the “Silifke’nin yogurdu” (“Silifke yoghurt”) dance is a dance called “Sallama.” The accompaniment is identical to that of selection 16­6, although a clarinet usually plays the main melodic line in Silifke ensembles. A loose translation of the lyrics is:

Oh yoghurt of Silifke, who made you? Was the mother who bore you a round cushion? Your yoghurt cradle is made of pine from a rickety roof You're tired of any troublesome work.

Wake up my heart, I am afire With the breeze you bring The budding rose in the verdant garden I will stay on fire Until the fading of its color Come my love, come good fortune Come my heart’s friend.

16­9

Asik performance vocal and saz: Murat Cobanoglu Erzurum, Turkey

This is a song of the troubadours of the eastern part of Turkey, accompanied by the saz. Although their songs relate the heroic deeds of sixteenth­century narratives, more recently they have taken on an improvisational character. The verse is full of practical advice and ready wit. In eastern Turkey, the wholly male audience often listens to these minstrels until the early morning hours while sipping sweet tea at the cayhane, or tea houses. The troubadours wander from town to town, constantly improving their skills. Sometimes they hold song contests in which they position a needle on their lips and must sing without using words beginning with m, p, or b. The contestant who draws blood is the loser. Asik (meaning “love") is an Arabic term for the troubadours. The Turkish folk term for “troubadours” is ozan. Many asik can be found in eastern Erzurum and the Kars region.

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The video shows the ozan of Erzurum welcoming Murat Cobanoglu, a famous asik from Kars. The former sings:

The asik‘s words are not written. . . The asiks of Erzurum gathered here at their heart’s command. . .

Then Cobanoglu’s song follows, which includes an improvisational rhyming verse to the accompaniment of the saz.

16­10

Sema — Islamic dance of the whirling dervishes Konya, Turkey

Every mid­December, the ancient capital of Konya in central Anatolia is packed with tourists anxious to see Sufi Muslims of the Mevlevi sect perform mystic ceremonies. The ceremonies were outlawed when Turkey became a republic, but were reinstituted in the 1950s for tourists. This sect was founded by the poet and philosopher Mevlana Celaleddin Rumi (1200?­1273). Today, the dance is performed on the anniversary of his death. Rumi attempted to achieve religious ecstasy by whirling endlessly to verse and music. This dance is called sema. While staring at the the sun, or “seikh,” considered the incamation of Rumi, the dervish (dervishes, “followers”) remove their black mantles, which symbolize death, fold back the cuffs of their white trousers, and slowly turn counterclockwise. Their right palms are turned upward, as if to receive heavenly will, while their left hands face downward to transmit this will to the people. Their large felt hats represent tombstones. The edges of their skirts are embroidered with felt which creates beautiful circles when they spin. Accompaniment consists of singing and instrumental ensembles, and is based on classical Turkish music style. The singer and instruments improvise successively, then perform together with the ensemble. After a gradual speed up in the tempo, the finale is quiet, improvisational instrumental music. The most important accompanying instrument of the Mevlevi sema is an end­blown flute (ney). It has six finger holes in front and one in back and nine nodes along its body. Other common string instruments include the bowed spike­fiddle (rebab), the six­course, eleven­string lute played with a plectrum (ud), and the twenty­three­ or twenty­four course, sixty­string zither (kanun) played with plectrums on both index fingers. A long­necked lute (tanbur) does not appear in the recording, but is also often used. The kettle­shaped drum (kudum), which uses two drumsticks to produce high and low pitches, plays a leading role in the rhythm section. The piece is the “Suzidilara pesrevi,” (“Prelude in the suzidilara mode”), a work by Sultan Selim III (1789­1807), who had a deep interest in the Sufis.

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Iran Tsuge Gen’ichi

The musics of the Middle Eastern Islamic cultural sphere (including West Asia and North Africa) comprise Iranian, Arabic and Turkish music. However, Iranian music is distinctive and has slightly different characteristics than the other two. First, Iranian music is the oldest of the three. It dates directly back to the Sasanian (226­651) era. Second, the Iranian people hail from a different linguistic stock than the Arabs or Turks. As the name “Iranian” implies, they are so­called “Aryan”; the language belongs to the Iranian stock of the Indo­European language family, as does Kurdish, Pashto (a language of the Afghans), and Tajik of Central Asia. The musics of the people speaking these languages share many common traits. As a result, Iranian music sounds substantially different from that of the Arabs and Turks, whose language belongs to a different language family. Nevertheless, it can also be acknowledged that Iranian music shares a number of characteristics with West Asian music in general, as the musical culture of the region is based on a similar musical system. Specifically, the function and form of music, the types of instruments and the underlying musical aesthetic throughout West Asia reveals striking similarities. This is traced in part to the role of Iranian musicians in spreading their music to the courts of the Arab caliphs (successors to Mohammed) and Turkish sultans. Iranian music is based on a modal system called dastgah, which not only designates the scale and intervals, but the type of melodic movements and ornamentations allowed. The emotions evoked in the listeners are attributed to the character of the specific mode. Performers are permitted to improvise freely within the framework of these modes, but are prohibited from deviating from them. The Persian dastgah roughly corresponds to the Arabic maqam and Turkish makam. Extant classical Iranian music dates from the Qajar period (1796­1925). The music system from this era delineated the following twelve dastgah: shur, abu’ata, afshari, dashti, bayat­e tork, nava, mahur, homayun, bayat­e esfahan, segab, chahargah, and Orast­panjgah. Although many of these nomenclatures are also found in the maqam and makam systems of Arabian and Turkish music, most are derivatives of Persian. These modes are based on the heptatonic scale. Some of the scales are derived from perfect fourths and fifths, as in the Pythagorean scale, but others are derived from seconds, thirds, sixths, and sevenths. Some of the distinctive scales of West Asia are based on intervals like 5/4 tones and neutral thirds (halfway between a major third and a minor third), neutral sixths, and neutral sevenths. Augmented tones such as 5/4 tones and a variety of other neutral intervals are also employed, imparting a mystic, seductive, and sometimes heroic flavor to the music. A rhythmic cycle called ’iqa‘ or usul evolved in ancient West Asia. Music came to be structured according to the selection of modes and rhythmic cycles. At the same time, improvisational performance free of the constraints of rhythmic cycles came to be preferred, resulting in the development of the taqsim and layali forms. In Iran, greater importance came to be placed on this free rhythmic style of improvisation which is called avaz, meaning “voice,” “cry,” or "song.” Like the music of other Middle Eastern regions, Iranian music emphasized vocal music. The recent development of pure instrumental music is largely due to the influence of modern Western music.

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The santur is a representative Iranian string instrument. It is also used in the classical music of Iraq, but today is not found in other Arabic or Turkish music, except in the Kavkaz region, which includes Armenia and Georgia. The santur is a dulcimer with seventy­odd metal strings that are struck with two curved wooden mallets. It could be likened to a piano without keyboard or hammers. The mallet is shaped like a tiny oar, and produces a sound similar to the piano. Although the santur player only employs two mallets, master players can produce arpeggio­like passages with breathtaking speed and dexterity. Because the santur is a percussion instrument, the only way to produce continuous sound is through tremolos. The santur is generally thought to be derived from western Asia, as similar instruments can be found widely over the region. One such instrument found in Iraq and in the Kashmir region of northern India also goes by the name of santur. In Greece, and in Georgia of the Kavkas region of the Soviet Union, the instrument is called santouri. The word santur unquestionably is derived from Persian. A clear reference to the instrument is found in a verse by the eleventh­century poet Manuchehri­ye Damgani. A number of similar instruments with different names include the chang of the Uzbek and Tajik people. In Persian, chang means “harp.” The Ukrainians and Slavic people call it a tsimbali. Tambal or cimbalom, large­sized santurs, are an essential element of Romanian and Hungarian Gypsy music. The santur spread widely throughout Europe from the latter half of the fifteenth century through the sixteenth century. In the late sixteenth century, it was brought by English missionaries to western Europe. In German, it is called the Hackbrett, and in English, the “dulcimer” or “hammered dulcimer. ” The French call it the tympanon. The instrument was brought to East Asia by European missionaries in the sixteenth century. The Chinese call it yangqin — “Western harp.” In Mongolian it is referred to as yooch’in, in Korean yanggum and in Japanese yankin. No doubt the metal strings used in West Asia were of interest to the silk string culture of East Asia. The santur used widely in classical Iranian music consists of eighteen courses of four strings each, or a total of seventy­two strings. The santur of Iraq has twenty­five courses of three or four strings each. The mallets are made of light and flexible boxwood, to which either felt or leather is attached to alter the tone color.

16­11

Santur ­ hammered dulcimer solo: “Nagme­ye karevan” santur: Puri Anabian February 19, 1988/Kobe, Japan

This highly improvisational piece elicits the image of a camel caravan traveling quietly along in the Iranian desert. The arrangement by Puri Anabian can be divided into four sections. The introduction sets out the illusionary image of the camel caravan in a series of slow arpeggios. The next section incorporates the riz tremolo technique in an improvisational section mimicking the camel bells. The third section in 6/8 time is reminiscent of an Iranian folk song. The last section is an arrangement of the deylaman melody in the dashti mode that employs Western­derived harmony. The main technique employed by the santur is the riz tremolo. Techniques like arpeggios and accord are relatively new, introduced from western European music over the past fifty years.

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Overall, this caravan song is more a reflection of the heavy influence of Western music in Iran in the 1960s and 1970s rather than an example of purely traditional music. It is a good example of the changes that have taken place in classical Iranian music. The piece is performed by Puri Anabian of Tehran. Anabian was singled out as a musical prodigy from infancy. At the age of five she was taught by santur master Mas’ud Rowshan. Later she entered the conservatory, Hanarestan­e ali­ye musiqi, and majored in piano. After graduation she entered the fine arts department of Tehran University, specializing in music. She came to Kobe, Japan, in 1972, where she has resided since, and is currently a visiting lecturer at Osaka College of Music.

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Arab Music Mizuno Nobuo

The ancestors of the Arabs are the Semitic­speaking nomads of the Arabian peninsula. However, the Arabs extended their power and influence during the Islamic conquests of 622 A.D. to the whole peninsula and beyond to the Persian Gulf, the plateaus of western Iran, and the shores of northern Africa and the Iberian peninsula. The Muslim tide that reached these lands was in fact an Arab tide. The people of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and northern Africa gradually absorbed some of the culture of their Arab conquerors. As a result, the music of the Arab sphere, which encompasses the area from West Asia to northern Africa, comprises various national musical traditions, each with distinctive characteristics. Arabia came under the strong influence of Iran (Persia) during the middle ages, when Persia reigned supreme in the region. In the modern ages, it came under the domain of the reigning Turkish Ottoman empire. Later, however, the Arab world had a cultural impact of its own on both Turkey and Iran. Continuous interaction among Iranian, Turkish, and Arabic musics led to the formation of the West Asian, Islamic musical cultural sphere. Classical Arab music dates back to the Umayyad period (661­750). The era of the resplendent Abbassid court in Baghdad from 750 to 1258, depicted in The Thousand and One Nights, is considered the golden age of Arabic music. Master theoreticians and musicians, including al­Kindi, al­Farabi, Ibn Sina (Avicenna), Zalzal, al­Mawsili, and al­Isfahani, were active during this period. Also during this time the vocal genius Ziryab went to Spain, where he was responsible for the creation of Arab­Andalusian music in the latter Umayyad period (756­1031). This tradition was perpetuated in the Maghreb cultures of northwestern Africa after the demise of Muslim Spain in the fifteenth century. Arab classical music diverged into the West Asian (eastern Arab) and Maghreb (western Arab) traditions. The eastern Arab tradition places importance on virtuoso tradition — allowing performers a free hand in expressing their individuality. Even today, this tradition can be seen in the urban classical music (Iraqi maqam) and in the improvisational solo repertoire called taqsim. Western Arab music perpetuates the court music tradition of suites called nawba, which developed into popular music. Classical music generally reflects the structural organization of Arab music. Modes (maqam) incorporate tetrachords made up of intervals as small as quarter­tones. The numerous melodic patterns used in the modes always return to the dominant tone. The rhythmic formats (’iqa‘) employed in Arabic music greatly resemble the rhythmic cycles found in Turkish music. The cycles range from simple repetitions of two and three beats, to a ten­beat sama‘i (3 + 3 + 4) cycle used in instrumental music, to a complex cycle consisting of 176 beats. The taqsim, or free­rhythm tradition, is used in solo instrumental performances. Arabic music is an arabesque, with diverse combinations and repetition of various melodic patterns. Both vocal and instrumental music boast a wide variety of styles. Ensembles are an important part of both vocal and instrumental music, but they are generally performed in unison and produce a heterophonic effect. Glimpses of Arab folk music can be found in the work songs of the nomadic Bedouins, in the simple improvisational popular songs passed on orally, or in the orally perpetuated poetic verse or song lyrics. Many of these folk songs date back to the early Islamic period, and include

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various traditional work songs, love songs, songs of praise and slander, warrior songs, educational songs and songs describing natural events. Work songs include caravan songs (huda), shepherding songs, and even songs describing the artificial pollination of date trees. The orally transmitted Bedouin songs generally take the “call and response" form found in the classic lyrical Arab anthems called qasida. They also include the rhythmical lyric verses called ‘ataba. At the same time, Bedouin minstrels also recite narrative verse as well. Some of the best known narrative songs take up the adventures of the sha’ir, or poet­cum­musician. The minstrels also recite heroic works like the “Abu Zayd al Hillali” while playing the rabab. Northern Africa has its own distinctive form of Afro­Arabian folk music that derives from the Berber or Hamitic traditions. Arabian folk music, then, broadly divided into the original Bedouin and Arab­influenced music, diversified throughout the region to adapt to the social practices and geographical conditions of each locale. As for religious music, Islamic tradition censures music. The azan (adhan), or call to worship (see selection l6­l), however, and the recitation of the Koran (Qur’an Karim) have strong musical elements. The Muslims also sing many songs in conjunction with the Ramadan and other celebrations. The Sufis, who can be found throughout the Arab sphere, intone dhikr, the ceaseless calling of Mohammed’s name, and have many religious songs, some of which employ dance with drum accompaniment. Christian Arabs of the Eastem and Western Churches employ much ceremonial religious music. Contemporary popular music has developed rapidly in countries like Egypt and Lebanon, which came under the strong influence of modern Western culture. Contemporary Egyptian vocal music, made popular by Umm Kulthum (1908­75) — the greatest Egyptian singer of this century — can be considered an extension of the classical tradition. The popularity of Kulthum’s music is not limited to Egypt, but extends throughout the Arab sphere. Lebanon, in the meantime, allowed westernization to progress a step further, and unhesitatingly incorporated Western music styles. The top popular Lebanese singer of the 1970s was Fayrouz. Today young people throughout the Arab sphere enjoy popular songs that draw on Western popular, folk, and rock music. Many instruments are used in Arab music, particularly folk music, but the names and types vary only slightly from region to region. Generally the instruments used in classical and folk music are mutually exclusive. The fact that instruments used in Arab music, and more broadly in the music of the Middle East, employ gut strings and sheepskin drum heads may be traced to their sheep­herding culture. Classical music employs the zither (qanun), santur (see the text on Iran and recording 16­11), ud, joza (known in Iraq as the rabab), the western violin (which is played on the knee in North Africa), the cane flute (nai), and the goblet­drum (darabukka, known as the tabla in Iraq). The ud is a wooden, short­necked, fretless lute which originated in Persia. On its eastward journey) it became known as the pipa in China and the biwa in Japan; in Europe it developed into the lute and guitar. Similarly, the qanun went eastward with the Persian santur, where it became known as the yangqin in Vietnam and China. In the West, it developed into the European zither, zimbalon, cembalo, and piano. Folk music employs the long­necked bowed lute (rabab), plucked lute (tambura), cane flutes

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(nai and qassaba), clarinet~type wind instruments (mijwiz and arghul), and an oboe­like instrument (zurna, also known as the zukra, ghaita, or mizmar). Various types of drums are also used (duf, tar, riq, bendir, tabl, and naqqara). Cymbals and castanets are used in religious ceremonial music and in accompaniment to folk dance. In Yemen, metal trays and oil cans are struck in accompaniment to song and dance. Contemporary music uses not only classical Arabian instruments, but also the violin, cello, contrabass, accordion, electric guitar, and piano.

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Iraq The vast majority of the Iraqi population, which is composed largely of Arabs, Kurds, and other minorities, is Muslim. The country is divided at the fertile Tigris and Euphrates rivers into the mountainous region of the north and the vast desert to the south. The country is rich in folk music. The music of both the mountain­dwelling Kurds and the nomadic Bedouins of the desert is characterized by modal vocal music. Baghdad, once the center of Islamic culture and learning, has preserved a rich tradition of cosmopolitan classical music. This music, however, originated in the Arab art music of West Asia.

16­12

Bedouin Dance

The proud, nomadic Bedouins, who consider themselves the true Arabs, have a vast repertoire of song and dance. Festivals offer the nomads a much awaited opportunity to make merry with song and dance, usually to the accompaniment of ensembles of musicians. The colorful, dynamic dances provide a powerful contrast to the monotony of the desert and highlands. Typically, the dancers join hands, form a line, and step while swaying their hips. The leader, who sometimes holds a handkerchief, sword, or shield, dances alone and provides inspiration. The generic term for this type of line dance is dabkah. It is found in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Jordan, and other agrarian societies. The accompaniment is usually provided by the oboe­like zurna and a large, flat, double­headed drum (tabl). The zurna is a double­reed end­blown instrument made of plum wood. It has six finger holes in front and a thumbhole in the back. The tabl is beaten with a curved drumstick to accent the dance steps. Oboe and drum accompaniment ensembles can be found widely throughout the Islamic cultural sphere, particularly at outdoor festivals and parades. Partway through the recording a woman may be heard emitting a high, piercing ululation (zaghrur). This is an expression of joy. (See also 17­2 on the Bedouin dance from Tunisia.)

16­13

Contemporary Iraqi song: “Ya zahrat al­madiyin” vocal; Ibn ‘Abd Allah Babylon music festival October 1987/Babylon, Iraq

The city of Babylon, the ancient capital of Mesopotamia, was the center of ancient West Asian civilization. This recording shows part of the Babylon music festival of 1987 in the ruins of the city. Today, the Iraqi government invites Arab and Islamic musicians from throughout the Arab sphere and the world to participate in numerous music festivals, which it has made a matter of national prestige. “Ya zahrat al­madiyin” praises the glory of ancient Babylon and the current president. It is sung by Ibn ‘Abd Allah. The accompaniment consists of a double­pipe clarinet (matbudj), 3 small kettle drum pair (naqqara), a large cylindrical drum (tabl), a single­headed goblet drum

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(darabukka) and a very slim version of the same (hashshabi), and several jingle­less tambourines (riq). The matbudj consists of two cane single­reed pipes, with six finger holes each, tied together. The player uses circular breathing to produce a continuous sound. The pair of pipes produces a unison melody. The matbudj is used in improvisational call­and­response like patterns with the singer. Drums used in Arab music require a sophisticated degree of dexterity to produce a wealth of complex and delicate rhythms and tones. The ensemble members are dressed in formal Arab attire. Partway through the piece a boy and girl climb onto the stage to perform an Arabian folk dance. A loose translation of the lyrics follows:

Saddam our leader You are our best leader Saddam Hussein, your nobility led you to the throne Babylon will revive the glory of our past

We give our unending love to our leader Saddam We are one and for all throughout thick and thin We are united with our beloved leader Saddam Hussein We will give all to protect the glory of Babylon.

