the profile ap assembly elections before...

THE PROFILE OF THE AP ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS BEFORE 2009

Chapter - I1

References to environment as an important variable in the functioning and

development of political systems are quite frequently made by Political Science

scholars'. Undoubtedly, the political processes have to contend with an

environment which, according to Samuel J. Eldersveld, includes the other party,

current political issues, the social structure and organized groups in the

community most relevant for politics, the government apparatus and the media

among others2. The parties and leaders seek to maximize their support and status

in this environment. Therefore, a brief profile of the Andhra Pradesh is presented.

Andhra was the first linguistic state on the political map of Independent

India. It was the out come of a prolonged struggle by the T e l u y speaking people.

Subsequently, Andhra Pradesh was formed on lS' November, 1956 by merging the

11 districts of Andhra State comprising of the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema

districts with the nine Telugu speaking districts of the erstwhile Hyderabad State.

It is situated on the central stretch of the Eastern Sea board of the Indian

peninsula.

Andhra Pradesh is the 5th largest state both in area and in population in the

Indian Union. It consists of three distinct but homogeneous geographical regions-

-- the Coastal Andhra, the Rayalaseema and the Telangana. The Coastal Andhra

includes 9 districts and comprises of 41.7 p a cent of the state population. The

four districts of Chittoor, Kadapa, Anantapur and Kurnool form the Rayalaseema

region and comprises of 18 per cent of the state's population. The Telangana

consists of 10 districts comprising of 40.3 per cent of the state's population

(Census of India 2001).

The electoral process and its outcome reflect the history, socio economic

development and political culture of each region. These three regions of the state

are characterized by asymmetric development due to geographical factors such as

soil fertility, rainfall, cropping pattern, and infrastructure facilities. These three

regions differ in their levels of literacy. The state ranks high in rural electrification

and in power generation in the country. 67.66 per cent of the people are literate as

against the All India average of 74.04 per cent (201 1 Census).

The economy of the state is primarily agriculture. About 70 per cent of the

population lives in rural areas and most of them depend upon agriculture. Of the

three regions, the coastal Andhra is a fairly well developed region. It took an

early lead in social development because it along with Rayalaseema was under the

direct rule of the British and was therefore exposed to modernization processes.

The upper caste families of the Coastal Andhra took to western education at a

relatively early stage. Rayalaseema, however, suffered from many natural

disadvantages. The caste system in Andhra Pradesh is akin to the one that prevails

in most other parts of ~ n d i a . ~ The Varna Model broadly guides the structure of

caste stratification in the state. The peasant castes, reddis and kammmas, in

particular, technically belonging to the sudra varna achieved tremendous upward

socio mobility. Therefore, in the light of dwindling importance of the ritual status

and the ever - increasing importance of the economic status of different castes, the

structure of caste stratification has undergone significant change over a period of

time. At present, the classical five fold stratification of the Hindu society prevails

in Andhra Pradesh. The important castes of Andhra Pradesh are stratified as

f0ll0ws:~

1. Forward Castes: Dwija Castes and Upper Peasant castes

2. Backward Castes (A): Artisan Castes and low peasant castes

3. Backward Castes (B): Service Castes and the other low castes

4. Backward Castes (C): Mendicant Castes

5. Harijan Castes; Scheduled Castes and Castes recognized as

Scheduled Tribes.

The important Kulams of Andhra in this pattern are:

1. Forward Castes: Brahmin, Kshatriya (Raju), Vaisya (Komati),

Reddy, Kamma, Kapu and Velama.

2. Backward Caste (A) : Gavara. Golla, Viswa Brahmin, Weaver

Castes, Koppu Velama, Settibalija

3. Backward Castes (B): Chakali, Mangali, Kummara, Bhatraju,

Devadasi, Telukula, Fishermen castes, Satani, low caste converts to

Islam and Christianity, etc.

4. Backward Castes Q :Budabukkala, Gangireddu, Medara,

Dommara, Pamula, Veeramushti, etc.

5 . Harijan Castes : Mala, Madiga, Adi-Andhra, Relli,etc.

Brahmins

The Indian traditional society witnessed the dominance of the Brahmins.