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Lebanon Lebanon faces the Mediterranean Sea on the west, Israel on the south, and Syria to the east. Because of its strategic location, many migrant ethnic groups, beginning with the Phoenicians, have brought a variety of different cultures here. Although Lebanon falls within the Islamic sphere, a large portion of the population is Maronite, a Syrian Christian sect known for its distinctive ceremonial music. The capital, Beirut, has become the center of an Arab music revival, which has resulted in the development of contemporary Arabian popular music. This music, nonetheless, is rooted in traditional Lebanese folk song and dance. The growing popularity of music festivals since the 1950s has helped to encourage the refinement of contemporary popular Arabic music.

16­14

Lebanese popular song; “Ya qalbi” vocal: Fayrouz Ba’albek International Music Festival

The town of Ba’albek, eighty kilometers northeast of Beirut, is known for the ruins of a huge shrine to Jupiter built by the Romans. The recording shows a scene from the Ba'albek International Music Festival, which, until recently, was held here every summer. The singer is Lebanon’s leading pop star, Fayrouz. Bom in Syria in 1954, Fayrouz received a Maronite upbringing and, as a child, took part in the church choir. Later she married Assi Rahbani, the brother of noted Beirut musician Rahbani. The Rahbani brothers composed about 300 pieces, mostly for Fayrouz. Fayrouz's repertoire includes popular songs, operettas, musicals, and film music. Her tours of Europe and North America during the 1970s were met with high critical acclaim. Today she lives in Paris, where she collaborates with her son on new projects in music. Combining classical Arabic music with Western sensibilities, Fayrouz has won a large following throughout the world. The accompaniment consists of a contemporary Arab folk music orchestra and chorus, with the addition of some Western instruments. The chorus repeats the lyrics sung by the soloist as well as the refrains. An approximate translation of the lyrics follows;

Please my heart, don’t burden me. Despite my love for you, you are always gone And then you return to Ba’albek Please my heart, don’t burden me. Like the moon crossing the sky, you send a messenger. My heart, like the moth flittering around the lamp, Knows nothing of you, the flame. I am not satisfied with your messenger Lost in love, you leave, only to return to Ba’albek Please my heart, don’t burden me. You rouse me from deep slumber and have me look into your eyes

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Who am I? Who am I, who are you? What a sad couple we are I have always strayed from your path Oh my beloved, your love calls me Please my heart, don’t burden me.

16­15

Belly dance dancer: Najika Gamal Beirut, Lebanon

The belly dance is said to have originated among the Bedouin nomads. It is only natural that the dance should emphasize hip and torso movements rather than foot movements, given that it was originally performed on the soft desert sands. This dance is at once primal and sensuous and a highly sophisticated artistic genre. Today it can be seen at theaters, cabarets and nightclubs in Beirut, Cairo, Istanbul, and other major Mideast cities. The dance is accompanied by a typical modern Arabian orchestra ­ comprising a nai, zurna, darabukka, tambourine (duf), qanun, violin, and accordion. The nai in particular produces a sensuous tone that is indispensable to the belly dance. The darabukka can produce dry and moist tones and a variety of rhythmic patterns through a wide array of subtle techniques.

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Qatar Qatar lies on a narrow peninsula extending into the Persian Gulf about halfway down the Arabian peninsula. The population of 250,000 consists largely of Arabs in the capital of Doha, and some Bedouins scattered in the hinterland. The musical tradition shared by Qatar and the other Arab states on the Persian Gulf — Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates — is more heavily oriented toward folk music than artistic music. The call­and­response songs shown in recordings 16­16 and 16­17 are festive songs and dances transmitted by the Bedouins. Usually such songs are accompanied by the tar and tabl. Other instruments employed in the folk music include double­reed shawms, bagpipes, lyres, and long­necked bowed lutes (rabab). The first selection shows a demonstration of traditional folk songs by a group of professional musicians. Independent only since 1971, Qatar is a young country in which efforts are being made to preserve traditional communal folk songs. As noted above, the musics of the Arab states along the Persian Gulf closeiy resemble one another. Some elements also resemble the music of Saudi Arabia.

16­16

Traditional songs of the Persian Gulf Arab States

Khammari, sung at weddings and births, is a festive song style based on a folk tradition that has been handed down in the area of the Persian Gulf since long before the emergence of Islam. It was created by poet­musician Muhammad al­Abuni. There are many theories on the etymology of the term khammari. Some say it is derived from the khimar, or veil, with which women cover their faces. Others say it refers to the excitement, or khammar, that is aroused by the call and response between the main and secondary tabl. A third theory says it is derived from the excitement caused by the give and take between the drum and the dancer or by the tar drum played by the dancer himself. This type of song is found widely throughout the Persian Gulf region. in neighboring Bahrain and Kuwait, the rhythmic meter is identical, but the tempo is relatively faster or slower than this Qatar version. The ensemble consists of twenty people, and takes the form of a male solo and response by a female chorus. The singers clap and sway to the eight­beat rhythm. The leader directs the rhythm and tempo with the tabl. Another tabl is used for the basic rhythmic meter along with six tar. The lyrics, in the Qatar dialect of Arabic, speak of the laments of love.

16­17

Bedouin song and dance vocal solo: Hasin Nuban

This is a women’s song called baddawi in the Bedouin dialect from the Nejd region of the Persian Gulf. It is sung at weddings and other parties. The song takes a call and response form between a soloist and chorus. The soloist is Hasin Nuban, a noted artist. The drummer sets out the basic rhythmic meter on the tabl while ten of the

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chorus members strike the tar. Dance accompanies the song. The lyrics speak of a bride’s wedding night.

Oh my beloved daughter Today you will leave me Tonight I cannot sleep Do not forget me, the mother says

16­18

Mortar­pounding song

This is one of many songs that were popular until the 1950s and are still often sung in Qatar. Called taqqit al­habb, they are songs and dances by women who pounded oats outside the tents. The oats were used in meals taken after the Ramadan daylight fast, but this practice is no longer followed today. It is said that by the age of ten, most girls took part in this task. Two girls pounded in alternation to the rhythm set out in the song. The basic rhythm is set out by the tabl which is joined by several tar and a female chorus which claps the rhythm. In this type of work song, the rhythm takes precedence. The lyrics have very little significance. Now and then the chorus responds with a refrain of “ya maliha” (“oh pretty one!“). The lead singer is not determined in advance; instead the person who most wishes to sing will begin to sing.

16­19

Song and dance of welcome

This dance belongs to the type called fann al muradah, which means “word repetition” or “swaying back and forth repeatedly.” This type of dance was performed to welcome new government heads or other officials who frequently came and went until the 1950s. The song asks the leader to rule well, but at the same time serves as a recollection of ancestors. The women join hands, form two lines facing each other, and dance while singing.

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THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA II — Tape 17

Egypt Mizuno Nobuo

The Egyptian land mass is almost entirely desert. Arable land along the upper Nile River Valley and the lower Nile River Delta accounts for a mere 3.5 percent of the total area. About 92 percent of 40 million Egyptians are Muslim. Some Nubians reside in the south, and Bedouins live in the desert. Cairo, the capital, has been the center of classical Mideast Arab music since the Islamic age. However, the indigenous ancient Egyptian music preciating Islamic influence also merits attention. Ancient Egyptian music has exerted an influence on the ceremonial music of the Coptic sect of the Eastern Church of Christianity, as well as the folklore traditions of upper Egypt. Meanwhile, western music has also had a profound impact on contemporary Arab music.

17­1

Egyptian popular song: “Ana gambak ya kol Iraqi” lead vocal: Taufiq Farid Babylon music festival October 1987/Babylon, Iraq

The clip shows an Egyptian ensemble playing contemporary songs at the music festival in Babylon (see text, selection l6­l3). The male singer, Taufiq Farid, and the chorus sing, “Oh Iraqis, we are your allies.” The accompaniment consists of traditional Arab instruments, including the nai, ud, qanun, riq, and darabukka. The nai is an end­blown cane flute with six fingerholes in front and one in back. It is held slightly diagonally to the player and breath is consciously overblown to produce a “windy” sound. The ud is a short­necked, fretless lute shaped like a pear that has been split in half. The number of strings varies from region to region. Typically, however, it has four or five pairs of strings, or five pairs and a single string, and sometimes six pairs of strings. In Egypt, the instrument usually comes with five pairs and a single string tuned in perfect fourths. An eagle feather or plastic pick is used as a plectrum. In the old days, the ud was the most important of classical instruments. It is considered the forefather of the Chinese pipa and Japanese biwa, as well as the European lute. The zither­like qanun is a trapezoidal box strung with strings in courses of three. The instrument is generally capable of producing three octaves. The metal tuning levers are used to produce quarter tones. It is played with plectra made of horn which are worn on the index fingers. This type of ensemble of Arabic folk music instruments closely resembles the nawba classical ensemble form of northern Africa.

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North African Music Fujii Tomoaki

Tunisian and Moroccan musics possess many similar traits. Their music can be categorized as classical art music of the upper classes, contemporary popular music, religious or Sufi music, and music of the Berbers and other indigenous groups.

Classical Andalusian music

The classical music of northern Africa (sometimes called the Maghreb region) shares many theoretical and technical elements with Arab music. The term “Andalusian music,” also known as ma’luf music, is derived from the route Arab music took via Spain to northern Africa. This music reached its peak during the ’Abbasid dynasty (750­1258). It was transmitted via Cordova to southern Spain during the late Umayyad dynasty (756­1031), and underwent a process of development in Andalusia. Later it was brought by the Moors to North Africa. In addition to the Spanish route, Arab music entered the region directly with the Arab conquests of the seventh century. With the expansion of the Ottoman empire, Arab cultural influence extended beyond Morocco to other North African nations. The classical music of Tunisia and Morocco alone developed independent of the various strains of Arab music which made their way into the region. Andalusian music centers on vocal and instrumental chamber ensembles which employ traditional Arab instruments. In vocal music genres, instrumentalists double as the chorus which responds to the soloist. String accompaniment consists of the rebab, the ud, qanun, and kamanja, or spike fiddle. In recent times, the kamanja has come to denote the violin or viola, which is played upright on the knee. Percussion instruments include the goblet­shaped drum (darabukka), the tambourine (tar), and the single­headed kettledrum (naqqara). Wind instruments include the cane flute (nai) and, more recently, the clarinet.

Contemporary music

Contemporary popular music dominates most radio and television programs today. The vast majority of tapes sold on the street are of famous singers or music from film tracks. Many of these tapes find their way into the greater Arab sphere. Folk songs of the countryside and instrumental music employing the nai, ghaita, bagpipes or clarinet, the darabukka, and tambourine (bendir) are also popular. This music is vital for initiation ceremonies, weddings and other festive occasions. Similar ensembles also exist among the Bedouins, the Tuareg, and the Berbers of Tunisia.

Religious music

Religious music is found among the mystic Muslims called Sufi. It is performed by the dervish, or mystics. Beginning with the Tunisian Suramyna, there are at least ten different Sufi sects in

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North Africa, all of which have song and dance traditions. The dervish often whirl in circles to the music of nai, tabl, ghaita, and bendir in an attempt to reach a state of religious ecstasy.

Berber and Gnawa music

The music of the Berbers and other indigenous ethnic groups cannot be overlooked. The indigenous music of the Berbers, the original inhabitants of the region, has been perpetuated, although its original flavor has faded somewhat as a result of exposure to Arab music. In contrast, the Berbers in Algeria and the Atlas mountains of Morocco have perpetuated an ancient vocal tradition. This unusual song style is characterized by women singing in full­throated unison while dancing in a group. The songs and dances that are performed during festivals virtually overflow with vitality. Berber music focuses on vocal music, particularly women‘s songs, although many narrative songs exist as well. Another major ethnic group are the black Gnawas of Guinea. Among the Gnawas are professional musicians who also heal the sick and perform incantations. These musicians earn their living primarily by performing for the lower classes. Gnawa gypsies, in the meantime, help perpetuate the musical culture in their wanderings throughout the region. Tunisia and Morocco not only preserve and transmit the Arab musical culture and indigenous musical traditions, but also chanson and other Western musical traditions in the cities and upper classes, where French influence remains strong.

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Tunisia

17­2

Bedouin dance Tunis, Tunisia

The belly dance, in which female dancers quickly rotate their hips, can be found widely in regions facing the Mediterranean Sea, including Turkey, Iran, and the Arab countries. This recording shows a dance closely resembling the belly dance, although the dancer is fully clothed. The performance takes place at a restaurant and is accompanied by the qanun, darabukka, flute, and violin. Refer to section 16­15 for more information on Bedouin dances.

17­3

Ma’luf — classical music Sidi Bou Said, Tunisia

Not far from Tunis, the capital of Tunisia, is the town of Sidi Bou Said, which overlooks the Mediterranean Sea. The buildings in the town are all white, except for their blue window and door sills. The deep blue of the Mediterranean and the contrasting white and blue of the town harmonize remarkably well. The town is known for its classical Andalusian music ensembles. Classical music, also known as ma’luf or nawba music, is characterized by a song leader and chorus who sing in unison to the accompaniment of an ensemble of traditional Arab instruments. Generally the ud, nai, darabukka, tar, naqqara, violin, and cello serve as accompaniment.

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Morocco

17­4

Berber Dance

This dance is performed in a Berber (Muslim) mosque courtyard. The women in bright folk dress form a line (at times a circle) and dance peacefully while singing in unison and clapping to the beat. The singers use natural voices that border on wailing. The song, both strong and bewitching, has a rich vitality. The white­clothed men in the center of the circle, mainly dervish apprentices, beat out the rhythm on the tar and tabl. This type of dance often lasts for hours. In the course of the dance, the Women often fall into a trance in which they occasionally let out piercing screams, signalling that they have reached a state of religious ecstasy. The same type of experience can also be found in the Bedouin dances of Iraq (16­12).

17­5

Nawba — classical music selection: prelude to “Sunset” ensemble: El­Fhuna Fez, Morocco

Moroccan music can be broadly divided into secular and religious music. Classical music is included in ’ala, or secular music. Although classical music is generally known as ma’luf throughout North Africa, it is usually called nawba in Morocco. Because nawba music is an important element of classical Andalusian music, it has become a generic term for classical music as a whole. However, in the strict sense, it should be considered a subdivision of Andalusian music. Nawba consists of vocal and instrumental ensembles, usually set out in five parts, which begin with an instrumental introduction called tushiya. The entire piece is preceded by a prelude called lamshaliya. The item recorded here is the prelude to a piece entitled “Sunset.” Classical Moroccan music, or Andalusian music, is transmitted largely in the cities of the north, including Tangier, Tetuan, and Fez. Tetuan is home to a contemporary music conservatory that provides traditional music education. The piece is performed by the El­fhuna ensemble, which hails from Fez. The ud, two violins, tar, darabukka, and nai are used.

17­6

Saharan dance: “Iwana” May 1979/Marrakech, Morocco

This group from western Sudan consists of ten dancers who click metal castanet­like instruments (qaraqeb) to the beat. They leap, squat, and spin. At times, a dancer moves to the center to display his skills. The drummers play the double­headed tabl while spinning. They interweave various rhythmic patterns with the qaraqeb to produce complex polyrhythms.

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This type of music and dance is commonly found among the black Gnawa. “Iwana” is the name applied by this group to this dance.

17­7

Berber street musicians May 1979/Marrakech, Morocco

This group consists of two players of the three­string plucked lute (genbri) and one single­string spike lute (rebab) player. The rebab player is the leader, with the genbri players forming a chorus. Their repertoire consists primarily of lyric songs. Musicians of this type are called shahai in some regions.

17­8

Imdyazn — minstrels May 1979/Marrakech, Morocco

These minstrels, who fall into the same category as the street musicians, also use the genbri and rebab. They resemble the street musicians in the sense that their repertoire centers of folklore and heroic tales of the past or narratives of martyrdom, although they take much pride in their designation as wandering minstrels: imdyazn.

17­9

Street artists of Marrakech Marrakech, Morocco

The Kutopia minaret tower of Marrakech, the ancient capital of the south, has been a symbol of the city since the twelfth century. It is near the casbah of the old city and the marketplace. Around dusk each day, the Jema el funa plaza around the tower becomes a huge outdoor theater. Each day about eighty groups of street artists, including snake charmers, falconers, organ grinders, horsemen, fortune~tellers, magicians, preachers, classical and street musicians and acrobats, perform throughout the plaza.

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“Sound Culture” in Black Africa Kawada Junzo

The African continent is divided into two geo­cultural regions: North Africa, with a population of which the majority is non­negroid, and sub­Saharan Africa, made up mostly of negroid peoples. Linguistically North Africans have a large common ground with the cultures surrounding the Mediterranean Sea and with the Middle East. The North African cultures of ancient Egypt, ancient Aksum, Roman North Africa, and the Arab and Islamic cultures can be characterized as cultures of stone. In contrast, black African society might be viewed as a culture of mud, grass, and wood. Compared to a system of values that wishes to preserve an eternal and everlasting monument in stone, as exemplified by the Egyptian pyramids, black African culture is preserved in palaces, masks, and statues made of earth and wood, materials that deteriorate easily but are renewable. Rather than leaving a message for future generations inscribed in imperishable materials, black African society developed processes of regenerative transmission. The extreme of this process is to communicate sound or verbal messages without writing them down, from generation to generation. Rather than preserving culture externally, humans themselves, immersed in the natural flow of time, became living vessels of culture in black Africa. The point is not that black Africans “did not have a writing system,” but that, possessing a cultural spirit flowing throughout the black African world, poles apart from the idea of literary culture, they “did not need a writing system.” In terms of looking at the black African “sound culture” (the term “music” is too narrow) — that rich and multifaceted world of sound — the idea of the human as a living vessel of culture is very important. For the sound culture, music is, in an extended sense, the human expression of time in its purest form.

Two African experiences

I would like to relate a simple, but, for me, very profound experience I had while living on the savannah of West Africa. On the night of a full moon, a savannah village without electric lights is illuminated by the white light of the moon, looking as if a frost has fallen. On a night like this, it seems a pity to go to sleep in one’s hut. The girls of the village must think so too. Girls of young age up through puberty gather in open areas of the village. In circles of five to ten they start dancing, singing a gay song in a hemiola rhythm, making fun of the young men in the village. Two girls facing each other across the circle move towards the center, singing, dancing, and clapping their hands until they meet in the middle, where they do an about face and bump their buttocks together before dancing back to their positions in the circle. The girls next to them then dance into the center and bump buttocks. As if intoxicated by the moonlight, the girls incessantly sing and perform this dance — called “kigba” ("Buttock and buttock”) in the local language — until the moon reaches its zenith in the early dawn. In the course of observing such scenes numerous times, I came to view this dance as the village girls’ expression of praise to the moon. They express admiration for the moon by bathing in its rays and through the lively movements of their bodies. Then I tried to imagine how we, members of a contrasting, “literary” society, might act in the same situation. A Japanese poet might sit down on the veranda and start writing, “Ah, the shining moon. . . ” in celebration of its beauty. Exactly what the Japanese would do is not the point here, but rather the fact that, in contrast to

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the girls of a savannah village bathing themselves in the light of the moon as they dance, the action of seating oneself to eulogize the moon in writing is, if nothing else, conceivable. Expressed in reverse, in contrast to the action of conceptualizing the emotions felt through language and then preserving them externally in material symbols, i.e., letters, there can also exist the action of dancing, of immersing oneself in the emotions felt, to experience, to live out those emotions through the body's lively movements. In contrast to the action of writing something down, which renders void the element of time, in dancing the subject becomes immersed in time. What we find here is the experience of the flow between sound and bodily movement at a very pure level, something for which the term “music” is inappropriate in its narrowness. Another unforgettable experience of mine involves drum language. I had embarked on historical research of the Mosi Kingdoms that were formed on the West African savannah several hundred years ago. Following preparatory research, I was just beginning an on­site survey of the Southern Mosi Kingdom, said to be the oldest of these kingdoms. Having started gathering historical legends at the King’s palace, I wanted to learn the genealogy of the royal family from its beginning. l was told by the King that an extended version of the royal genealogy was recited in special detail at several annual ceremonies, such as the ancestral festival following the harvest of the main crop, millet, but that in the early morning of the Great Market, held every twenty­one days, musicians perform a recitation in the front garden of the king’s palace. The king suggested I might start by recording this performance. On the day of the next Great Market, I arose before dawn and departed for the front garden of the king‘s palace. Eventually, the musicians that I had come to know arrived, sat down crosslegged on the ground in the garden, and started playing brisk rhythms, using both hands on drums made of big spherical gourds with goatskin drumheads. I immediately started recording, but what seemed like the prelude went on and on, so in order to save tape I stopped recording arid got set to start again when the recitation of the genealogy itself began. After playing in a serious manner for about forty minutes, the musicians stopped to relax and wipe off perspiration. Then, saying something to me like, “How did the recording go?” they hefted their drums and left, walking out the palace gate. I waited there for a while, but the sun soon rose and palace attendants appeared to start cleaning the garden. When I asked one of the elder attendants in broken phrases if the musicians were going to come back and recite the genealogy, he responded that the recitations had just been finished. I was dumbfounded, but over time I have come to understand how the names of all the historical kings and their mothers are able to be “recited” using just the sound of the drum. Since that time, in the course of on­site research totaling seven years, I have studied how to produce drum language myself and have also done acoustic analyses of drum language using machines such as the sound spectrograph. One aspect of those results that is relevant here is that, while the nature of drum language is in some ways similar to that of written language, it is perhaps best viewed as the exact opposite of written language.

Drum language and written text

Drum language is not simple signals sent by means of the sound of drums, but a system of communicating a linguistic message. Its principle lies in tracing characteristics of spoken language‘s minute details — pitch, volume, and rhythm — to create expression in instrumental sound. These so­called suprasegmental features that are an inherent part of spoken language

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disappear completely in written language. On the other hand, the part of spoken language that writing in general, and writing in alphabetic languages in particular, is able to represent, includes the so­called segmental features composed by different combinations of consonants and vowels which allow, in their way, the meaning of the language to be expressed. Drum language, and also the small two or three­holed flute that was used by West African hunters for communication, are just the opposite. When the suprasegmental features of spoken language are expressed through the sounds of these instruments, the segmental features of spoken language disappear completely, rendering the meaning that is perceived visually from written language utterly nebulous. The majority of languages in West Africa are tonal, meaning that the pitch of the voice plays an important role in discriminating meaning at the level of individual words. Compared with languages like French, where neither pitch, nor stress, nor length of the sound play roles as distinctive features at the level of individual words, tonal languages are more easily adaptable for communication through instrumental sound. In other words, in contrast to the written word, which completely externalizes and locks language by removing from it the aspects of breath and voice, drum and flute languages are communication processes based on taking only the musical ­­ using the word “musical” intentionally to indicate a connection with other musical realms — aspects of spoken language. I mentioned earlier some similarities between drum language and written language. These are; (1) the ability to communicate over long distances, both spatial and temporal; and (2) the ability to produce exact repetitions of a linguistic: message for reference. The sound of the drum and flute carry much farther than the human voice, and if transmissions are repeated, as in the case of the slit­drum in the rain forest areas of Africa, a linguistic message can be communicated as far as transmitters (drummers) dwell. Furthermore, as with the recitation of the royal genealogy, a formalized and set linguistic message that members of a particular descent group start learning at a young age by repeatedly beating it out using both of their hands, can be built in the body itself, as the movement of the hands serves to create a subconscious mnemonic device, contributing to the accuracy of transmission to later generations. Thus, drum language is effective in transmitting over great temporal distances, even more than spoken language. Also, in situations like this where the sound text is fixed and permanent, listeners are able to receive exactly the same message on different occasions, providing them with “repetitive reference,” an important characteristic of written language as well. However, while a written message is received visually, the reception of dynastic history in drum language forms an exampie of stark contrast — subjectively, intellectually, and individually. The celebrants gathered at the king’s festival, perhaps pleasantly intoxicated, receive the solemnly drummed message aurally as opposed to visually, passively rather than with active subjectivity, and with their feelings instead of their intellect. Also of importance is the fact that the reader of a text is able to, at will, stop to think, to subjectively remove the element of time from the communication process, contrasted with drum language messages which are received by groups whose listeners are swept up by the flow of the instrumental sound and can only receive the message within the context of time. Drum language shows marked development in West and Central Africa. Drums used for this include the drum, mentioned above, made of a goatskin stretched across the cut­off end of a spherical gourd, an arm­span around in size, played with both bare hands; a wood hour­glass shaped drum (struck with a curved drumstick) with goatskin heads on both ends laced together by means of some thirty thin strips of leather which alter the pitch when pressed under the arm or

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forearm or when pulled by the fingers; a paired large and small wood drum set played with bent drumsticks; and the slit­drum made of a hollowed­out log, common to the forest areas.

“I dance, therefore I am”

On the linguistic level, drum language, as we have seen, the exact opposite of written language as a means of communication. In the course of my stay in Africa, I came to a different view of dance, which, when viewed on a more general level than the linguistic, seems to represent an inclination opposing that found in the use of writing. For the world's great religions, which view their written scriptures as absolute, a negative position towards dancing in general is not completely without reason. Dance would be incorporated into any of the great religions either as a means of pronouncing heresy against the orthodoxy of the written word, or in a situation where a compromise must be drawn with the wants of the people. Referring to René Descartes’s “I think, therefore I am,” poet and ex­president of Senegal Léopold Sédar Senghor expressed the essence of his people in the statement, “I dance, therefore I am.” Dance is inseparably connected with human existence, in all the various facets of daily life and work, in sub­Saharan Africa. I have dealt in some detail with drum language and dance, including accounts of my personal experiences, because I want to emphasize two aspects at the root of the world of sound in black Africa that place it in polar opposition to literate cultures. These are the rhythms imparted to the physical body and the communication of messages through instrumental sounds (not the sounds produced only by “musical instruments,“ which is too narrow a definition, but the sounds produced by “sound tools”).

Instruments that instill rhythm in the flesh

If we examine the world of sound of inland societies of West Africa, which are marked by an abundance of instruments and a strong influence from the sound culture of North Africa, we can easily recognize how instruments are used to instill rhythm into the body. The many instruments found in West Africa can be categorized according to their points of origin. Among those originating in North Africa are: two­ to four­string bowed lutes; harp lutes such as the kora; single­string bowed lures; and metal horns and double­reed, oboe­like instruments. Among these, the metal and double­reed wind instruments were used by the Islamized societies from the northern area of Nigeria to Cameroon, especially as court instruments to praise the kings and nobles with sound. They were not, however, very widely distributed. The other string instruments are used to accompany song and storytelling, and are played among many Mande­speaking peoples by the members of endogamous musician clans. The xylophones (called balafon, marimba, etc.) seen throughout West and Central Africa are said to have affinities with those of Southeast Asia. While their scales differ — with four, five, or seven notes, depending on the area — they tend to be more melodious in nature than other instruments, enabling independent performance on these instruments alone. Compared with those instruments that may have come from outside, the indigenous instruments — the various drums mentioned above, large and small double­headed cylindrical drums, two­ and three­hole flutes, and idiophones like gourd rattles and hand bells — are for the most part percussive in nature. Also, rather than playing subsidiary roles determined by singing and storytelling traditions, these instruments communicate the message itself in the form of drum language and flute language. The drums and rattles also transmit rhythmic sound messages

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directly into humans’ bodies. For this to be effective, a strong percussive punch is important. The single­string bowed lute, introduced relatively late from North Africa mainly through the Songhay people, has a small semi­spherical sounding box, and produces a soft sound; but since it doesn't have a strong nature, this type of bowed lute is accompanied by gourd rattles in many societies.

The allure of black Africa

The Mosi people of Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta), with whom I have had a long relationship, have developed a rich World of sound that includes drum language. They do not, however, have a distinct conception of “music” as such. Their radical categorization of sound, independent of how it is produced — by instrument, human voice, or non­human voice — into meaningful sound which communicates a message, and meaningless noise which does not, has much in common with the signal­noise dichotomy of modern information science. Drum language is naturally included in the category of “meaningful sound,” and being danceable is an important factor. Not only the Mosi, but black African people in general have given great value to non­verbal sound as message. The minor importance of the bowed lute and a general tendency toward percussive performance are both aspects of the attraction “non­musical” sound in African music. Musicians intentionally create such sound by inserting wire rings in holes punched in the edges of metal tabs attached to the perimeters of drum heads and on the necks of harps and lutes. Drum and xylophone players also attach bell­like instruments to their wrists which rattle when the arms are moved. After considering the general tendencies in music throughout the world, however, attempts to remove all “non­musical” noise in order to attain a purely musical sound, as exemplified in Western Classical music, should perhaps be viewed as the exception rather than the rule. As mentioned above, “musical instrument” is too narrow a term to apply to the world of sound in Africa, which not only encompasses both linguistic and musical domains, but even incorporates tools and utensils from daily life as sound instruments, thus undermining the modern Western conception of music. By examining the instruments of West Africa, we can see that, like other cultural areas, Africa has incorporated into its world of sound a notable amount from outside. Over time, a variety of different instruments have been incorporated and taken on the unique flavor of black Africa. And herein lies the special allure of this world of sound: the coexistence of an extraordinary ease of manner with a primal intensity.

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The Music of Africa Tatsumura Ayako

It is almost impossible to discuss the music of Africa as a single entity clue to the great number of different societies with their various musical forms spread all over the huge African continent. The culture north of the Sahara desert is part of what can be broadly termed the Arab Islamic music culture, and is generally not included in African music. Instead, the term African music is often used to indicate the music of cultures south of the Sahara, so­called black Africa. However, there is no real clear border between these two cultural areas, and those areas of black Africa where the influence of Islam is strong (mainly in the north) have adopted many essential elements of Arab musical culture. In general, a taste for the nasal sound of double­reed wind instruments and mono­phonies sung with a tight throat are features which distinguish northern Africa from sub­Saharan Africa where music is characterized by polyphonies and polyrhythms. Yet in Ethiopia, for example, the musical traditions of the Coptic religion, viewed as an early form of Christianity, still exist today. Even between sub­Saharan cultures, the cultures based on agriculture extending from western to central Africa and those based on livestock­raising in eastern Africa show clear differences in such aspects as instruments, rhythm, and dance elements. Western African music is generally known by its “hot” rhythms which are intense and agitated, with a fast basic tempo. Musical cultures of the Mande (Mandinga) of Western Africa and the Bantu peoples spread over Southern Africa tend to form their own cultural circles corresponding to linguistic categorizations. And hunting and gathering peoples like the Pygmies and the San (Bushmen) are well known for their unique musical expressions. Although individual societies influence each other, one of the most important characteristics of African musical cultures is their own unique development. All told, the area extending from the gulf coast of Guinea across Central and South Africa can be viewed as the center of so­called “African” musical culture.

Music and society

The various expressions produced by the living human body — sound, song, and the performance of musical instruments, and the physical body movements that accompany these, dance — make up one of the most essential and important elements of African culture. In almost all African societies singing is a natural act occurring with the activities of daily life. Children sing and dance as they play, while women sing threshing songs as they pound grain and lullabies as they entertain their children. Men sing hunting songs when they leave on hunting trips and have customary songs for such organized activities as woodcutting and housebuilding. Songs are also composed that satirize or lampoon other people or societies. When people are travelling alone, they often play the sansa or mbira to dispel loneliness. Songs and dances are also an indispensable part of beer­drinking parties and festivals. There is often special music for large scale formal events, such as coming­of­age and Wedding ceremonies, and funerals, for which the participants must learn particular lyrics, melodies, and singing and clapping patterns. Another characteristic of African music is the existence of various levels of professional and semi­professional musicians. Drumming, which plays a particularly important social role in many African cultures, requires long years of discipline to master. These masters must then

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communicate the traditions to future generations by instilling them in either their sons or other male members of the next generation. In societies where sultans and chieftaincy systems still exist, musicians and music groups in service to the rulers sing their lord’s songs of praise and recite royal genealogies, at the same time taking the ceremonial music of old and communicating it in the present. In Western Africa, professional musicians called griot travel alone or in small groups from village to village to participate in and increase the popularity of events like weddings and other ceremonies. A singer or solo string instrumentalist may travel with several accompanists or other musicians who have gathered around him. Talented griot have a large repertoire of lyrical ballads and tales committed to memory, and are also proficient at composing and performing impromptu songs in praise of people or about current events. These artists receive both respect and remuneration not only as musicians, but also as the conveyors of history and communicators of rich traditions.

Drums and percussion instruments

A wide variety of percussion instruments can be seen throughout Africa. They are classified into two groups: membranophones — those producing sound through the vibration of a membrane such as a stretched skin drumhead; and idiophones — those whose sound is produced by the vibration of wood or other material that forms the body of the instrument itself. Stretched skin drums come in two basic forms: single­headed drums and double­headed drums. The bodies of these drums are made from a variety of materials such as hollowed­out logs, wooden strips held together by steel hoops, gourds, and even clay pots and tin cans. They come in a myriad of shapes including cylinders, half­cylinders, cones, barrel­shapes, tapered cylinders, bottle shapes, hourglass shapes, and so on. Some drums are played with drumsticks and others by hand. Huge stationary drums are often used to send messages to the villagers or as the master drums during festivals. In West Africa, there is an hourglass­shaped tension drum that is hung on the shoulder and played with sticks. The tension of its two heads is altered by applying pressure to the ropes tying them together, thus altering the pitch of the drum sound itself. In contrast, the shoulder­hung drum of East Africa is usually single­headed and played with the hands. Slit­drums (see 8­15) are important members of the idiophone family. These are played by beating the sides of long vertical slits made in hollow logs. in Africa, regular drums are often used non­musically as so­called “talking drums.” Slit­drums are used in this manner in Central and West Africa. There are also instruments that are not drums but slabs of wood or stone beaten with pieces of those same materials. Bells and other important types of percussion instruments made of metal are often used in ensembles to beat the basic rhythm, for they produce a sound that stands out because of its unique tone color. Rattles are another important form of rhythm instrument, often made of pieces of wood, metal, or shell woven into a net around the outside of a gourd. Wicker and rattan work connecting several seeds together are other examples. A rattle called sistrum is Y­shaped with a stick across the top to which are attached several rings. Another interesting group of idiophones are stamping sticks and tubes, often made of bamboo or gourd, which are stamped against the ground to produce sound.

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Xylophones and lamellaphones

Xylophones are also representative of African instruments. They range from very simple types made by placing different sized pieces of wood over a box, an urn, or a hole dug in the ground, or wooden keys set in place across two banana tree trunks, to elaborate instruments made by suspending gourds under each individual key to serve as resonators (see 17­13). Spider’s nest membranes are sometimes attached to holes cut out on the resonator in order to produce additional buzzes and rattle sounds. These extra noises represent a characteristically African musical taste. Xylophone music runs the gamut from music for individual enjoyment to the highly advanced art music of professionals. The sansa and the mbira are part of a group of simple keyboard instruments widely enjoyed throughout Africa (see 17­12 and 19­16). They have also been imported to America where they are known as thumb pianos. They consist of a number of thin springy metal strips set up in parallel and attached at one end across the top of a sounding box. The unattached ends are plucked with the thumbs. Often, small bits of metal or shells are attached to the base of each strip, or key, to produce a buzzing sound each time the key is plucked. Simple in design, but able to produce a rich variety of music, they range from small instruments used for individual enjoyment to large ones used by professional musicians. Ethnomusicologists classify these instruments as “lamellaphones.”

String Instruments

One of the most widespread string instruments in Africa is the musical bow. Among these, the mouth bow is played by inserting part of the instrument in the mouth and then plucking it with the hand or a pick, so that the mouth becomes a sounding box, with the pitch changing according to the shape of the mouth. Gourds, set near the middle or at one end of a string, are also used as resonators. The string sometimes is divided into two halves by placing a bridge in the middle. Musical bows are particularly abundant in South Africa. Members of the zither family, instruments whose strings are stretched horizontally across the body, include the following: an idiochord zither whose strings are made from bark strips peeled from the wood used for the body; the valiha of Madagascar, made by stretching strings (usually metallic) over a tube of bamboo or other material; and zithers made of strings stretched over wood carved into a boat shape. Members of the lute family, instruments whose strings are stretched parallel to the neck, are divided into those played with a bow and those plucked with either the fingers or picks. Among the bowed lutes are the one­string type, found in the northern part of West Africa (usually having a gourd body, a lizard­skin front, and a horsehair bow, as in 18­6) where there is a strong Islamic influence, and the cylindrical type found in East and Central Africa (with a hollowed out gourd body, a duiker antelope­hide front, and strings and a bow made with sisal hemp). Instruments whose strings are set perpendicular to the body fall into the harp family, but Africa is unique in having many instruments that share the characteristics of both lutes and harps. First is the bow lute which has multiple bow­shaped necks sticking out of its body; each neck has one string stretched from its tip horizontally across the body. This plucked instrument is classified in the lute family. Second is the bow (arched) harp, whose strings are consecutively stretched diagonally from a single bow­shaped neck, and are plucked (see 18­5). Midway between these is the so­called harp­lute, such as the kora of West Africa. The instrument has a straight neck and

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the strings are set lute­fashion (parallel to the neck). There is a perpendicularly set bridge on the body, however, that raises the strings so that they are diagonally set with respect to the body, running on both sides of the bridge. This instrument is held with the strung side facing the player and plucked with the fingers of both hands. It should be classified in the harp­lute or kora family. It is thought that this type of intermediary instrument developed as a result of the African taste for short percussive sounds to be used in phrases that are connected in mosaic patterns rather than for producing extended melodies. Apparently instruments originally in the lute family were altered so that they could be plucked in the same fashion as instruments of the harp family. Instruments reminiscent of the ancient Greek lyre family, with a U­shaped sounding box and a frame connected by a cross­bar from which strings are stretched over a bridge to the sounding box, are important in Africa east of Sudan. Examples are the begana and krar of Ethiopia, and the obukano and litungu of Kenya. They are often hand­plucked by professional singer/players and musician groups.