They were the torch bearers of the Indian elite sub-structure5 of Indian culture and

for the custodians of the Vedic knowledge and Sanskrit language. The Brahmins

of Andhra Pradesh can be broadly divided into Vaishtnavas, Smartas and the latter

account for a bulk of the Telugu Brahmins. These Smartas are further sub-divided

into Vaidikis and Niyogis.

The Brahmins are numerically very small and constitute around three per

cent of the population. They could make use of the initial advantages of the

British Rule and dominated political scene until the early 1950s. They continue to

be important by virtue of their preponderance in the bureaucracy, academic

institutions, mass media and the professions. For the last three decades, their

influence has been on the decline as they are not an economically powerful group.

Besides this, the political wind in the wake of democratization of politics in favour

of the leaders with peasant caste background commanded economic power,

numerical strength and rural base.

Kshatriyn (Raju)

The Kshatriyas (Rajus) represent a Telugu warrior caste enjoying high

status in the State. The Kshatriyas are divided into three important sub castes---

Surya Vamsa, Chandra Varnsa and Matsya Varnsa. Several Kshatriya dynasties in

the past ruled over many principalities of the State. Now, Kshatriyas are reduced

to a peasant caste and they constitute around 1.5 per cent of the State population.

They are mostly confined to the North and Central Coastal Regions. The

Kshatriyas though insignificant in terms of numerical strength played a key role in

State politics in the pre-and post-Independence period. This community is mostly

engaged in contract works, business, etc.

Vaisya

The Vaisyas are the most important traditional T e l u y trading caste

comprising of three per cent of the population in the State. They are broadly

divided into endogamous sub-castes----Gavara Komatis, and Kalinga Komatis.

They traditionally monopolized the Trade and Commerce in the State. Politically,

Vaisyas were not an important force for quite a long time. Of late, their

representation has been on the increase.

Reddy

The Reddys are one of the most influential peasant castes of Andhra

Pradesh. They technically belong to Sudra varna. Yet, they have acquired high

caste status due to their historical antecedents. Their economic prosperity as

landed gentry has been another significant factor for their dominance in the State

politics. They constitute around 6.5 per cent of the State's population. They are

predominant in Rayalaseema region and therefore, Rayalaseema is popularly

known as Reddy seema. However, their preponderance is found in Telengana and

Andhra regions as well, particularly in Southern Coastal Andhra. Reddys have all

the advantages of rural based numerically dominant landed caste to exploit

electoral opportunities in democratic politics. According to Basheeduddin Khan,

"The State wide spread of the Reddys, their higher proportion in tenns of

their numbers among the peasant proprietary caste in Andhra Pradesh, their

traditional power in many taluks and villages and glorious antecedents of local

rule in any parts of Andhra Pradesh, coupled with their political initiative and

involvement in the Congress and Communist politics during the last four decades,

and the availability of better caste leadership from the village, taluk, district and

the state level; and above all, their firm base in agricultural wealth, gave the

Reddys a predominance over all the other dominant castes in Andhra Pradesh".

Kamma

The Kammas are a non-Brahmin upper peasant caste like Reddys.

Karnmas are one of the politically dominant castes in Andhra Pradesh. They are

called by different names like Chowdary and Naidu. Economically, Kammas are

the richest caste in the State. Their prosperity is primarily due to their

geographical location. They have settlements in the most fertile south coastal

delta districts of Godavari, Knshna, and Guntur. They own about 70 per cent of

the fertile delta land6. Kammas constitute about 4.8 per cent of the States

population. They are in considerable number in Anantapur, Chittoor, Nellore and

Khammam districts.

The most important source of their power has been their control over land.

As the owners of the land holdings and occupants ofaimportant positions in

villages, they have traditionally controlled village political life. In course of time,

they have expanded their activities into other spheres of economy, i.e., business,

industry, transport, contracts and cine field etc. Thus, Karnmas have all the

advantages of dynamic rural based, dominant peasant caste to exploit the electoral

opportunities in the democratic politics of Andhra ~ r a d e s h . ~

The Velamas are supposed to be those Kammas who were

excommunicated from the caste on the question of an important caste practice.

There are several sub-sects in Velamas such as Koppula Velama, Polinati Velama

etc., who are being treated as backward castes. Velamas constitute about three per

cent of the population. They are mostly concentrated in Telengana and Northern

Circar districts. They have been playing an active role in the State politics as the

community is deemed to be the raising community in the State since 1983. This

may be attributed to the preferential treatment given to such communities with the

emergence of the Telugu Desam Party.