Wind instruments

Examples of instruments in the flute family are bamboo or com­stalk pipes with finger holes and ocarinas made of hollow fruit husks. Traditions of several flutists performing in ensemble hocket style (supporting each other by exchanging short phrases), and of performing showy polyrhythms on flutes of different pitches, exist in Central and Southern Africa. The rich music produced by the simple flute of the Pygmy is well­known. In the horn and trumpet family, instruments are made of ivory and animal homs, bamboo pipes with gourd resonators attached on their ends, and metal pipes wrapped with leather. Ivory and animal horn instruments are often blown transversely (horizontally). A long trumpet played on special occasions is found in the savannah areas of Ethiopia, Tanzania, and West Africa (see 18­1 and 18­2). As for reed instruments, single­reed (clarinet­type) instruments, commonly using reeds made of com stalks, are found in the savannah regions of West Africa. Double­reed (oboe­type) instruments are found in areas of strong Islamic influence (Somalia, Chad, Burkina Faso, Northern Nigeria, and the Kenyan and Tanzanian coastal areas of East Africa) (see 18­3).

Musical structure

Scales in African music vary among ethnic groups from four to seven tones, but five­tone (pentatonic) and seven­tone (heptatonic) scales are most common. Where neighboring peoples use different scales, local instrument stores stock instruments such as xylophones in both scales. In vocal music, “call and response” patterns (a chorus sings in response to a lead singer) are very common. In choral singing, parallel melodies are sung thirds, fourths, fifths, and octaves apart. Societies with heptatonic scales tend to sing in parallel thirds and societies with pentatonic scales tend to sing in parallel fourths and fifths. Descending melodies in four­measure units are often found. In societies with pentatonic scales, a kind of transposition often occurs in which a melody is shifted from one position to another; the intervals of such singing can be seconds, thirds, or fifths from the basic position or melody. Above all, the appeal of African music lies in the richness of its rhythmic structure. Instrumentally, a common form is to convert short melodic phrases into repeated rhythmic patterns, which are then varied and embellished to create a rhythmically woven mosaic. A hemiola pattern, a combination of duple and triple rhythm, often occurs, especially in the music

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of drum and rhythm instruments, In ensembles of two or more instruments, rhythm patterns are layered to form intricate multilinear rhythms. In the large scale drum­based orchestras that perform at large festivals, metal bells, percussion instruments (including hand­clapping), and chorus gather in ensemble around the central drum and drum leader (called the master drummer) to produce rich and colorful polyphonies and polyrhythms. Hand­clapping and percussion instruments perform individually fixed rhythms as a base. The drums and other instruments perform complex patterns, frequently using hemiolas with gradual­variations, which build in layers to form vertically and horizontally complex polyphonies and polyrhythms. However, all this is based on a fixed pulse that gives the performance cohesiveness and produces a sound space with richness and intensity. As to why an organized performance of such complex rhythmic structures can be maintained for so long, the “metronome sense,” an ability of Africans to continuously keep time with their bodies, is suggested. The role of the master drummer is to give directions for the variations in the overall performance. For example, in a masked dance where new masks are donned one after another, rhythm patterns change accordingly. It is the master drummer who creates the feel that makes it easy for the dancers to dance, and for that reason they choose their places to dance in easy view of the master.

Influence of African music

In Africa, the musical sensibility is one in which a special, ritual world unfolds as the physical body becomes one with the very live and intense space created by the music and its performer/participants. This sensibility was taken to the new world by black slaves where it gave birth to jazz and rhythm and blues, and became the source for present­day rock. Meanwhile, modern music from African metropolitan areas is growing in popularity among young people in other parts of the world. Starting with “highlife” in the sixties and seventies, and now in the eighties with Yoruba metropolitan music called “juju,” African music continues to gain popularity. Professional performers of African traditional music are becoming more active on the world stage. Composers of modern music in Europe and America are learning from African traditions, especially about rhythmic structures and the means of making temporal constructions, and frequently use this knowledge in their own compositions. The strong influence of African music can be seen, for example, in the work of so­called minimalist composers.

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Mali Paul Kazuhisa Eguchi

The Dogon

17­10

Masked dance of the Dogon June 1982/southeast Mali

The Dogon, an agricultural people living in the Dogon land of the Republic of Mali, have long been the subject of ethnological studies, in part due to their rich artistic sense. They are one of the most researched ethnic groups in Africa. They have a complex system of myths, the characters of which are represented as masks. This masked dance was recorded at Sangha, a village in the mountains, several hours drive from the city of Mopti on the Niger River. Although it was performed for tourists, it is a valuable film in that it allows us a glimpse of the traditional life of the Dogon. The masked dance performed here is traditionally performed once every sixty years. It is part of a ceremony called the Sigi Festival in which masks that represent the Dogon’s creation myths and ancestral celebrations appear one after another. The largest and longest mask that appears represents their first ancestral god.

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Cameroon Paul Kazuhisa Eguchi

The Fulbe [northern Cameroon]

The Fulbe are widely spread out over the savannah area on the southern periphery of the Sahara desert, between Mauritania and Senegal to the west and the Ethiopian border to the east. Their total population is estimated to be around fifteen million. They are mainly concentrated in Futa Toro (in Senegal), Futa Jalon (in Kenya), Masina (in Mali), and northern Cameroon. For the majority, their livelihood is equally divided between agriculture and cattle raising, although some groups are exclusively nomadic pastoralists. In the early nineteenth century, the Fulbe in northern Cameroon waged an Islamic war in Nigeria, gaining control over many other ethnic groups and their lands. These Fulbe are basically Islamic farmers and cattle breeders, but they have also successfully adopted some of the culture of the inhabitants of the lands they conquered, and they have created their own unique culture in these various places. The same may be said of their musical culture. The Fulbe of Cameroon have adopted most of the instruments of the Hausa that lived there before them. They have also borrowed the music of conquered people such as the Mbum at Ngawndere. The scenes recorded here of the music of the Fulbe in northern Cameroon were filmed between 1984 and 1985, moving from the south northward. (For information on the Tikar of Cameroon, see 18­14 and 18­15.)

17­11

Praise song for King Iisa sanai: Iisa Gannjal December 1984/Ngawndere, northern Cameroon

Iisa Yaaya (seen seated towards the back in the recording, faced by the musicians as they perform), king of the Fulbe kingdom in Ngawndere, celebrated the beginning of the twelfth anniversary of his accession to the throne in December, 1984. For the king’s coronation anniversary, people gathered for an evening celebration party (hiirde) in the palace which is shown here. The leader of the musicians for this event is a sanai (wind instrument) player from Tinyeer, Iisa Gannjal. In addition to the sanai, the orchestra is made up of several drums, double gongs (konsiire in the Fulfulde language, and not visible in this recording), and a number of dancers and singers of the Kutin people. The celebration started at 4:00 p.m. and continued until almost midnight. There were several thousand participants. For several hours, pieces with such lyrics as “Iisa ’dan Yaaya, Iisa Laamii’do, Laamii’do Ngawndere” (“Iisa is Yaaya‘s child, Iisa is the king, Ngawndere’s king”) and “Iisa ’dan Yaaya, Iisa baaba yerima Hayaatu” (“Iisa is Yaaya’s child, Iisa is the father of Prince Hayaatu”) are performed repeatedly by musicians led by the sanai. The women sing the lyrics. Although this celebration is carried out in honor of the king, that honor is expressed in the form of gifts presented to the performing musicians. The participants take pleasure in astounding and overwhelming the audience with the quality and volume of these gifts of clothing and gold coins.

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The musicians are dressed in the clothing and their foreheads are decorated with the coins. Announcements are frequently made by the master of ceremonies between songs, at which time silence falls over the whole area, only to have the music start up again. The participants become intoxicated with the combination of spectacle and music.

17­12

Sansa — finger piano performance sansa: Huseyni Timmbiri December 1984/Ngawndere, northern Cameroon

Ngawndere is the northernmost point where the sansa is used, and it is played by the Mbum, one of the ethnic groups conquered by the Fulbe. Two famous sansa performers, Abu Timmbiri and Huseyni Timmbiri, live in Ngawndere. Huseyni appears in this recording. He has been playing the sansa (called timmbiri in Mbum) for fifteen years. His accompanist is Suley. In addition to “Tanannge” and the other pieces recorded here, he plays such pieces as “Yan lan,” “Ali,” “Fangaw,” “Koro,” “Dah,” and “Daajam.” The sansa is usually held vertically in the lap but is also played laid down on the lap. Its sounding box is made of wood, but the keys themselves are made of bamboo. The pitches are adjusted by applying beeswax to the keys.

17­13

Balafon — Xylophone performance at the Ngawndere palace lead balafon: Jawro Njaa December 1984/Ngawndere, northern Cameroon

In the Fulbe king’s palace at Ngawndere is a xylophone (balafon) whose sounding box is a calabash that was used ceremonially by the king of the conquered Mbum. This instrument has never left the palace. Balafon of Ngawndere, like others of West Africa, have gourds suspended below their keys as resonators, and spider’s nests are attached to the holes on the ends of the gourds. Gourd­shaped resonators are called “father” (gan baaba) while cylindrical resonators are called “children” (’bi’b’be). The names of the fifteen keys, appearing on the screen from left to right, are: gan njaa, dim njaa, foroforo njaa, rem njaa, kira njaa, sa n a sin, jiki sin, sa n a tuqu njaa, ngaw jina sin, njaanba, kula njaa, tuku njaa, sara njaa, n an dok laka and n an dok laka. The low notes of the balafon (called njaa in Mbum) are likened to the father and the high notes are likened to the children, and are said to be played according to the rule, “when the father calls, the children respond.” This performance troupe is composed of the leader, Jawro Njaa, and Alhaji Aliyum Njaa, Saajo Njaa, Hama Laamu Njaa (these are all balafon players), people playing the long drum (tori) and short drum (maa dan), and the double gong player. (The gong pictured here has been played so many years that it has lost its original shape and has holes in it.) The performance takes place inside the First Gate (pak fil kala) of the king’s palace. Usually the palace harem dances to this music. There does not appear to be a particular title to the song. This is true palace music, which the populace is not allowed to hear.

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17­14

Dummbo — calabash instrument performance lead singer: Jaalige January 1985/Bogo, North Cameroon

The dummbo is an instrument made by cutting a giant calabash in half, hollowing it out, and then drying it. It is played by placing it on top of a branch on the ground and squeaking the cut edge of the gourd against the branch. A mysterious sound is produced in the resonator created by the hollow space between the calabash and the ground. This performance technique differs from striking a calabash that has been placed on the ground. This dummbo troupe, hailing from Balda village near Bogo, is made up of lead singer Jaalige, his vocal accompanist Omaru Goodiya, and six other dummbo players. After first singing praises of the king of Bogo, they honor in song the names of the local people who are their sponsors. Usually this name­honoring singing carries on all night. Since the sound of the dummbo can be heard at distances of several kilometers on quiet nights, this music is a means of attracting people. It is reported that this instrument has only recently become popular in this area, and was never seen ten years ago.

17­15

Buusaw — animal horn flute performance in front of the Maroua palace January 1985/Maroua, North Cameroon

Traditionally, on every Thursday evening and Friday morning, music singing the praises of the king is performed by musical troupes in the king’s service in front of every king's palace. This is related to the fact that Friday is the day of worship for the Muslim religion and it serves to remind people that they will soon be in worship. Each king has his own music. The main instruments are drums, sanai, and buusaw trumpets. In Maroua, the leader of the musical troupe is the buusaw player.

17­16

Garayya — bowed instrument performance in front of the Dargala palace lead singer: Faalama January 1985/Dargala, North Cameroon

The garayya is an instrument with a body made of lizard skin stretched over a gourd. The lead singer is Faalama (born about 1960) who has become very popular among the people here in recent years. Appearing on the screen, from the left are Maana, Sa’in, Muusa, and Muusa, four accompanying vocalists and gourd instrument players. Toobi Njidda is the man providing the interspersed accompaniment. This song is entitled “Newspaper Journalist.” The accompanying singers sing, “Jurnaist yaa Allah” (“Ah, Journalist!”). The names of the members of the filming team were even included in the song.

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17­17

Minstrel poet of Maroua mbooku singer; Aakal January 1985/Maroua, North Cameroon

This minstrel poet is singing lyrical poems called mbooku. Mbooku are presently sung and passed on by approximately thirty poets, most of whom live around Bogo village. Aakal is a blind poet from Maroua. Loved by the king of Bogo village, he has a residence there as well, but spends the major part of the year travelling to various places to sing. This film was made at Maroua. The Fulbe experienced drastic social changes from the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries when European forces entered northern Cameroon. The mbooku poets, sympathizing with the feelings of the people in those times of social tension, travelled from village to village singing their songs. Although the majority of these verses have been lost with the deaths of the poets, it is thought that tens of thousands of mbooku poem verses existed at the peak of their popularity. Topics for these poems were taken from the themes of greatest interest to the people at the time, such as the pathos of human life, famine, war, the invasion of the white man, thieves, legends of beauties, tales of blacksmiths, attacks by hyenas, locust plagues, and so on. Each verse is composed of eight to twelve syllables in even meter. In addition to the repertoire which has been traditionally passed down, there are several poems composed by these singers. The poems are sung by a single leader and several accompanying singers. Instruments are not used. Standing, the lead accompanying singers first warm up their voices (known as dooynaago) and then start singing in eamest. The song sung here is “Hayaa jam baago” ("There is no peace in this world”). The names of people who have attained great prosperity in the past are presented as examples of the evanescence of life, suggesting in a somewhat religious manner that as long as there is death in this world, peace can never be found. it starts with the question, “If there is no death in the world, where is Mohammadu, messenger of Allah?” and continues by reciting the names of all the historical kings. The eyes of those who are listening to these songs are often filled with tears. The main singer is Aakal. He is accompanied by Saali bii Umaru, Nasuru‘bii Daayiru, and Haamidu’bii Yuguda.

17­18

Minstrel poet of Dargala mbooku singer: Basiiru January 1985/Dargala, North Cameroon

Basiiru is an mbooku poet from Dargala town. As the main singer, he is standing in front in the middle, with three accompanists behind him. From left to right, they are Siddi, Bello, and Nasuru. His special pieces are “Giiwa jawmu hayyaga” (“A great man like the elephant of the mayor of Dargala”), and “Zigila.” “Zigila” is performed here.

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Zigila is the name of the clan leader of the Musgum people, who was active from the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. Zigila fought for supremacy with other ethnic groups such as the Fulbe. Both the Fulbe and Musgum went to the colonizing Germans for help. In exchange, they were to become the servants of the Germans. The Germans in Garoua at the time brought forces to Maroua to capture Zigila’s party. The expedition chased Zigila north beyond Maroua, but Zigila escaped even farther north than what used to be the coast of Lake Chad, and the German military expedition ended in failure. This drama is sung in great detail. It is probably safe to say that the people's love for this poem stems from the fact that even now they do not think well of the foreign force's jurisdiction over northern Cameroon. The accompanists sing “Be ndawran Zigila” (“They worked on a plan to catch Zigila”).

17­19

Cowherd’s song of Bogo town daacoowo: Buuba Gerdele January 1985/Bogo, North Cameroon

Although the Fulbe people do farm, there are also many who raise cattle. Cow herding songs known as daacol were originally sung by herdsmen as they tended their cattle. Today, however, they are sung by herdsman who liked the daacol so much that they gave up their livestock and became professional daacol singers, called daacoowo. At present there are only a small number of daacoowo in northern Cameroon. The best of these is Buuba Gerdele from the Ginglay area near Bogo. He is accompanied by Hoore Tudiri, Gordiri, Aadama Gawransu, and Maana. Daacol songs always include the names of the plains, rivers, and lakes the herders travelled through, and the villages and people that the herders and their cattle encountered on their range (which covers an area extending over several hundred kilometers). Unkind people are even mentioned, as well as people who have already died, at which point the chorus chimes, “May that person be blessed in heaven.” Now, even residents of the town and village can have their names included in the song and, in hopes of having their names sung, they make huge gifts to the singers. When they grow tired of singing, the leader and his accompanists tell various stories and tales which are also very popular. Daacol are frequently sung all night long. They are songs which give us a look at the spirit of the Fulbe as cattle herders.

17­20

Drum performance of Guirvidik town January 1985/Guirvidik, North Cameroon

Guirvidik town is governed by Aamadu Agorda, a convert to the Fulbe from the Musgum. The youth of the town, gathered by Yerima Saajo Maaliki, head of the youth group, and all of the musicians in the town present the dances and music that are their pride. The small drum called ganga pero, played by the Kanuri people, is a particularly exciting

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instrument. The leader of the four­person drum group, May Abba, beat the ganga pero in an impressive variety of different ways. People enthusiastically present May Abba with many gifts.

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Zaire Ogawa Ryo

The Mbuti

17­21

Dance of the Mbuti August 1985/Ituri Forest, northeast Zaire

The Mbuti (Bambuti is the plural form) live in the Ituri forest in the northeastern part of Zaire, and are the largest group of so­called pygmies. They have a population of approximately forty thousand. Known for their small stature — the average adult male is less than 150 centimeters tall — they survive mostly by hunting and gathering. Those in the north are mainly bow hunters while those in the south usually hunt with nets and spears. At present, they do not subsist from hunting and gathering alone. They trade some of the game they take for cassava and other foods produced by agricultural peoples in an effort to stabilize their food supply. Traditionally, the Mbuti do not produce metal tools, pottery or textiles, and might be perceived as backward when considered on a material level. However, they luxuriate in a culture rich in music, dance, and storytelling. Many stories and dances have themes of hunting, an important activity for their livelihood. Their regular prey is small game such as antelopes and birds, and dances depicting and imitating the movements of these animals are common. The dance filmed here, performed as a welcome to the filming team, is one of the Mbuti’s favorite dances. It depicts the surprised responses animals have on being attacked by human hunters. Through such dances, the Mbuti increase their knowledge of various animal habits, and seem to be praying to be able to acquire the strengths of the animals they hunt, increasing the chances for their own success.

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Tanzania Ogawa Ryo

The Masai

17­22

Dance of the Masai Tanzania

There are many pastoral peoples in the East African savannah area, but the Masai are especially well known for doing absolutely no farming, depending solely on livestock, especially cattle (their milk, blood, and meat) for the staples of their diet. The Masai are a tall, long­legged, dark­skinned people. While they raise sheep and goats as well, they clearly place the highest value on cattle. Cows, naturally indispensable for various traditional ceremonies, are even used in solving disputes. Division according to age is an important aspect of the structure of the Masai society. At a certain point boys join a group of others their own age. Youths who are circumcised at the same time become members of a single group with which they spend seven to fourteen years together. Patterns of appropriate behavior are set for each age group, but members of the youth group have the demanding task of learning the work and gaining the responsibility that will make them good adults. After this stage they will be relieved of the tasks directly surrounding livestock care to marry and become elders of the society, involving themselves in local government, religious activities, and the management of their herds. This dance of the young adult men of the warrior group is distinctive. Generally, the dances of livestock raising peoples do not include very complex body movements. But the dance of the young men of the Masai, which could be appropriately called “jumping dance,” is performed by simply jumping up and down with a straightened upper body, not even bending the legs very deeply. Since there is only vertical movement, the dance appears quite simple. But the dancers are jumping thirty to forty centimeters into the air, quite a physical feat, putting tremendous demands on the muscles and tendons of the legs. While displaying their jumping strength, these youths are also cultivating the agility that a warrior needs.

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THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA III — Tape 18

Chad Tatsumura Ayako and Endo Yasuko

There are over one hundred different ethnic groups living in the Republic of Chad. Arab and other nomadic peoples occupy the Sahel belt along the southern edge of the Sahara desert, while farming peoples make the equatorial savannah in the south their home. Negroid aboriginals called Hadjerai (meaning “rock, mountain” in Arabic) live in the area of the Central Chad Mountains in Gera State in central Chad. The nomadic and semi­nomadic Arabs and the people that came with them live in the level areas of the valleys. The Djonkor and Dangaleat peoples in the recording are members of the Northern Hadjerai ethnic group; the Haddad, the Omar­Arab, and the Hemat­Arab peoples are of Arab descent. In terms of music as well, lying just between the North African Arab­Islam and black African musical domains, Chad has developed its own unique musical culture that embraces elements of both of these. The fihns about the music of Chad were taken in 1964 and 1965. [Tatsumura]

18­1

Orchestra of the town of Mongo 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

This type of Islamic professional music troupe is often seen in major population centers of Chad and was filmed in the town of Mongo in the southern Wadai area. Composed around a typical Arabic instrument, a kind of oboe (gaita), this type of musical group performs mainly among Muslims, often appearing at Islamic festivals, and are not invited to the festivals of the Hadjerai villages. Individual demonstrations of the instruments that make up this ensemble are presented at the beginning of the video. First is the performance of the lead instrument of the group, the gaita. The gaita, or algaita, has a body made of a leather­covered bamboo pipe and a leather­covered bell. There are four finger holes on the pipe, three large and one small. Attached to the opposite end of the pipe from the bell is a metal tube that tapers into a mouthpiece. The mouthpiece is split into a double­reed and there is a round metal plate set around this which the lips press against. The performer employs a circular breathing technique. The simple nasal tone of this instrument and its monophonic melody reflect Arab musical tastes. In contrast, strongly African tastes are exhibited in the drum performance. The first drum, called the ganga, is a cylindrical double­headed drum common throughout this area. Rhythmic variation is produced by using sounds of different timbre made by striking the drum head with both the palm of the hand and the end of a bent drumstick. There are two resonant snares on the drum head. The second drum, called the tirembel, is a small drum played with two drumsticks. The drum in this video was made by stretching leather drumheads over tin cut from old gasoline cans. The third drum, a slightly larger version of the ganga, is called the gangai. It is hung on the left shoulder and played with a stick in the right hand and the palm and fingers of the left. The fourth drum, called the bandil, is played with both hands. Depending on the actual drumming technique, a variety of tone colors can be produced. In the first part of the recording,

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the various parts of an ensemble piece called "Homage to the sultan” are performed individually on the respective instruments; in the second half, the piece is performed as a whole. The musicians walk slowly in a line as they perform. It is interesting how the seemingly very simple rhythms performed by the individual instruments produce complex rhythm patterns when combined in ensemble. [Tatsumura]

18­2

Sultan‘s orchestra of the town of Mao 1964/Kanem, Chad

This selection was shot at the town of Mao in the Kanem area of Chad. The performance is similar to that seen in 18­1 in that it is done by a troupe of Islamic musicians. This troupe, however, being in the express employ of the sultan’s palace, are viewed as the orthodox heirs to this musical tradition. Again led by an oboe (algaita), this ensemble is made up of first and second ganga, a small drum (trimbet), and a hand­played drum (bandil). So far there is little difference between this group and the ensemble of Mongo, but one more instrument, a long, slender horn (gashi) is included here. The gashi is a metal instrument that is broken into two parts for transportation. A melody representing the sultan is contributed to the ensemble at times by this instrument. The music being performed is an homage to the sultan. [Tatsumura]

The Djonkor

18­3

Festival orchestra 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

The Djonkor are a negroid Northern Hadjerai people who live in the mountains of the central Sudan in the south Wadai area of Chad. This film documents a performance of their unique traditional ensemble, centering around five vertical flutes, which takes place at festivals. The musicians for this festival are not professionals, and they normally make and study their instruments by themselves. The performers of this kind of music are solely male, and it does not matter if they are members of different clans. The five flutes are made of bamboo, have three holes, and mouthpieces made with curved indentational cuts. As each of the five flutes is a different length, the tonal ranges differ. The first and longest flute (rokile ­ literally, “first”), is played by holding it in the left hand to blow while shaking a rattle (sokie) in the right hand. The other flutes are called the “second flute” (ere dokide), the “third flute” (ere kadue), the “fourth flute” (ere pidiwe), and the shortest “last one” (deyo). The wind instrument seen in the middle of the screen (parri) is made of a long wooden pipe with a conical bell on one end and a mouthpiece on the other. It is thought that this instrument was made in imitation of the long, metal, tuba­like gashi, a traditional instrument of the kingdoms of the Sudan area (see 18­2). The man playing this parri is the priest in charge of the spirit worship ceremony. The Djonkor people worship spirits called margai. These are believed to be mediators between man and god, and are very important in enabling man to enter the spirit world. The drums of this group are the stick­played drum (darru) on the right of the screen, the stick­played drum hung from the shoulder (ganga), and the darge, appearing in the front. The

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darge player sits on the ground, sets the drum on his outstretched legs, and beats just one head with the palms of both hands. The rattle is made of the dried shell of a long pumpkin and has many holes in it through which leather strings with pieces of wood attached are tied. The music performed here is for a dance called “Tote mongali” which is performed at the annual festival of the ancestral spirits. Each instrument performs its own distinctive melody and rhythm, creating this lively and rich music. [Tatsumura]

18­4

Dambio — festival dance 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

This film was taken at Maroki in Mukulu village of the Djonkor Gera people. The dambio dance is performed for the clan’s spirits, called margai, at the annual festival where the people gather, drink beer, and enjoy themselves. The people dance to the rhythm patterns of the hand clapping by moving in succession into the center of the circle to face each other and jump and dance in set patterns. The participants are adults, mainly women of the Dambio clan. [Tatsumura]

18­5

Hero praise song with kundinge [harp] accompaniment singer: Godi Kossat 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

This film was made in Mukulu village of the Djonkor Gera people. The famed singer, Godi Kossat, sings a hero worship song he composed, accompanied by two young men playing a bow harps called kundinge. The singing of songs praising important people in the village or historical personages is an important tradition in Africa. The kundinge is a five­string harp with each string stretched from the tip of its bow»shaped neck diagonally across the body of the instrument. It is held with the back of the sounding box facing the musician and played with the fingers of both hands reaching around to pluck the strings in front. The bow harp is related to both the bow lute and the lute­harp, but has a curved neck and does not use bridges. The kundinge performance here demonstrates one of the great appeals of African music: the simple altering of rhythm patterns little by little to create a sensitive and delicate rhythmic mood. [Tatsumura]

The Bulala

18­6

Praise song with kukuma [one­string instrument] accompaniment singer; Dungus Mohammed 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

This selection records a performance of singing, self­accompanied on a one­string bowed instrument (kukuma), by Dungus Mohammed, a professional musician from the Bulala ethnic group living near Lake Flitri in Chad. Dungus is a musician who visits the Hadjeri villages of

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central Chad, and especially enjoys staying over in the villages that have sultans. This is because travelling musicians regularly receive large payments from the sultans for singing songs praising them. Travelling with Dungus are his own family and a youth who accompanies him on a rattle. Often, such youths are neither Bulala people nor professional musicians. They learn how to play the rattle in a short time and then join musicians in their travels, but they return to their home towns at the end of the rainy season when the farming season starts. The film was made at the village of Korboin in the southern Wadai area. This music is traditionally performed in the evening, but in order to make filming easier, it is performed during the day here. The Bulala and Arab women Dungus brought with him frequently enliven the music by making a unique sound produced by singing in a high pitched voice as they wiggle their tongues. This singing technique is characteristic of the women of North Africa who are either Arab or Arab­influenced. Dungus sings songs in the Bulala and Arab languages that praise the sultan of Korbo, the beauty of the Bulala and Arab women, and the opulent men of the Dangaleat people. The body of the kukuma is made of goatskin stretched over a gourd and the strings are made of horsehair. The bow is strung with horsehair and is actually bow­shaped. This type of one­string bowed instrument is found throughout North and Islamic Africa. The rattle (bodo) is made of a gourd with glass beads inside it. A rich music of high artistic level is produced using just these simple instruments and the human voice. [Tatsumura]

The Hausa

18­7

Libo — transverse flute performance 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

This is a performance on a rare transverse wind instrument called the libo. The performer is a youth of the Hausa people, which emigrated to the south Wadai area from the Sokoto area of Nigeria. The libo, 40.5 centimeters long, is made from a millet stalk. After removing the core, a mouth piece about four centimeters long and three centimeters wide is cut out near one end. A string is attached here and the sound is adjusted by moving the string with the hands. Alterations in the sound are created by varying the blowing technique and also by using the left hand to cover and uncover the other end of the tube. A similar instrument called the tagalabu is played by children and youths of the Hausa of Nigeria. [Tatsumura]

The Dangaleat

18­8

Children’s dances 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

It is interesting how the basic elements of the music of a culture can be seen in the games and songs of the children of that culture. This video is from the village of Korbo in the southern Wadai area. The Dangaleat children often play in the evenings by imitating the dances of adults. What is especially interesting is that they imitate not only Dangaleat dance, but also the dances of the neighboring Dadjo, or Arab groups. Dangaleat adults generally dance only Dangaleat

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dances. When the children dance it is usually an older girl, the most important figure of this group, who starts the dancing. The order in which they dance indicates the different rank of each individual child even within the children’s society. First is an imitation of an Arab dance where one child steps forward to jump and clap to the clapped rhythm of the other children. Next is an imitation of the Arab dance al beher (the adult version of the al beher dance is recorded in 18­12). The dancers repeat a move­forward­and­turn pattern. The third dance is a Dangaleat dance where the children circle while singing in rhythm. The fourth dance is a part of dance popular among the young Dangaleats called gisess. This dance is divided into parts for men and women. The girls are dancing the women’s part in this recording. The fifth dance borrows movements from several Arab dances, with one child stepping forward and dancing to the rhythms clapped by the other children. [Tatsumura]

The Djaya

18­9

Djele — pleasure dance 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

The Djaya village is situated on the northern slope of the Central Chad Mountains. Although the cultural patterns of the Djaya people developed out of several local ethnic groups, linguistically they can be grouped in the Central Sudan family. Their livelihood comes from farming and cattle raising. This pleasure dance, djele, was performed especially for filming in the bush about four kilometers south of Djaya. Before the dancing two drummers and the singers stand in the dancing area that has been purified with tree branches and thoms. The drums are double­headed cylindrical drums whose skins are tied together with webbing. The standing drummer beats his drumhead with a drumstick in his right hand and hits the rim of the drum with his left hand to produce two sounds with an interval of a major third (corresponding to do and mi). The other drummer sits on the ground and beats his drum with both hands, producing two notes in a major fifth (corresponding to do and so) and other notes. When the solo singer finishes a passage in nine­beat (five plus four) measures, it is repeated by the chorus. By listening carefully you can see that while they are clapping with the basic rhythm of the drums, there are places where the two­beat rhythm is clapped as a three­beat rhythm. The lyrics of the song praise a great hero. In the middle of the recording male dancers appear carrying cloths used for turbans. The dance has a powerful step, as if the dancers were using their feet as drumsticks to drum the earth. By counting from the point where the dancers jump from both legs as they twirl their hands, we can see that their dance pattern follows a nine­beat cycle. The magnificent dancing of the men carrying the turbans is reminiscent of a professional stage show. It is said that the djele was the highlight of the ceremonies for the French national day in colonial times. It was perhaps for this reason that the dance took on such a spectacular nature. There is also a long­standing tradition in this area of dancing for rich people of other villages or ethnic groups and then using the money received for these dances to add to the funds for their own festivals. The djele was a dance used for such purposes, and so is not danced on formal ceremonial occasions. The title “pleasure dance” indicates that it is not for ceremonial purposes. The jewelry the women wear, dazzling in its beauty and rich in variety, includes arm bands with

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Islamic talismans attached and necklaces decorated with three Maria­Theresien­Taler eighteenth century coins. [Endo]

18­10

Bardjat — pleasure dance 1964/southern Wadai, Chad

The pleasure dance, bardjat, is a dance of the young people of the Djaya (note the middle­aged women at the left of the screen looking on). The dance takes place in an open area on the edge of town, but there are three drummers in the middle of the space. The drums are double­headed cylindrical drums whose skins are tied together with webbing. They are played by beating the middle with a curved drumstick held in the right hand and hitting the rim with the right hand, the fingers slightly bent. By playing the drum in this manner a wide variety of sounds can be produced. Some of the drummers change the sound of their drums by pressing the body of the drum against their thighs. Also the number of people actually drumming changes even as the dancing goes on. The dancers form a line according to their social rank and move counterclockwise in a circle. Movement in a counterclockwise direction when dancing is something that is often seen in other areas of Africa as well. The dancers apparently change the direction their bodies face according to the signals in the song. Taking as one phrase the four­beat period in which the arms are shaken once each to the right and left and each leg is moved twice, the direction the body faces is changed on every fifth phrase. Above all, the actual posture of the dancers is the distinctive thing about this dance. Steps are made in a relaxed posture with the knees bent forward, the rear stuck out, the shoulders held horizontal to the ground with the elbows bent. The dance researcher Helmut Gunther describes this posture as “collapse.” This is one of the typical dance postures of West Africa, especially of the Sudan. “Collapse” is also considered a principal posture in so­called jazz dance, although variations in the way the body is twisted are seen in jazz dance. Also, if you pay attention to the foot that is not supporting the body weight, you will see that it just barely brushes the ground as it slides with minute movements. Dances making use of lower leg and foot movements are particularly notable in West Africa. As they dance, the women are singing the praises of a rich Djaya, using a leader/chorus call and response pattern. [Endo]

The Haddad

18­11

Djersiss — pleasure dance 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

The Haddad are a small group of people living in the neighboring areas of Wadai, Kanem, and Dar Fur. While their name is used to describe people who make a living as blacksmiths, it originally meant the people living in the Chad territory who spoke Arabic as their language of communication. As craftsmen, they provide the neighboring Arabs and blacks with metalware, wooden articles, and pottery.

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This dance, the djersiss, is an Arab dance that is popular with both the Arabs and the Haddad. It makes demands of strength and endurance, as well as dancing ability, of its dancers. Here we can see the dancers gathered in the Maroki village square, with the young unmarried women and girls clapping their hands in a circle around the most trusted women who are in the center. The clapping is based on four beats, but some little girls only clap when they can while others clap a simple four­beat rhythm. The ululation — high­pitched voices that can be heard interspersed between dances — is very common in African music and dance. The lyrics of this song are the praises of some great person. Men and women face each other and jump in the air in this dance, but overall it cloes not include skilled footwork or delicate arm movements. One impressive moment is when the dancers violently shake their hair, which is tied hanging down behind them. There is an instant when they seem possessed. Such scenes — where, through the repetition of the same lyrics over and over while furiously dancing, the dancer enters a state of possessed inspiration — are a notable characteristic of African dance. In this dance the young women wear belts of glass beads around their waists while older women wear indigo dyed fabric or cotton prints wrapped around theirs. They wear such accessories as glass beads or Maria­Theresien­Taler coins on leather cords as necklaces or arm bands made of silver. Many of the dancers are barefoot. [Endo]

Omar­Arab people

18­12

Al beher — pleasure dance 1964/southern Wadai, Chad

The Omar­Arab people are physically similar to the Hemat­Arab group. Politically, in 1964 a Hemat­Arab group was established under the rule of the self­styled sultan, Makay. First on this film, after taking off a valuable necklace made of gold coins, Haua, the daughter of Sultan Makay, joins hands with other young people and starts dancing the pleasure dance called al beher. The characteristic steps are in a pattern of high jumps (four beats), sideways jumps and leap turns (five beats), and then return by jumping to the original position (four beats). In this film, Haua leaps from her right foot and lands on her left foot. Also, for men and women to hold hands while dancing is not very common in Africa. According to Janheinz Jahn, dances done by male/female couples can only be conceived as the perfection of prayers for successful crops, and are very exceptional. Encircling the dancers and clapping their hands near the center are socially respected women; younger and unmarried girls are on the periphery. This type of formation is also used by the Haddad. The song content is, like many others sung in this region, praise of rich and famous people. The basic rhythm is a pattern of four plus five plus four. After Haua has danced through the whole song once, she exchanges her position with another dancer. But the next, somewhat older dancer does not seem to dance comfortably to the rhythm and quits dancing after only a short time. This al beher dance is for young people, and apparently this woman was a bit too old. One can also read from this scene the importance in Africa of a good dancer being able to dance with the correct rhythm. The clothing of the women dancers is similar to that of the Haddad, with a distinction of age

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drawn; the young women wear glass bead belts while the older women wear indigo dyed sashes. The men, on the other hand, are wearing the cotton dress that is typical of the Sudanese Arabs. [Endo]

Hemat­Arab people

18­13

Am haraba — pleasure dance 1965/southern Wadai, Chad

This is a dance of the nomadic or semi­nomadic peoples living in the area between Lake Chad and the eastern border of Chad. Am haraba (am: “mother”; harabe: “battle”) is famous now as a pleasure dance among the Arabs of the Sudan area, but was originally a war dance of the Sudanese Arabs. Since there are no wars now it is performed as a pleasure dance when praises are sung of high­ranking people or at big festivals. This film was shot at the Ambasanda village square at the foot of the Gera mountains. First, a cylindrical double­headed drum (nugara) and a wooden mortar hanging on a stick come into view. Two people play the nugara, one playing the top head, the other lying on the ground to play the bottom head. The third person is using the mortar as a drum. This dance requires two different drums. Also in many cases the drums must actually be mingled with the dancers. The women sing a song to the drum beats in a three plus four meter, about a rich and famous person of the area. One can see remnants of a war dance in the poles and daggers that the male dancers carry, but there is nothing in the dance movements that suggests battle. One of the characteristic movements of this dance is the up and down swaying similar to certain dance styles of American blacks. Multiplication — dividing one movement into smaller parts — of the steps can also be seen. This is especially notable when the male dancers move forward and backward to the lyrics, breaking a simple movement into many smaller parts. In the space of one step, for example, before the body weight is transferred to the other foot, two or three movements are made. It has been suggested that this multiplication is a basic movement of jazz dance. The female dancers form groups according to social rank: for example, unmarried women, young married women, slightly older married women, and so on. In contrast to this, men form rows of three or four with little regard to relative social rank. [Endo]

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Cameroon Ogawa Ryo

The Tikar [west central Cameroon]

The Republic of Cameroon is famous in Africa for the great variety displayed not only in its geography and climate, but also in its demographic makeup. In the earlier section on Cameroon, the Fulbe of the north were treated. Here, the Tikar of west central Cameroon are presented. These films were provided by Encyclopedia Cinematographica, and they are presented here separately from films of the Fulbe.