Kapu

The Kapu community is the largest community in Andhra Pradesh and

mostly concentrated in Coastal Andhra and a few pockets of Telengana and

Rayalaseema area. In terms of numerical strength, they are about 13 per cent of

the State population. They are known with different names in different regions

such as Telaga, Naidu, Turpu Kapu, Balija and Munnur Kapu etc. Kapus have

become an important factor in Andhra Pradesh politics.

Other Backward Castes

There are four groups of backward classes:l.Aboriginal Tribes, Vimukta

Jatis, Nomadic and semi-Nomadic Tribes etc. (37 castes); 2.Vocational groups (21

castes); 3.Harijan converts; and 4.0ther classes. Of these groups, the dominant

castes in the State politics are Golla/Yadava, Goudas, PallislFishermen, Viswa

Brahmins, Padmasalis, Kalingas, Koppu Velamas, Chakalil Washermen,

MangaliiBarbers, Kummaris, Vadderas etc. These castes constitute 44.8 per cent

of the State population as per the Backward Castes Census Records (1986). Their

role has been increasing in the State politics since their activisation under the

Telugu Desam Party.

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

The Scheduled Castes people comprise around 15.5 percent of the State

population while the Scheduled Tribe population constitutes 6 per cent of the State

total population. There are 60 recognized Scheduled Castes and 33 Tribal groups

under the head Scheduled Tribe. Despite the classification of Scheduled Caste

population, the malas play an active and important role in the State politics and

their population is 35 per cent. These are second in numerical strength and more

than 213 are found in Coastal Andhra and Chittoor district of the Rayalaseema

region. Of late, the madigas have come to the political scene in the State because

of their numerical dominance over the malas, their population being 44 p a cent.

They are concentrated mainly in the Telangana region. The Adi-andhras, the third

category of the Scheduled Caste population, form 11 per cent and are largely

confined to the East Godavari and the Chittoor districts.

Regarding the Scheduled Tribe population, it can be said that the Tribal

Tracks are exclusively in the Northern Circars, Norther Telangana, and

Khammam districts.

Muslims

Muslims constitute another important social group in Andhra Pradesh.

They account for eight per cent of the total population and have been playing an

important role in the State politics. They are mostly concentrated in the

Telengana and the Rayalaseema regions. Nevertheless, their presence is relatively

low in Coastal Andhra Pradesh despite their considerable number found in some

pockets of Guntur and Krishna districts

Christians

The other important minority community in the State is Christians. They

are numerically low and constitute only 2.16 per cent of the State population.

ANDHRA PRADESH STATE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS -

AN OVER VIEW

Elections are the revealing aspects of the most of the contemporary

political systems. This is more so in the case of India for they open up channels

between the polity and society, between the elites and the masses, between the

individual and his government and more importantly help recruit leaders elections

also foster, rather than subvert democracy when they accurately and honestly

reflect public opinion. In fact they are the major agencies of political socialization

and political participation.

The study of elections provides an opportunity to understand the political

system in action, the electoral and democratic processes, the rise and fall of parties

and the wider ramification of political system and its various sub-components.

This chapter deals with the changhg political scenario of Andhra Pradesh since

the first general elections held during 195 1-52 (Table 2.1).

Table - 2.1 First General Elections to Andhra Area in Madras Provincial Legislature

(1952)' I I I I 1

Name of the party

Indian National Congress

I Other parties* 1 161 1 17 / 23.02 1

Socialist party

Communist party

Seats contested

133

50

63

Independents

Table - 2.2 Mid-Term Elections in Andhra (1955)

Seats won

40

Total

I Name of the party 1 Seats contested 1 Seats won 1 % of votes polled 1

% of votes poned

30.78

6

4 1

I I I 1 22 1

1 Congress 1 142 1 119 1 39.50 I

6.10

16.45

Source: Election Commission of India Note : * Other parties include K.L.P, K.M.P.P., Hind Mazdoor Sabha, Ram Rajya

Parishad and Scheduled Caste Federation.

628

Jana Sangh

K.L.P

PSP 145 4.58

70

-- - -

Communist party 168 15 30.3 1 I I

23.55

141 100.00

Praja party

It is evident from the above Table 2.2 that there had been a significant

decline in the number of parties contesting these elections. As against 10 parties

contesting in the 1952 elections, only six parties contested in the mid-term polls of

1955. Another important aspect of these elections was that, the congress- lead

U.D.F. was the major gainer while the communists suffered heavily in these

Independents

Total

I I I

12

Source: Election Commission of India.