18­14

Memorial ceremony for King Mkong Moteh December 1977/west­central savannah belt, Cameroon

The society of the Tikar people, in the savannah belt of west central Cameroon in West Africa, is well­known for the existence of several kingdoms within it. The king stands at the apex of society, and is viewed both religiously and as a symbol of the soul of the people as a whole. There are numerous taboos concerning the king, and the religious activities he oversees play an important role in guaranteeing public peace and order. Furthermore, the arts, both fine arts and song and dance, developed under the king’s protection and patronage. The Mkong Moteh festival is a once­annual event of the Oku kingdom. Taking place at the beginning of the dry season, it celebrates Mkong Moteh, the greatest of the twelve or thirteen ancestral kings. (This film was taken in December 1977.) The King and his entourage depart the palace before sunrise to arrive at the grave in the early moming. As it is cold, a fire is started and the area is cleared of weeds and brush. Then the King, making offerings of kola nuts and coconut wine, begins dancing on the grave of Mkong Moteh. As he appears at the beginning of the film, he is wearing an indigo dyed waistcloth and a medical cord decorated with glass beads on his breast. This dance is unique in that the dancers and accompanists are not separated; the people performing the music are at the same time dancers. Instruments used are six steel double gongs, a drum, a wooden trumpet, and a rattle. This rattle (kebak — literally, “umbrella”) is especially remarkable. Five steel bells are hung on a frame made of sturdy leather in the shape of a backpack. The musician shoulders this pack and by dancing, he “plays” the bells. The drum is set up on a stand on the ground and the drummer stands so he is able to dance as he beats it with his hands. Although the melody of the wooden horn (kembah) is quite simple, it provides a good accent to this quick­tempo music. Although not included in the recording, masks appear after this.

18­15

Mourning music by a mask clan December 1977/west­central savannah belt, Cameroon

This is funeral music mourning the death of a colleague. In the evening after the burial ceremony, men of four mask clans gather around the grave to perform this music throughout the

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night. One mask from each clan participates. The first mask that appears is a monkey mask made of wood with a chameleon decoration on its head. The mask behind behind this one is also a monkey mask, but the head looks very human. The long head­dress made of feathers is also considered a mask. Although African masks usually completely cover the face and conceal the head and body as well so that is is impossible to tell who the masked dancer is, this mask is attached to the head so that the face is visible. This is to enable the wearer to play the flute. Accompanying percussion instruments are the drum (njum), the small slit­drum (nguck), and the hand­held rattle (fechakechake). Melody instruments are the short wooden flute (mkum) and the long vertical flute made of a bamboo pipe (kenfung). Aside from the mkum, all of these instruments are commonly used. The mkum, however, whose name originates as the title of one of the mask clans, is a special instrument that is absolutely not performed in public. In contrast to the music of the Mkong Moteh festival, which places a heavy importance on the rhythm, in mourning music, melody is more important than rhythm.

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THE MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA IV — Tape 19

Ivory Coast (Côte d’Ivoire) Tatsumura Ayako and Endo Yasuko

The name of the Republic of the Ivory Coast was coined by the Europeans who have exported large amounts of ivory from here since the fifteenth century. Although there are said to be over sixty different ethnic groups here, they can be broadly fit into the following four linguistic groups: (1) Kwa­speaking peoples ­ including the Agni and Baule — who have immigrated from Ghana in the east since the end of the seventeenth century; (2) Kru­speaking peoples, including the Bete and Gere (Guéré), living in the forested area from western Ivory Coast to eastern Liberia; (3) Mande­speaking peoples, including the Guro, Dan, and Malinke, spread over the southern part of Mali and the northwestern part of the Ivory Coast; and (4) Voltaic peoples, having come south from Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta), such as the Senufo. The recordings here, made in 1968, document five ethnic groups from the first three linguistic groups.

The Baule

19­1

Singing and performing on a bow harp singer/harper: Yao Kuadio 1968/Afotobo, Ivory Coast

The Baule of central Ivory Coast have a livelihood based on farming and are well­known for their rich traditions in music and the plastic arts. This recording, made in the Baule village of Afotobo, shows the professional musician, Yao Kuadio, singing and accompanying himself on two bow harps simultaneously, while three other musicians accompany him on rhythm instruments. The hat Yao Kuadio is wearing is an expression of his pride as a consummate artist. Among the Baule, as in other parts of West Africa, there is 21 tradition of musicians who are highly respected for their skills travelling from village to village with their accompanists in tow. Kuadio’s bow harp has a bow­shaped neck coming out of a square sounding box. The five strings are strung perpendicularly from the neck in succession. One harp in this recording has an elephant carved on the back of its neck while the other is decorated in the same place with the carving of a person. These harps are held with the strings facing the musician and plucked with the thumb, index, and middle fingers. In this recording, Kuadio is performing the remarkable feat of playing separate rhythm patterns on two different harps at the same time, playing one with each hand. Normally only one of these instruments is played at a time. The man appearing at Kuadio’s right is performing his own rhythm pattern by alternately hitting two woven rattles (sekeseke), one in each hand, against both thighs. The other two men are also maintaining their own rhythm patterns, striking percussion instruments made of iron bars with drumsticks also made of iron. In this manner, different rhythms are performed on different sounding instruments

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to produce a music that is both concentrated and lively. The content of the lyrics sung here is a light­hearted story similar to — but not necessarily the same as — the following:

When two youths went hunting for a rabbit, They naturally knew how to go about it. But when they went hunting for a buffalo, They weren’t so sure. Said one of the pair, “He has homs, so I won’t be caught attacking from his front.” Said the other, “I might get kicked, so I won't be caught attacking from his rear.” But while they were arguing, the buffalo got away. [Tatsumura]

19­2

Drum language 1968/Asouakro, Ivory Coast

It is well known that communication by means of drum languages is popular in many African cultures. Generally, African drum languages are not abstract systems of signals, like Morse Code, for example. Rather, they imitate the sounds and intonations of actual spoken language by means of drum playing techniques, and for this reason, there is a close connection with the fact that most of the African languages are tonal. This selection was recorded at the Baule village of Asouakro. The drum used here is not really intended for use as a talking drum; it is a musical drum that plays the role of the lead drum in village festivals. (This same drum is played by the same drummer in 19­3, a masked dance.) The standard talking drums of the Baule are special standing drums that are used in matching pairs, played simultaneously by one drummer who holds a drumstick in each hand. This type of drum, however, is only found in large villages, especially those where chiefs reside, and the village of Asouakro does not have any. So the drummer in this selection is demonstrating how well he can “talk,” even with the handicap of a musical drum. The performer announces in the Baule language what he will play before actually demonstrating it on the drum. The content of this is then translated to the fieldworker in French. The drum language performance recorded here contains the following;

(1) I am going to start beating the drum now. (2) I have beaten the drum — I am almost through. (3) A boy from the village of Asouakro is beating the drum here. (4) Komlako [the name of a young man listening], take off your hat! (5) All of the villagers have gone to the fields. Last year, we bought a machine that splits coffee beans. A young man from the village brought it here. That machine has finally just started to operate a little bit. [Tatsumura]

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19­3

Gbagba — masked dance of Asouakro

Masked dances called gbagba can be seen all over western Baule, and the colorful costumes and wonderful dance thrill those who see them. The gbagba is a white bird called “the cattle­chasing bird,” and gets its name from the habit of following the herds of cattle wherever they go. It lands on the backs of the cattle and eats the insects on their bodies. The Baule people feel a strong affinity for the warm symbiotic relationship between these two animals. Gbagba dances are singularly Baule in character, reflecting almost no influence of Christian or Islamic religions, and for this reason are often danced at a variety of festivals and ceremonies, especially at the deaths of important people. They are danced on a large scale at the “festival of the deceased,” which takes place several months after the funeral. The following scenes are recorded here: (1) the arrival of the men, an introductory dance; (2) the gbagba dance; (5) the sheep dance; (4) a Diula woman (red mask) dance; (5) a Baule Woman (black mask) dance; (6) the dance of the wife of the owner of the French farm (white mask); and (7) an ant dance. In addition to these, there are a variety of animal masks, including antelope, duiker antelope, hyena, leopard, buffalo, and hare, as well as special human masks. The masks are worn in dance by young men. And since the masks are sacred objects, they are watched over by the head magician and two other guardians whenever they are used in dances. These guardians keep their eyes peeled for sorceresses (it is said that they can be spotted by the magicians) who appear among the spectators and cast spells on the masks to make them lose their effectiveness as sacred objects. Central to the music are three standing drums, two of which are beaten with the hands and one with a hammer­shaped drumstick. Since they dance to the rhythm patterns performed by these three drums, the dancers try to dance so that they are in easy sight of the drummers. Inspired by these rhythms, men and women in the crowd add to the atmosphere by singing in chorus and clapping the rhythms. That this chorus singing often occurs in parallel thirds is a special characteristic of the Baule. The rhythm patterns and the content of the chorus — the musical structure — change with changes in the dance. With the conclusion of the introductory dance comes the appearance of the gbagba. For the gbagba costume, the body is draped in capes made of raffia (Raphia palm). The gbagba mask is not made of wood, but of stretched cloth, with cowrie shells for eyes. A red cloth is pulled over the head, with a tassel of white sheep's wool attached to the top to represent a feather crest. In Baule society this red head­wrap is only worn by such people as magicians, storytellers, and dance leaders, and indicates that this is a very important person. The gbagba displays nimble movements and humorous gestures, spinning in circles and tumbling about. The next to appear is the sheep mask. The sheep is accompanied by an imitation of a Mauritanian shepherd. The Mauritanians actually look like this when they bring their herds of sheep from their homelands to the Gulf of Guinea. The beautifully performed chorus singing in parallel thirds can be appreciated here. Next to appear is a red mask in the depiction of a woman of the Mantle Diula. The color of the mask is red because the Baule people perceive the skin color of the Mande to be red­brown. Diula people are seen in this area when traders circulate from Mali and northern Ivory Coast. Like the Mauritanians, the Diula are an Islamic people. The Diula women are viewed by the

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Baule as exotic foreigners, exhibiting a mysterious charm, but deep relationships with them are generally thought to cause more trouble than they are worth. An engraving of a bird can be seen at the top of the head on this mask. Following the red mask comes the black mask representing a Baule woman. The jet black color is intended to emphasize the contrast with the Diula woman, and does not have a negative connotation. The dance of the Baule woman moves to completely different rhythms from the Diula woman’s dance and the movements are also much more intense. Next is a white mask representing the wife of the owner of a French farm who visits the village frequently and pays the dancers well. A small girl walks in front of the dancer as an attendant, i.m.itati.ng the movements of the lady. On the top of this mask is an engraving of a Baule woman with a baby in her arms. She is dressed in clothing made of Baule cloth, as was the Diula woman. Her movements reflect the respect the Baule people feel for this woman. Judging from such indications as the carving on the top of the mask, it is clear that this dance emphasizes the equality of the whites and the Baule people. The last to appear is the small black mask of the ant, with the terrifying horns of the warrior ant engraved at its top. Indicating that this is the mask of a small creature, a child wears it and is followed around by the other children of the village. The ant mask appears at the end as the strongest of the masks. This is because among all of the animals, ants are held to be the smartest and to have strong magical powers. This kind of gbagba dance gives expression to social life and religious beliefs, as well as the rich emotional life that characterizes the Baule people. [Tatsumura]

19­4

Goli — masked dance of Agubanjansou 1968/Agubanjansou, Ivory Coast

Masked dances called goli (derived from the name of a god) are the most popular among the Baule people and are performed on a wide variety of occasions. The goli is not, however, originally a Baule dance, but adopted from the Ua people of the Mande, a completely different ethnic group from the Baule, who are of the Akan. When this masked dance is performed in a Baule village, usually youths are sent in advance to Ua villages and they pay to learn the movements of the dance and the lyrics and melody of the song, and also to get fetishes or amulets with magical charms. There are also times when the Baule learn the goli dance from some other Baule village. The masks and fetishes for the goli are carefully stored in a sacred place on the outskirts of town where the dancers go to prepare their costumes before returning to town. Only men are allowed to visit this place; for women, it is taboo. It is said that women would die if they saw the dancers washing the masks with sacred water that has been collected in a jar. The goli masked dance is done by men accompanied by a chorus of ten to twenty young men. Women also participate but only in a clearly secondary role. As seen in the first scene, the accompanying instrument is not the drum, but a large rattle made from a gourd. This rattle (goli toa) is made by wrapping a gourd with numerous strings to which are attached many shells of a fruit called akue bui, from a tree called the agbi. Each of the principal singers takes one of these rattles and starts dancing in a circle. The goli dance is centered around three varieties of paired male and female masks and their

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respective masked dances. The first dance appearing in this recording uses the pair of masks called pleple which have round, inward pointing horns on a round facet The black­faced mask that appears at first is the male, while the red­faced mask that appears later represents the female. Usually the dancers using the male masks require more strenuous practice than the dancers with the female masks. These masks have been called “moon masks” by European scholars, but no factual basis for such a name is recognized by either the Ua or Baule traditions. The Baule regard these masks as having some connection with children. This unique facial shape is the same as that of dolls owned by the Akan women of Ghana. The performers hold thin, small sticks in their hands which they strike together to sound at pauses in the music. Special honor is reserved for the reception of the next pair of masks to appear called gone or qua. These masks, well­known among European researchers as the goli masks, are believed to represent a large antelope called the bongo. A musician blowing on a bongo horn accompanies these masks and they dance to its sound. The last mask to appear in this selection, depicting a long, narrow, red human face is the female mask of a pair called tongbo; the male mask, not seen here, is a black mask, larger than the pleple mask. The red human face mask has backward­curving horns above it. Later in the goli dance several similar masks appear, but they do not have these horns. The different masks that appear in the goli dance are not clearly connected, and they seem to originate from a variety of places. In any case, these masks are a concrete expression by humans of the revelations of spiritual existence experienced by them. [Tatsumura]

The Dan

19­5

Gegon mask dance: “The Maple Song” 1968/Ivory Coast

The Dan people, who live in the area bridging the border between western Ivory Coast and northeastern Liberia, number around thirty thousand. The majority are farmers living in the primeval forests, with a diet based on rice and cassava. Although they are part of the Mande linguistic group, they have strong cultural connections with the Kru, who speak a completely different language. Similarities in the way these two peoples use masks and in the styles of their plastic arts are truly surprising. Dan masks are basically divided into those which serve social functions and those which are used for enjoyment purposes. The former serve such functions as maintaining village peace and protecting people from disaster. In both cases, the masks represent a spirit or something similar. The gegon, a mask used for enjoyment, is presented in this recording. Multicolored skins, cowrie shells, and a head­dress made of ram’s wool decorate this mask. The mask is made by the Mau people of the Malinke, neighboring the Dan on the north. The long, narrow eyes are set off by aluminum around their edges; the whiskers hanging from the nose are made from the black hair of the Colobus polycomos monkey; the large, pointed nose is particularly noteworthy. The cloak is of cotton, the skirt of another fiber, and the pom­poms held in the hands are of animal hair. The boy in the blue shirt next to the dancer is the dancer’s son, and he has a charm to protect the mask from spells. When the boy sings out in a nasal tone, “Whaaa,” or “Wha, wha, wha, ” the mask starts dancing and moving its hands as if it were talking to him. The ethnomusicologist M.

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Dauer has pointed out a body sign­language that is characteristic of West African dance, and seems to be used here. There are three drums being played behind the masked performer. They are, from the right, the triple drum (bandike), a single­headed drum (bangba), and, in its shade, another single­headed drum (bango). (The syllable ban means “drum.”) Although the rhythm of the triple drum sometimes differs, it appears, from the movement of the hands, to be using a four­beat pattern. The other two drums vary between two­ and four­beat rhythm patterns. Another accompanying instrument is a gourd idiophone on which a rhythm is being played by the man in the long white robe to the left of the single­headed drum. [Endo]

19­6

Children’s dance of Biankouma: “Lelje” 1968/Biankouma, Ivory Coast

In the villages along the northern boundary of the Dan region a children’s dance takes place that is famous throughout the Ivory Coast. Named after the principal town in the area, Biankouma, this dance is called the “children’s dance of Biankouma.” The groups of musicians and dancers are made up of young boys or girls. The town of Biankouma has always had a great appreciation of the arts and in the past invited famous groups of young boys and girls from the neighboring towns of Gogu and Gan. Now the performers can travel by truck, and such groups are even invited to participate in Independence celebration ceremonies in far­off Abidjan, the capital. The chance to attend such events provides an opportunity to interact with others, learn, and eam money. “Lelje,” performed by the girls of Gan, starts out with a women’s chorus of about twenty singing as they clap the rhythm. There is much variety in the clapping, with some people clapping after the beat and others rubbing their palms together between claps, while the solo and chorus singing pattern is repeated over and over. The lyrics say, “Step right up. See the girls of Gan!” The drum players are performing on the left. One is playing a triple drum tied to his neck and held between his legs, one has his drum set on the ground, and a third is holding his drum between his legs. They are all playing four­beat rhythm patterns. The triple drum player is also holding a piece of tin that he strikes along with his drum. The girls, up to the age of thirteen, dancing in front of the women, have decorations in their hair made of ram‘s wool, cowrie shells, and multicolored leather. These are made by the neighboring Mau people of the Marinke. They have rattles on their legs, and pom­poms and cloth in their hands. As the dancers shake their hips to the right and left their skirts swish about, adding to the feeling of energy. These dancers have practiced together for along time and perform remarkably synchronized dances. [Endo]

19­7

Children’s dance of Biankouma; “Gua” 1968/Biankouma, Ivory Coast

The Dan have many famous children's dances, of which “Lelje” (19­6) is one example. Another is the boys’ dance, “Gua,” danced here by young people who have come to Biankouma from