170

5 80

5 3.50

20

96

14.4 1

100.00

elections. The communist party had to be content with just 15 seats even though it

holds 30.3 1 per cent of popular votes. It is also very clear that the percentage of

votes to seats was much higher than the partners of United Front. Several top

leaders of the communist party were humbled. The defeat of communist leaders

was more or less similar to the matter of the Andhra Congress Leaders in the first

general elections. As a whole, the final verdict was a great relief to the congress

party for it could contain the increasing influence of communists besides bringing

political stability to Andhra State and Sri B. Gopal Reddy assumed the regions of

government.9

In these elections, altogether 307 candidates have contested for the 105

seats (Table 2.3)

Table - 2.3


Thus on an average there were 3 candidates for every seat. The congress

party was the only party that contested all the 105 seats winning 68 seats with

47.37 per cent votes followed by the communists who by polling 26.10 per cent

votes were successful in 22 seats. After communists, the independents secured 12

seats and polled over 18 per cent of votes. Parties like, PAP, S.C.F., and Praja

Party secured one seat each. Though the communist party maintained more or less

its popular vote, the number seats it won had considerably declined from 36 seats

in 1952 to 22 seats in 1957. The Congress party on the other hand had gained

both in terms of seats as well as in votes. In fact, Andhra Pradesh remained a safe

belt for the congress till 1983." The Socialist party suffered a severe setback and

began to wane in these election results indicated a sharp decline of the Left parties

and a swing towards the Congress Party. ARer the 1957 elections, the congress

party formed government with N. Sanjeeva Reddy as the Chief Minister for the

second time. The constituents in the United Front of Andhra viz., K.L.P and Praja

Party merged with the Congress after 1957.

The party's position after 1957 is shown in the table 2.4. Though the

congress party phenomenally improved its position after 1957, its internal

factional feud became quite apparent by 1958. In fact, personal, caste, and

factional rivalries existed in the Andhra region even before the formation of

Andhra state. They were only intensified than ever before.

Table - 2.4

Overall Party Position in the Legislative Assembly after 1957 Elections

Name of the Party Number of Seats

Congess

Communist

- -- 1 Independents

The third general elections of 1962 were the first state-wide elections after

the formation of Andhra Pradesh. A note worthy feature of these elections was

that several national parties such as the Congress, C.P.I., Jana Sangh, Swantantra

and P.S.P., entered the electoral Tray. In these elections, the congress party

contested all the 301 seats and won 177 seats. Though the party was able to

Total 301


maintain the popular vote, the number of seats declined considerably due to

intensive internal factionalism. However, the communists could not improve their

strength in these elections due to a major entities and shift in the loyalty of

Harijans to the Congress which now had a first Harijan Chief Minister in the

State. Another significant aspect of the elections was that as many as 51

independents got elected in these elections; out of which 20 were rebel Congress

candidates (Table 2.5).

Table 2.5

Third General Elections 1962"

Name of the party

Congress

Independents

Total 988 301 100.00

source: Election Commission of India.

Socialists

PS.P.

B.J.S.

Swantantra

Following 1962 elections, Neelarn Sanjeeva Reddy staged a comeback to

the State politics and assumed the leadership again in 1962. However, his cabinet

remained in office only till 1964 when he resigned following an adverse court

verdict on the Nationalization of Buses in the district of Kumool.

Seats contested

300

In these elections altogether eight political parties and a number of

independents were in the fray. The total number of candidates considerably

increased compared to the earlier three elections which indicated the pace and

extent of competition for political leadership. The congress party contested 287

15

6

70

141

Seats won

177

% of votes polled

47.3

2

19

0.6

0.3

1 .O

10.4

seats and won 165 seats with 45.4 per cent of popular vote. It may be seen that

there was a decline in Congress Popular vote by nearly 2 per cent as compared to

1962. In terms of seats, there was a decline by 12 seats. It may be safely

interpreted that the voting pattern in Andhra Pradesh was very much in tune with

the All India phenomenon of anti-~ongressim.'~ The factional feuds among the

Congress leaders was similarly a potential factor responsible for its diminished

image (Table 2.6).