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Gogu. The leader of the drummers has a triple drum hung from his neck with a cloth dyed in the colors of the national flag of the Ivory Coast tied to its rim. This is probably a symbol of the republic’s Independence Day festival. In addition to the triple drum, two more drums held between the drummer’s legs are played. The triple drum is beating a four­beat rhythm to match the dancers. The technique seen here of singing every four beats is used in other dances of the Dan. To the right of the drummer is a young man playing an antelope horn transverse flute. In West Africa, transverse flutes are much more common than vertical flutes, and in addition to the antelope­horn type, there are flutes made of wood or stalks of millet. The dancers are wearing helmet­like hair decorations, similar to those worn by the “Lelje” dancers, with ram’s wool and other articles attached. They have pom­poms and rattles in their hands, and many small bells tied around their ankles. A special characteristic of this dance is the skilled footwork of the dancers. Especially impressive is the rich expression of enjoyment on the face of the solo dancer. At fourteen, he is the youngest of the group, and he spends long hours practicing. Joann Kealinohomoku, the dance scholar, speaks of the abundance of facial expressions among African dancers, and the point is certainly evident here. The other dancers and the drummers are singing a two­part chorus having a la­la­sol and a fa­fa­sol structure. The music and dances of the Dan presented up to this point give an impression of mutual similarity. This perhaps stems from the frequent use of parallel thirds in music, for example, and the emphasis on skilled footwork in the dance. [Endo]

19­8

Stilt dance of the Kupegbouni 1968/Ivory Coast

There are two types of acrobatics performed in Dan villages: the stilt dance recorded here, and the snake girl acrobatics of the Gere which follows (19­10). According to K.G. Lindblom, stilt dances and acrobatics are performed in conjunction with each other on all of the continents except Australia. African stilt dances performed with masks are done by the Pende of Zaire and the Masango of Gabon. This art form is highly valued in western Ivory Coast, northeast Liberia, and eastern Guinea in particular. The acrobat on the stilts is completely concealed from head to toe by his costume. A mask made of plant fibers covers his face and something that looks like a braid is used in place of a nose. In addition to this mask, the Dan have singing masks, dance masks, carved wooden masks, and others, that are also used on stilts. The costume for this stilt dance is made of cotton woven by the Dan. There are three bells attached to the dancer’s back in such a way that they ring when he dances. These stilts, made of leaf stems of the raffia palm, are three meters long and their tops reach to just below the dancer’s knees. Although hidden by his pants, the stilts are firmly strapped to the dancer’s calves, and his toes rest on horizontal supports, enabling him to walk steadily. Singers and drummers accompany this stilt dance. There are two solo singers, four chorus singers, and three drummers. Stilt acrobats are called gegbe, and these stilts are called kopu. The gegbe and the musicians are both members of the village chief’s clan, and the chief’s son is learning from these acrobats how

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to walk on stilts. The acrobat sings as he dances, and sometimes calls out in a distinctive falsetto voice. This is an ostentatious display drawing attention to how high up he is. The dancers turn in circles and move back and forth and side to side effortlessly, as if it is nothing to be three meters above the ground — although catching the pom­poms thrown by their attendants is a bit more difficult. According to the ethnomusicologist Curt Sachs, stilt dances are an incantation­like activity, praying for the growth of grasses and trees as well as for a good harvest. A group of spectators under umbrellas can be seen in the background. Judging from this, it would appear that people of high social rank are in attendance. [Endo]

The Gere

19­9

Masked dance of Bangolo 1968/Bangolo, Ivory Coast

The Gere number about 65,000 in the forests of western Ivory Coast and another 15,000 in southern Liberia. In French­speaking Ivory Coast they are called Guéré, and in English­speaking Liberia they are called Kran. Although linguistically they are included in the Kru group, they are culturally influenced by the Dan people neighboring them to the northeast. The Gere are farmers who raise rice and cassava. The Gere have over one thousand traditional masks. Their division of these masks into two basic groups, those which serve some social function and those for pleasure, is a reflection of their consciousness of the Dan culture. Among masks used for pleasure are a singing mask (nineagla) of the face of young girl, a dancing mask (begla), seen in this recording, depicting the face of a young man, and a humorous mask that can be either male or female. Masks for pleasure are usually painted red and white; red is the color of happiness, while white has festive and harmonious meanings. Generally, one or two attendants accompany these masks. Masks that serve social functions, on the other hand, have many attendants who form lines behind them, adjusting the costumes and watching out for accidents. This recording was made at the Gere village of Bangolo. When three drummers are performing, a begla dance mask appears with two men in attendance. Imitation leopard teeth are carved around the perimeter of the mask and decorations made of several hundred eagle feathers are attached. The face is painted red and white, the colors of pleasure mentioned above. Skilled footwork is characteristic of this dance, attested to by the pivot turns done on one leg, and other agile foot movements. The attendant to the right of the performer can be seen picking up bits of fiber that fall from it. This is his job, for if a sorceress were able to get possession of these fibers, she would be able to cast a magic spell on the mask. The other attendant, on the left, animates the masked dancer by dancing with him. It is said by the village chief, “In the village, an army or government is not needed; but without masks, it would be impossible to govern the village.” This illustrates the important position masks occupy even now in the daily lives of the people. [Endo]

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19­10

Acrobatic dance of the snake girl 1968/Ivory Coast

The Gere and the Dan people boast unique acrobatic acts. The snake girl acrobatic dance, performed by athletic youths and small girls, is one of these. The name “snake girl” comes from the nature of the amazing tricks performed with little girls between the approximate ages of four and eleven, before puberty; they are twisted up in knots like snakes, and perform feats with such names as “bridge” and “two beasts.” The youths bend the girls‘ bodies backwards like bows until the soles of their feet touch their heads, then fling them into the air and, until the last instant, hold knives under them as they fall. The mothers of the snake girls cannot bear to see such scenes and some even come to try to get their daughters back; but the girls themselves wear expressionless faces, as if they were drugged or under some kind of spell. These girls are called sei­nu (literally, “snake­girl”), and the acrobats are called seja­poi (“girl­tosser”) in the Gere language. Although they are called snake girls, there are no elements of the moves they make that actually suggest a snake, nor are they related to the doctors’ snake clan. Wonderful dancing ability can be felt in the very short phrases the girls dance after the completion of each acrobatic performance. There is a fetish at the left of the screen which the acrobats touch between performances; they then touch the girls‘ bodies, trying to strengthen their magical powers. On the right of the screen, two slit­drum players (gouli) and a man beating an ax blade (gajga) are performing polyrhythms. Aspects of girls’ costumes that stand out are the hair decorations made of cowrie shells and ram’s wool, and their whitened faces. Some of the snake girls have protruding navels, which are relatively common in West Africa. This type of acrobatics may be seen in other areas of West Africa — in Yoruba land, for example. These children execute circus­like flips as if it were nothing. Curt Sachs suggests that these acrobatics produce some kind of religious ecstasy or trance. [Endo]

The Guro

19­11

Dance of Zorofla women; “Greagba” 1968/Zorofla, Ivory Coast

The Guro live in the primeval forests in the center of the Ivory Coast. Recent research suggests that the Guro developed out of ethnic groups that migrated from other areas, and that their name was possibly coined by the French. They speak a Mande language, differing from both the Kru­speaking Bete and Gere to the south and west, and the Kwa­speaking Baule to the east. Yams and rice are their staple foods. According to the neighboring Baule, when the Baule migrated to this land from Ghana, the Guro, who lived on the savannah, were forced into the primeval forest. This women’s dance, called the “Greagba,” is a mixture of traditional and modern culture. This dance was created around 1960 by the Bete people of a nearby village. There were two men who

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ran for election to the same governmental seat, each arguing that the other should step down. This dance got its name, “Greagba” — literally, “rebellious spirit” — from this event. Many African traditions are preserved in the dance itself. The dancers singing and dancing in a circle around musicians in the middle, and the dance steps themselves, which include swinging the hips from side to side, are strongly traditional elements. Modern elements appear mainly in the costumes, making use of matched components, blouses, and European materials. This recording was made in the Guro village of Zorofla. The women of Zorofla had only learned this dance from the Bete two or three years prior to this performance. When the dance is performed by the Bete, French trumpets are used and women respond to the trumpets as they sing. Since there are no trumpets in Zorofla, the women imitate the trumpet part with their voices — supposedly in the “Aa, aa” section before the actual lyrics are sung. Furthermore, the lyrics themselves and the manner in which the dancers line up were created by the Guro women, and differ from the Bete prototype. Among the dancers are some women carrying babies wrapped on their hips. Women think nothing of dancing with babies like this. The dance of the women in the long costumes is thought to have some connection with West African dances that are performed to modern High Life music. New elements in the accompanying instruments can also be seen. In addition to drums, European whistles, rattles made of decorated cans, and wooden boxes are also used. There is also a scene where one of the male dancers is carrying a pistol. Pistols are used in Africa at ceremonies for the coronation of village chiefs, making the air echo with the sound of blanks being fired. [Endo]

19­12

Masked dance; “Uale” 1968/Zorofla, Ivory Coast

The Guro have numerous masked dances using artistic masks and sacred masks representing spirits. The Guro are highly skilled dancers and musicians, and have many impressive masks. This “Uale” dance, filmed at Zorofla in 1968, was, at the time, the newest Guro dance. The dance was created by the two youths of the village who are dancing in the selection. On a hunting trip they came upon a huge rock where seven chimpanzees were dancing. The youths started to run away in surprise, but the chimpanzees stopped them, crying out, “Wait, why don‘t you village people try out the dance you are about to see?” So when the youths went back, they had not only been taught the dance, but also given an amulet to ward off sorceresses. One of the dancers hangs on to this amulet throughout the dance. This dance was originally called “Grua” — literally, “chimpanzee” ­ but since this had a bad ring, the name was changed to “Uale” — “walking bowlegged.” In addition to the chimpanzee dance, six other masks appear as other dances are presented in the “Uale” dance. The mask presented here is the third to appear. The mask, painted with bright green paint from Europe, is said to represent a woman of the coastal region. It has a snake girl on top and a carving of a “water girl” as a child can also be seen. This mask was carved out of a single piece of wood. The snake girl motif is not peculiar to Africa, but originates in pictures of the gods from India. The majority of African sculpture is made up of masks and human figures carved in wood. Highly skilled footwork is characteristic of this masked dance, similar to those of other West

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African peoples. The dancer moves both legs simultaneously with the triplets played on the drums. According to the works of Helmut Gunther, tap­dancing is closely related to this dance. Near the masks, a man can be seen shaking a gourd rattle, an important accompaniment instrument for the “Uale.” This is an idiophone made by covering the surface of the gourd with woven cord to which glass beads are attached so that they sound when the gourd is shaken. In addition to the three drums being played, there are seven people playing these gourds. After the masked dance, the youths shout as they perform the chimpanzee dance. [Endo]

The Njedebua

19­13

Dance of the leopard association 1968/Pelesi, Ivory Coast

The Njedebua, a small ethnic group living between the Guro and the Uobe peoples of the Ivory Coast, is ethnically very closely related to the Gere discussed earlier. The Gji leopard association is made up of circumcised young men who spend an obligatory five years as members, living cooperatively in a special fraternity on the outskirts of the village where they receive the training required to lead successful adult married lives. An important area of study for the leopard association is knowledge in the treatment of diseases and injuries through the use of incantations and medicines, and this dance is taught as a part of that curriculum. The leopard might be viewed as a symbol of all manner of dangerous things that attack people. The leopard dance, originally a Dan dance which the Njedebua learned from the Uobe, is actually a dance­drama about a young man who is killed by a leopard and then brought back to life by the powers of the association’s magician. This recording was made at the Njedebua village of Pelesi. In the recording, youths whose bodies are painted in a black line pattern over red, sing as they form a circle around two men. One of the two men in the center is wearing a French army coat and has a skin with white hair on one hand and something that looks like a broom made of bundled straw in the other. The other man is wearing white clothing and also carries a straw bundle. These two are the main characters, called the “owners” of the leopard association. These two also play the role of lead singers in the vocal ensemble which is sung in parallel thirds. The men running around the outside of the ring are the “hunters” of the leopard association, with their leader, wearing a feather head­dress and carrying a spear, who bears the responsibility for this dance­drama. In the second scene, a battle between three leopards and the hunters is performed. One of the hunters is attacked and killed by the leopards. The dead hunter‘s brother lifts up his corpse and the chief members of the leopard association, led by their boss in the French army coat, are finally able to bring him back from the dead by using the fetishes they hold in their hands. The resurrected man then dances around animatedly. [Tatsumura]

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Botswana Tatsumura Ayako

The San [Bushmen]

The Kalahari Desert occupies a major part of the Republic of Botswana. The original inhabitants of Botswana were the San, but most of them were driven into the Kalahari Desert in the west with the southward movements of the Bantu Tswana. The Tswana make up a large majority of the present Botswana population of 970,000; the San population is estimated at between 50,000 and 60,000.

19­14

Musical bow performance 1972/Botswana, Kalahari Desert

The San, commonly known as the Bushmen, who make the Kalahari Desert their home, are notable in Africa as one of only a few groups who maintain a traditional livelihood of hunting and gathering. The films here (19­14, 19­15, 19­16, 19­17) were taken in 1972 of the !Xo (!Ko) group who live in the bush to the south and southeast of Kalkfontein in western Botswana. Their lives are centered around social units made up of extended family groups, termed “bands.” These bands are usually made up of thirty to fifty people. Although their traditional lifestyle is to move across the desert, hunting and gathering as they go, at the time of filming in 1972 only 4,000 of the 26,000 San in Botswana were leading this type of life. And since 1980, the government has displayed a strong tendency to encourage these hunting peoples to convert to a stationary life surrounding water wells. The musical bow is an important African musical instrument, especially in Central and South Africa. The simplest version of this instrument, common among the San, is a bow, normally used for hunting, used musically. The instrument seen here, however, with a string made of metal, is used exclusively for music. (The bow on the right is so straight that it might be more appropriately termed a “musically strung pole.”) The end of the bow’s string is put into the mouth, which is used as a resonating cavity to amplify the sound, and the string is lightly struck with a small branch. The instrument in use here has its string tied to the bow two­thirds of the way between the two ends. The string is struck on both sides of this tie, extending the possibilities of basic tones. Listening to the basic tones, the performer alters their reverberations with the shape of his mouth. He holds the string between the index and middle fingers of his left hand, adjusting the vibration with the thumb. In this manner, two melodies, rich in delicate variations, are produced in the high and low registers. With the addition of the second performer, the rhythm becomes even more complex.

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19­15

Handelo — one­string instrument and song 1972/Botswana, Kalahari Desert

This instrument, called the handelo, might be described as the San violin. It is thought to have originated in the northern part of the Limpopo River, to have then spread to the various South African Bantu peoples, and from them to have reached the San. The body is made by carving out a wooden stick about five centimeters wide and sixty centimeters long, stringing it with a single wire string, and attaching an egg­shaped resonating apparatus (this appears to be made of ostrich egg shell) at its head. A wooden tuning screw is stuck into the body at its lower end. With the sounding apparatus at the top, the instrument is rested on the shoulder and played with a bow about fifteen centimeters long strung with antelope tail hair. The left hand is inserted under the string at it lower end and the thumb is pressed against the string at different places to alter the pitch. This instrument is used almost exclusively by men, who play it for personal enjoyment.

19­16

Dongo — hand piano and song 1972/Botswana, Kalahari Desert

The instrument played here, a member of the lamellaphone family seen all over Africa, is called the dongo by the San. It is the same variety as the keyboard instrument called the sansa or mbira by the Bantu. The dongo is made by attaching metal strips of varying lengths in a row across the top of a board, and it is played by holding it over an ostrich egg shell, an empty can, or the like, that serves as a sounding box. The keys are plucked with the thumbs of both hands while the little fingers hold the sounding box in place. The order in which the keys are lined up is based on individual preference, but the longer, therefore lower­pitched, keys are usually set in the middle, Among the instruments the San use, the dongo has the greatest musical potential. It is used by both men and women, and greatly enjoyed as a means of personal diversion from the strenuous everyday life.

19­17

Trance­dance treatment of sickness 1972/Botswana, Kalahari Desert

A great variety of cultures exhibit examples of dance­induced trances where the dancer has ceremonial contact with some kind of spirit. Such an activity is recorded here among the San. They believe that sickness is caused by arrows invisible to the eye, shot into the victim by spirits of the dead. In this dance, called the “Chomma” named for a kind of antelope), a man dances himself into a trance, and then pulls the problematic arrows out of the women, children, and the diseased, lodging them in his own body. When the arrows are in turn removed from his body, it is believed, the evil spirit is chased away. This dance is performed throughout the night and any number of men go into trances and lose consciousness. They touch the women and children’s bodies in order to draw the evil spirits’ arrows into their own. When under the trance, the men battle valiantly with the spirits of the dead. The short shaking screams issuing from their

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pain­wrenched faces indicate the removing of arrows that have become lodged in their own bodies. When a dancer loses consciousness, the women and other dancers around him rush to nurse him. This kind of dance and singing performed in order to induce a group trance is a traditional part of San culture, and displays their rich musical sense and overflowing expressions of emotion. Through this type of activity, band bonds are strengthened, and the pressures of everyday living are released.

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Republic of South Africa Tatsumura Ayako

The Zulu

Although the Republic of South Africa is the country with the largest percentage of European residents in Africa, the white population still only amounts to eighteen percent of the whole (1980). The Zulu people, who account for one third of the seventy percent African population, live in Zululand in the eastern part of the Republic of South Africa. By the nineteenth century they had built up the Zulu kingdom based on great military strength, but after they fought the Boers of the Cape Colony in the 1850s, they were eventually brought under English control. Now, as a part of South Africa’s Bantustan policy, an independent self­government system is set up in Zululand ­— officially called Kwazulu — but many Zulu men leave to work in the mines and the big cities. In Kwazulu, traditional patterns of living, such as farming and livestock­raising, are commonly seen.

19­18

Lullaby accompanied by musical bow singer: Konstanze Magogo 1968/Natal, Republic of South Africa

The Zulu are members of the Nguni ethnic group, the southernmost division of the Bantu. Their language and culture display the influence of extended contact with the region’s original inhabitants, the San. The Nguni group of the Bantu spread northward again with the influx of the Europeans, and as a consequence of the fighting and intermarriage that occurred then, they are now divided into a number of groups. The Zulu are farmers, with com as the central crop, and also raise livestock, including cattle, goats, and sheep. Polygamy is generally a social norm. The woman here singing as she plays a musical bow is Konstanze Magogo, bom in 1900, a princess of the Zulu royal family. This princess is now well­known as the only woman who can still perform a variety of songs in the king’s palace. The musical bow (ugubu) is a traditional Zulu instrument, and uses a large gourd hollowed out inside for a resonator. The bow is held vertically and the gourd rests on the left side of the musician’s chest. The string is struck with a bow held in the right hand, while the thumb and index finger of the left hand control the string. By pressing the open part of the gourd against the chest or holding it away, two different sounds are produced. The recording was made in 1968 at Natal in Zululand in the east of the Republic of South Africa. The song is a lullaby with the following meaning:

Where has your mother gone? [A lullaby]

Thou who is seated at the extreme end of the hut— Then who is seated near the door? Whose baby is that? It belongs to the smooth­tongued man.

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Response:

Oho! We don’t know! Whenever he peeps in the kitchen­hut he thinks Someone is busy grinding boiled mealies [presumably as he is impatient because of hunger] Keep quiet my boy Keep quiet my little child! Where has your mother gone? Has she gone to draw water? Where has she gone? Has she gone to collect firewood? Where has she gone? Where has my sister's husband gone? [In singing this line to her baby, she actually addresses herself, asking where her own husband has gone.] Since he no longer courts girls Where has he gone? Has he gone to do some chopping? Where has he gone?