Table - 2.6 Fourth General Elections 1967

Swantantra

R.P.1

Fifth General Elections - 1972

independents

Total

The table 2.7 indicates that 219 of the 287 congress contestants won the

elections and the percentage of votes polled to the congress elites was 52.3. The

performance of the opposition parties was dismal and all of them put together won

11 seats, which was less than 15% of the independent numbers elected for the

Assembly. The CPI, CPI (M), Socialist party, BJP, Congress (0) and Swatantra

party put together polled 15.6 per cent of votes compared to that of 32.2 percent of

90

11

Source: Election Commission of India

40 1

1067

29

11

9.8

0.3

68

287

26.4

100.00

votes polled by the independents. An all time high of 52.3 per cent of votes were

polled to Congress, which bagged a record number of 219 seats.

Table - 2.7 Fifth General Elections for A.P. State Assembly 1972

Name of the party

Congress

N.C.0

C.P.1

Sixth General Elections - 1978

C.P.I(M)

Socialists

B.J.S.

Swantantra

Regional Parties.

Independents

Total

The Congress Party's debacle in the 1977 elections at the center led to a

second split13 and as a result Congress was divided into two, namely, the Indian

National Congress (I) and Indian National Congress (R). After the second split,

all the important stalwarts including the then Chief Minister J.Vengala Rao joined

the Indian National Congress (R). The Congress Party was in chaos during 1978

elections. In fact, Mrs. Gandhi was badly in need of capable candidates to lead

party in the State. At this juncture, M.Chenna Reddy took the reigns of the

Congress (I) in the state and under his leadership, the party faced the 6" Assembly

elections. As there was a dearth of candidates, the Congress (I) fielded light-

weights as candidates to contest the 1978 Assembly elections.I4 As the political

situation in the State was fluid Mrs. Gandhi made a whirlwind tour of the whole

Seats contested

287

11

59


32

4

56

20

43

488

297

Seats won

219

7

% of votes polled

52.3

0.3

6.0

1

2

1

57

287

- -

3.2

0.1

0.9

2.0

2.0

32.2

100.00

State and made a hectic campaign for her candidates. She addressed the public

even at informal places during her campaign.'' (Table 2.8)

To the dismay of all, the charisma of Indira Gandhi did not vanish and

her party trounced both the Janata and the Indian National Congress (R) at the

hustings. The party secured 175 seats out of 294 in the Assembly. Perhaps, G.

Ram Reddy was right when he called Andhra Pradesh as 'The Citadel of the

Congress party' . I6

Table - 2.8 Sixth General Elections for A.P. State Assembly - 1978

Name of the party

Congress

Other parties 1 16 / 0 / 0.2 I

R.P.1

Regional parties

Seats contested

290

An interesting aspect of 1978 elections was that for the first time Congress

(I) polled less than 40 per cent of votes in these elections with the break away

group getting 17.3 per cent votes. It was very low as compared to 47, 45 and 52

per cent votes it won in 1962, 1967 and 1972 elections respectively. The share of

the votes of independents also went down. The non-congress parties put together

polled more than 50 per cent of votes. The Janata Party became the first

recognized opposition in the state assembly with 60 seats getting 28.9 per cent

1

11

Independents

Total

Seats won

175

% of votes polled

39.3

0

0

Source: Election Commission of India, New Delhi.

640

1538

0.2

13

292

9.2

100.00

votes. The election results indicated that Congress (I) party could be invincible

unless there was a consolidation among the non-congress parties.

1983 Assembly Elections

The Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly Elections of 1983 paved the

way for a kind of election alliances. In these elections, the Telugu Desam Party

failed to reach an electoral alliance with the Communist Parties. It contested

almost all the seats leaving five seats to its ally the Sanjay Vichar Munch. The

Congress (I), on the other hand, contested all the seats independently. The C.P.I.,

C.P.1 (M), Janata, Lok Dal and Republican Party of India formed an alliance and

contested 176 seats in the State. In the 1983 elections, the Telugu Desam Party

focussed on the years of misrule of the Congress (I) Party. It mainly sought to

encash N.T.R.'s cine glamour who repeatedly stated that the object of the party is

to revive the lost prestige and glory of the Telugu people. He also promised to

provide a clean and honest government to the people of Andhra ~radesh."