[From Encyclopaedia Cinematographica’s Zulu (E1701), Göttingen, 1976]

19­19

Wedding ceremony 1968/Natal, Republic of South Africa

Ceremonies surrounding marriage are some of the most important in Zulu culture. When a woman gets married, she leaves the family she has lived with up to that point and also transfers her membership from the unmarried women's group to the married women’s group. For a set period immediately following marriage, the wife must follow her mother­in­law‘s orders to do all the worst tasks in the household. When this is over, she is finally recognized as a member of the family. Marriage involves the families of both parties, and the family of the groom is obligated to present the bride’s family with a substantial dowry (called a lobola) to compensate for their loss of a daughter. This recording of the dance of a bride in a wedding ceremony (umQboliso) was made at a village in Natal in 1968. Many animals are sacrificed for the wedding ceremony, and dances are performed on the same day. The woman in the center of the screen is the bride. She has a cloth draped over her head and a pearl necklace, previously worn by the sacrificial animals, around her neck, and as she dances she shows off the dagger in her hand. She also plays the role of the lead singer. Both the married and the unmarried women join her. The bride must prove by her demeanor in the dance that she has not yet had a child and that she is a virgin. A call and response singing pattern typical of African music is performed between the bride and the other women. The women’s occasional high­pitched screams are expressions of joy and high spirits.

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GLOSSARY adhan [adhān] see azan aksak asymmetrical “limping” meters such as the nine­beat zeybek rhythm (2 + 2 + 2 + 3)(Turkey, 16­6) ’ala secular music (Morocco, 17­5) al beher pleasure dance for young people (Omar­Arab/Chad, 18­8, 18­12) algaita a type of oboe; also gaita (Chad, 18­1, 18­2) am haraba pleasure dance from Sudan area (Hemat­Arab/Chad, 18­13) arghul [arghül] clarinet­type wind instruments (Arab) asik [âṣik] “love”; term for wandering troubadours of eastern Turkey; cf. ozan (Turkey, 16­9) ‘ataba [‘atābā] Bedouin rhythmical lyric verses avaz [āvāz] “voice,” “cry,” “song”; free rhythmic style of improvisation (Iran) azan call to Worship in Islam, repeated five times each day (Turkey, 16­1); also adhan

baddawi [baddāwī] Bedouin women’s song (Qatar, 16­17) baglama saz [baglama saz] medium­sized saz (Turkey, 16­6) balafon West African term for gourd­resonated frame Xylophone (Cameroon, 17­13) ban term for “drum” (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­5) bandike drum set (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­5) bandil [bandīl] hand­beaten drum (Chad, 18­1, 18­2) bangba single­headed drum (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­5) bango single­headed drum (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­5) bardjat pleasure dance of young people (Djaya/Chad, 18­10) begana a lyre (Ethiopia) begla dancing mask (Gere/Ivory Coast, 19­9) bendir a tambourine (North Africa) ’bi’b’be “children”; term for cylindrical sounding boxes on the balafon (Fulbe/Cameroon, 17­13) biwa plucked lute (Japan) bodo a gourd rattle (Chad, 18­6) boru simple trumpet used in mehter (Turkey, 16­2) buusaw wind instrument made from animal horn (Cameroon, 17­15)

cayhane [çayhane] tea house (Turkey, 16­9) cembalo European instrument similar to the santur chang Uzbek and Tajik instrument similar to the santur chanson “song”; urban French performance genre chomma healing trance­dance (San/Botswana, 19­17) cibikli [çibikli] dance from Gaziantep region (Turkey, 16­4) cimbalom instrument similar to the santur used in Romanian and Hungarian Gypsy music cura a small saz (Turkey, 16­7) cura zuma a small zuma (Turkey, 16­5)

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daacol cow herding songs (Fulbe/Cameroon, 17­19) daacoowo professional daacol singers (Cameroon, 17­19) dabkah Bedouin line dance (Iraq, 16­12) dambio festival dance (Djonkor/Chad, 18­4) darabukka single­headed goblet drum (Turkey, 16­6; Iraq 16­13; Lebanon, 16­15; Egypt, 17­1; Tunisia, 17­2; Morocco, 17­5) darge hand­beaten drum held in the lap (Chad, 18­3) darru stick­beaten drum (Chad, 18­3) dastgah system of modes, designating types of embellishment and ornamentation as well as scales and intervals (Iran) davul double­headed drum (Turkey, 16­2, 16­3, 16­5) dervish [derviṣ] “follower” apprentice monk of Sufi Muslim sect (Turkey, 16­10; Morocco, 17­4) deyo “last one”; fifth and shortest flute in the traditional ensemble (Djonkor/Chad, 18­3) dhikr Sufi Muslim practice of “endless” repetition of Mohammed’s name divan a large saz (Turkey, 16­7) djele pleasure dance (Djaya/Chad, 18­9) djersiss pleasure dance (Omar­Arab/Chad, 18­12) dokuzlu dance of Gaziantep region (Turkey, 16­4) dongo thumb piano (San/Botswana, 19­16); cf. sansa dooynaago term for “voices” (Fulbe/Cameroon, 17­17) duf a tambourine (Lebanon, 16­15) dummbo instrument made from hollowed­out, dried gourd (Cameroon, 17­14)

ere dokide “second flute” in the traditional ensemble (Djonkor/Chad, 18­3) ere kadue “third flute” in the traditional ensemble (Djonkor/Chad, 18­3) ere pidiwe [ere pídiwe] “fourth flute” in the traditional ensemble (Djonkor/Chad, 18­3) ezan [ezân] Turkish term for azan

fann al muradah [fann al murādāh] “word repetition, ” “swaying back and forth repeatedly”; women’s line dance (Qatar, 16­19) fechakechake a hand­held rattle (Cameroon, 18­15)

gaita a type of oboe; also algaita (Chad, 18­1); cf, ghaita gajga ax blade used as a percussion instrument (Ivory Coast, 19­10) gan baaba “father”; term for gourd resonator boxes on the balafon (Fulbe/Cameroon, 17­13) ganga cylindrical double­headed drum (Chad, 18­1, 18­2, 18­3) ganga pero small drum (Kanuri/Cameroon, 17­20) gangai cylindrical double­headed drum, larger than the ganga (Chad, 18­1) garayya bowed instrument with lizard skin stretched over its gourd resonator (Cameroon, 17­16) gashi long, slender, tuba­like metal horn (Chad, 18­2, 18­3) gbagba “cattle­chasing bird”; name of a masked dance (Baule/Ivory Coast, 19­3) gegbe stilt acrobats (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­8) gegon a mask (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­5)

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genbri plucked lute (Morocco, 17­7, 17­8) ghaita [ghaiṭa] North African term for the zuma gisess dance form (Dangaleat/Chad, 18­8) goli name of a divinity; term is also used for a mask representing the god and a dance in which the mask is used (Baule/Ivory Coast, 19­4) goli toa gourd rattle used in goli dance (Baule/Ivory Coast, 19­4) gone male/female mask pair used in goli dance (Baule/Ivory Coast, 19­4) gouli slit­drum players (Ivory Coast, 19­10) greagba “rebellion spirit”; name for women's dance (Guro/Ivory Coast, 19­11) griot professional musicians (Mandinka/West Africa) gua young boy’s dance (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­7)

Hackbrett German instrument similar to the santur halay group dance (southeast Turkey, 16­4) hancer bar [hançer bar] knife dance (Turkey, 16­3) handelo bowed one­string instrument (San/Botswana, 19­15) hashshabi [hashshābi] narrow version of darabukka (Iraq, 16­13) hatcem [hatçem] Anatolian dance type (Turkey, 16­6) horon fast­paced line dance from Black Sea region (Turkey, 16­5) huda [hudā] caravan songs (Arab)

imdyazn wandering minstrels (Morocco, 17­8) ‘iqa’ [‘iqā’] rhythmic cycle in Iranian music; also usul Iraqi maqam [Iraqi maqām] urban classical music

joza [jōza] a rebab (Arab)

kamanja spike fiddle; may also denote violin or viola (North Africa) kanun [kânûn] Turkish term for sixty­string plucked zither; cf. qanun (Turkey, 16­10; Lebanon, 16­15; Egypt, 17­1; North Africa; Tunisia, 17­2) karadeniz kemence [karadeniz kemençe] “Black Sea kemence”; three­string bowed lute (Turkey, 16­5) kasik [kaşik] wooden spoons used for percussion (Turkey, 16­6, 16­7) kaval a short metal vertical flute (Turkey, 16­6) kebak “umbrella”; a rattle (Tikar/Cameroon, 18­14) kembah a wooden horn (Cameroon, 18­14) kemence [kemençe] three­ or four­string bowed lute (Turkey, 16­5) kenfung long bamboo vertical flute (Cameroon, 18­15) khammari [khammārī] festive folk song style (Qatar, 16­16) kirik hava [kirik hava] “broken melody"; style of folk music characterized by a clear beat, narrow range, and repetition of short, melodic phrases (Turkey) kiz horon [kiz horon] girl’s horon (Turkey, 16­5) konsiire double gongs (Cameroon, 17­11) kopu stilts used by acrobats (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­8) kora a harp­lute (Mandinka/West Africa) koro unison ensemble singing style in Turkish classical music

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kos [kös] timpani­like drum used in mehter; camel­ or elephant­mounted in seventeenth­century military bands (Turkey, 16­2) krar a lyre (Ethiopia) kudum [kudüm] kettle­shaped drum (Turkey, 16­10) kukuma one­string bowed lute (Chad, 18­6) kundinge a five­string bow harp (Chad, 18­5)

lamshaliya prelude to nawba selection (Morocco, 17­5) layali [layālī] rhythmically free improvisational form (Iran) lelje young girls’ dance (Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­6) leylim 2/4 time circular dance of halay type (Turkey, 16­4) libo transverse flute made from a millet stalk (Chad, 18­7) litungu a lyre (Kenya)

maa dan a short drum (Cameroon, 17­13) makam Turkish term for theoretical framework of melodic structure in classical music; cf. dastgah ma’luf classical music, sometimes termed “Andalusian” (North Africa; Tunisia, 17­3; Morocco, 17­5) maqam [maqām] Arabic term for theoretical framework of melodic structure in classical music; cf. dastgah marimba Xylophone (West and Central Africa) matbudj paired cane single­reed flutes (Iraq, 16­13) mbira see sansa mbooku lyrical poems sung by minstrel poets (Fulbe/Cameroon, 17­17) mehter military music of the Ottoman Empire (Turkey, 16­2) mijwiz clarinet­type wind instruments (Arab) mizmar [mizmār] Arabic term for the zuma mkum a short wooden flute (Cameroon, 18­15)

nai [nāi] cane flute (Turkey, 16­10; Lebanon, 16­15; Egypt, 17­1; Tunisia, 17­3; Morocco, 17­5) nakkare small kettledrum pair (Turkey, 16­2); cf. naqqara naqqara [naqqāra] widely distributed small kettle­drum pair (Iraq, 16­13; North Africa; Tunisia, 17­3); cf. nakkare nawba North African classical music; cf. ma’luf (Tunisia, 17­3; Morocco, 17­5) ney see nai nguck a small slit­drum (Cameroon, 18­15) nineagla singing mask (Gere/Ivory Coast, 19­9) njaa [njāā] term for the low notes of the balafon (Mbum/Cameroon, 17­13) njum a drum (Cameroon, 18­15) nugara cylindrical double­headed drum (Chad, 18­13)

obukano a lyre (Kenya) oguzlu [oǧuzlu] dance from Gaziantep region (Turkey, 16­4)

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oyun hava dance songs characterized by kirik hava style (Turkey) ozan Turkish folk term for asik, troubadours

parri wind instrument with conical bell (Chad, 18­3) pipa plucked lute (China) pleple male/female mask pair used in goli dance (Baule/Ivory Coast, 19­4)

qanun [qānûn] transliteration of Arabic term for plucked zither; cf. kanun qarqadat castanet­like percussion instrument (Morocco, 17­6) qasida [qasīda] classic lyrical Arab anthems qassaba [qassāba] reed flute (Arab) qua see gone

rabab [rabāb] see rebab rebab [rebâb] widely distributed bowed lute (Turkey, 16­10; North Africa, 17­7, 17­8; Qatar) riq tambourine (Iraq, 16­13; Egypt, 17­1) ritungu a lyre (Kenya) riz tremolo technique for santur (Iran, 16­11) rokile “first”; first vertical flute in the traditional ensemble (Djonkor/Chad, 18­3)

sama’i [samā’i] ten­beat cycle (3 + 5 + 4) used in instrumental music in Arab classical tradition sanai double­reed wind instrument (Cameroon, 17­11) santouri Greek instrument similar to the santur santur [santûr] widely distributed hammered dulcimer (Iran, 16­11) sansa thumb piano; instrument with tuned keys made from metal strips; a lamellaphone (Cameroon, 17­12); cf. mbira, dongo saz long­necked plucked lute (Turkey, 16­6, 16­7, 16­9) sei­nu “snake­girl” acrobats (Gere and Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­10) seja­poi “girl­tosser” acrobats (Gere and Dan/Ivory Coast, 19­10) sekeseke woven rattles (Ivory Coast, 19­1) semâ [sema] Sufi Muslim whirling dance (Turkey, 16­10) shahai regional term for street musicians (Morocco, 17­7) sistrum Y­shaped rattle sokie a rattle (Chad, 18­3)

tabl [tabl] large, flat, double­headed drum (Iraq, 16­12; Qatar, 16­16, 16­17, 16­18; Morocco, 17­4, 17­5, 17­6) tabla single­headed wood drum; cf. darabukka tagalabu instrument similar to the libo (Hausa/Chad, 18­7) tambal instrument similar to the santur used in Romanian and Hungarian Gypsy music (Iran) tambura [tambūra] widely distributed plucked lute (Middle East and North Africa) tanbur [tanbûr] long­necked lute (Turkey, 16­10) taqqit al­habb [taqqit al­ḥabb] mortar­pounding song type (Qatar, 16­18)

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taqsim [taqsīm] free­rhythm improvisational solos in Arab classical tradition tar [tār] widely distributed tambourine­like drum (Qatar, 16­16, 16­17, 16­18; North Africa; Tunisia, 17­3; Morocco, 17­4, 17­5) timmbiri term for sansa (Mbum/Cameroon, 17­12) tirembel a small drum (Chad, 18­1) tongbo male/female mask pair used in goli dance (Baule/Ivory Coast, 19­4) tori a long drum (Cameroon, 17­13) trimbet a small drum (Chad, 18­2) tsimbali Ukrainian and Slavic instrument similar to the santur turku [türkü] “Turk”; folk music (Turkey) tushiya instrumental introduction to nawba selection (Morocco, 17­5) tympanon French instrument similar to the santur (Iran)

uale “walking bowlegged”; name for masked dance (Guro/Ivory Coast, 19­12) uctelli [üçtelli] three­string lute from which the saz is descended (Turkey, 16­7) ud [‘ūd] widely distributed short­necked plucked lute (Turkey, 16­10; Egypt, 17­1; Tunisia, 17­3; Morocco, 17­5) ugubu musical bow (Zulu/South Africa, 19­18) usul theoretical framework for rhythmic structure of Turkish classical music; rhythmic cycle in Iranian music; also ‘iqa’ uzun hava “long melody”; style of folk music which does not emphasize the beat and employs melismata generously (Turkey)

valiha tube zither (Madagascar)

yangqin “Western harp”; Chinese instrument similar to the santur yanggum Korean instrument similar to the santur yankin Japanese instrument similar to the santur yooch’in Mongolian instrument similar to the santur

zaghrur [zaghrūr] piercing ululations of Bedouin Women (Iraq, 16­12) zeybek rhythm used in men’s dances from the Western Aegean area (Turkey); cf. aksak zil cymbals (Turkey, 16­2) zimbalon European instrument similar to the santur zukra [zūkra] name for the zuma (Arab) zuma [zumā] double­reed end­blown flute (Turkey, 16­2, 16­3, 16­4, 16­5; Iraq, 16­12; Lebanon, 16­15)

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SELECTED REFERENCES Cemil Demirsipahi

1975 Turk Halk Oyunu (Turkish folk dances). Ankara. (In Turkish.)

During, Jean 1984 La musique iranienne: tradition et éuolution (Music of Iran: tradition and

evolution). Paris: Editions recherche sur les civilisations. (In French.)

Ebato Akira 1981 Minshu no Iru Ongaku (Music and peoples). Tokyo: Shobunsha. (In Japanese.)

Griaule, M. 1984 Dieu d’eau (God of water). Paris. (In French.)

Gunther, Helmut 1969 Grundphänomene und Grundbegriffe des afrikanischen und afro­amerikanischen

Tanzes (Basic principles of African and Afro­American dance). Graz: Universal Edition. (In German.)

Jargy, S. [1971] 1988 La musique arabe (Arab music). Paris; Presses universitaires de France.

Koizumi Fumio 1985 “Nishi Ajia no Furusa Atarashisa” (“Old and new in West Asia”). In Minozoku

Ongaku no Sekai (The world of ethnomusicology), supervised by Tsuge Genichi. Tokyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppan Kyoukai. (In Japanese.)

Koshiba Harumi n.d. “Toruko no Minzoku Ongaku Tanbo” (“In search of Turkish music”). In Gekkan

Shiruku Rodo (Silk Road Monthly), Vol. 4, No. 5. Tokyo. (In Japanese.)

Mahdi, S. cl. 1972 La musique arabe (Arab music). Paris. (In French.)

Metin And 1976 A Pictorial History of Turkish Dancing. Ankara.

Nakamura Toyo 1984 “Afirika no Ongaku ga Kikoete Kuru” (“I can hear the music of Africa”). In

Mujikku Magajin (Music Magazine), special issue.

Naya Toshiro 1979 Toruko no Senbu Kyodan (The whirling dervishes of the Turkish Mevlevi sect).

Tokyo: Heibonsha. (In Japanese.) 1980 Isutanburu Annai (Guide to Istanbul). Tokyo; Heibonsha. (In Japanese)

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Nettl, Bruno 1987 The Radif of Persian Music. Champaign, Illinois: Elephant & Cat.

Nketia, J. H. Kwabena 1974 The Music of Africa. New York: W.W. Norton.

Sachs, Curt 1937 World History of the Dance. New York; W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.

Sadi Yaver Ataman 1975 100 Turk Halk Oyunu (100 Turkish folk dances). Istanbul. (In Turkish.)

Takemitsu Toru and Kawashima Junzo 1980 Oto/Kotoba/Ningen (Sound/words/man) Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. (In Japanese)

Touma, H. H . 1975 Die Musik der Araber (Music of the Arabs) Wilhelmshaven: Heinrichshofen.

Tsuge Gen’ichi 1982 “Iran no Ongaku” (“Music of Iran”). In Ongaku Daijiten (Encyclopedia of music),

Vol. 4. Tokyo: Heibonsha. (In Japanese.)

JVC In collaboration with Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings Distributed by Multicultural Media www.worldmusicstore.com Montpelier, Vermont 05602

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