Congress (1) did not lag behind in the election campaign. It evolved a

multi-pronged strategy to attach "Telugu Desam Party". It lashed out at the

opposition parties by stating that they had only one point programme of

overthrowing the Congress (I) from power. Simultaneously the Party announced

several programmes for the upliftment of weaker sections."

The 1983 Assembly elections have created a landmark in the political

annals of Andhra Pradesh by bringing a new political party into power. The nine-

month old Telugu Desam Party penetrated much deeper into the Congress

heartland. It is seen from Table 2.11 that the Telugu Desam Party secured an

average of 45.92 per cent of votes and won 201 of 289 contested. The Congress

(I) was to be content with only 60 seats securing 33.56 per cent popular votes,

which was the lowest ever. The five party alliance contested for 176 seats, but it

could secure only 10 seats CPI-4, CPI (M)-5, and Janata-1. Another interesting

aspect of this election was that a newly formed party, Sanjay Vichar Manch with

an electoral alliance with T.D.P. won 4 of the 5 seats it contested. It was the first

time a non-Congress Government came to power in Andhra Priidesh and Andhra

voters shifted their loyalties from Amma to Anna and N.T.Rama Rao, the matinee

idol became the first non-Congress Chief Minister. Thus, T.D.P. registered a

landslide victory in the 1983 Assembly Elections putting an end to the one-party

dominance of the Congress (I) in the state.19 The Congress Party secured the

lowest percentage of votes (33.56) even in A.P.'s electoral history. The Congress

assumed, for the first time in A.P. the role of the opposition in the Assembly and

outside.

Table - 2.9 PARTY PERFORMANCE IN ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS, 1983

1 congress (I) 1 294 1 60 1 3 3 . 5 0 1

Name of the Party

/ TDP 1 289 1 201 / 45.92 I

Seats contested

B.J.P.

Janata Dal

:anjay vr,M;h 9:4 I 1.28

Independents and others includin Ma'lis

10.00

Total 1,773 293 100.00


Seats won

Congress (J)

An assessment of the performance of Telugu Desam Party throws up

some inference^.^' First, the rise of a regional party i.e, the Telugu Desam Party

put an end to uni-party dominance in Andhra Pradesh. Secondly, the prospects of

national political parties in Andhra Pradesh seem to be bleak. The currents of

regional identities have come to dominate the national political loyalties. Thirdly,

party system in general has been crippled in the State. Fourthly, the process of

% of votes polled

81

44

I I I

80

3

1 ,

2.80

1 .OO

1 0.70

social polarization; poor and rich, which has been set right from 1970 and 1980,

has been b l u e d with the incredible performance of the Telugu Desam Party.

However, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes continue to be with the

Congress (I) though there seemed to be a division among the backward classes,

which have gone out of the Congress. Women constituted a critical variable in

the electorate of 1983 in Andhra Pradesh. It is believed that women have

overwhelmingly voted for T.D.P. because of the film glamour and image of N.T.

Rama Rao. N.T.R.'s entry into politics also altered the traditional case calculus in

the State's electoral politics.2'

1984 Lok Sabha Elections

Following the assassination of Smt. Indira Gandhi on October 3 1, 1984

at the hands of her security guards, the whole country in the Parliamentary

elections in 1984 gave a massive and unprecedented majority to Congress (I)

crushing all national opposition parties. But Andhra Pradesh proved to be an

exception as the TDP performed well in these elections. The Andhra Pradesh

electorate, in a repeat performance, gave a massive mandate to the Telugu Desam

Party. The sympathy wave, following the death of Smt.Indira Gandhi failed to

work in Andhra Pradesh while the Congress (I) contested all the 42 seats, the

Telugu Desam which had benefited by the sympathy and friendship of non-

Congress (I) opposition parties when N.T.R. was out of power, contested only 36

seats-leaving the others to its allies22. This was fully in tune with the spirit of his

efforts to bring about opposition unity.

The Telugu Desam polled 44.10 per cent against the Congress (1)'s

42.43 per cent (Table 4.12). The electoral system being what it is, the seats won

by the parties do not reflect the relative popularity of the parties. The strength of

the Congress (I) in Andhra Pradesh nose-dived from 39 in the previous Lok Sabha

to just 6 while that of the Telugu Desam went up from 2 to 30. For the first time

in the history of the Indian Parliament, Telugu Desam, a regional party became

the main opposition party though not a recognized opposition party in the Lok

Sabha

Table - 2.10 1984 LOK SABHA ELECTIONS, ANDHRA PRADESH

1 TDP I 36 1 30 1 44.10 1

Name the Party

1985 Mid-Term Assembly Elections

Seats contested

Congress (I)

Others

T.D.P got popularity in 1984 Lok Sabha elections. The State Cabinet in

Andhra Pradesh, therefore, at an emergency meeting, resolved in favour of mid-

term polls for the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly. The then Governor, Dr.

Shankar Dayal Sharma accepted the resolution of the State Cabinet. The twenty

three month old State Legislative Assembly was then dissolved on November 22,

1984. The mid-tern Assembly elections were scheduled for March 5,1985.

Seats won 1 %of votes polled

The TDP utilized the Assembly elections in the State as a referendum

on the performance of the two-year old N.T.R1s government23.

Source: Ramachandra Murty.

42

6

Consolidation of Telugu Desam Party

N.T.R. continued his clever strategy of, continuing seats adjustment

with the non-Congress (I) opposition parties (C.P.I., C.P.1 (M), Janata, (B.J.P) in

Andhra Pradesh, who stood by him during the time when he was out of power in

1984. The party said that Congress (I) had deteriorated over the years and the

discredited party must be defeated in all the constituencies of the State. It charged

that the Congress and its leaders polluted the political atmosphere by resorting to

corruption and selfish ends. And when the state government launched several

welfare measures to improve the lot of the poor in the state, the Congress (I) at the

centre tried to create hurdles. The TDP had wonderful performance in the mid-

term Assembly elections.

6

6

42.43

13.47

The mid-term elections of 1985 gave a clear mandate to NTR and his TDP

which on its own contested 249 seats and came back to power by winning 202

seats. It was more than two-thirds of all the seats in the State Assembly. Of the

45 seats contested by its allies 34 were won by them. The C.P.I. improved its

position from 5 to 11, the C.P.I.(M) from 4 to 11, the B.J.P. from 4 to 8 and the

Janata Party from I to 2. Two independents supported by the Telugu Desam also

won the elections. It is worth noting that N.Bhaskara Rao, who had enjoyed the

position of the Chief Ministership of the State for a month during August and

September, 1984, established the Democratic Telugu Desam Party and contested

222 seats in the 294 members Assembly. His humiliation at the hustings was

complete, with himself unable to retain his Assembly seats. All the candidates

set-up by him lost their security deposits, and he himself was defeated by

Indrasena Reddy of BJP, an electoral ally of N.T.R.'s Telugu Desam by well over

a margin of 17,000 votes, in Malakpet Constituency, which had a predominant

population of government employees and Muslims.

Table - 2.1 1 MID-TERM A.P. ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS - 1985


The Congress (I) could manage to get only 49 seats against 60 in the

dissolved House. The most crushing defeat for Congress (I) was in the Telangana

area where it polled only 34 percent of the votes and got 14 seats. In 1983 it had

polled 50 percent of the votes and bagged 43 seats. In fact Ramayampet and

Sattupalli, the home constituencies of former Chief Ministers, T.Anjaiah and

J.Vengal Rao, respectively, fell to Telugu Desam and its allies. In Coastal

Andhra, the Congress (I) secured 20 out of 135 seats it contested polling 39 per

cent of the votes compared to its performance in Telangana, its showing in Coastal

Andhra was better.

In spite of the tragic death of Mrs.Gandhi and the sympathy it evoked in

the minds of the electorate, the people preferred the T.D.P. to Congress (I). The

election results showed that while the upper castes as well as most of the

Scheduled Castes were the main stay of the Congress (I), the backward castes and

a section of the Scheduled Castes were the chief supporters of the T.D.P. The

Backward Castes support to T.D.P., which began in 1983 continued in spite of the

allegations that N.T.Rarna Rao was anti-B.C.

It is believed that the implementation of the subsidized cheap rice

scheme and the abolition of the age-old village officers' system in Telangana have

attracted many belonging to the Telugu Desam Party. Above all, as in the Lok

Sabha elections, N.T.R. powerfully championed the regional cause even it was

only rhetoric. In his campaign N.T.R. repeatedly stressed the lack of resources

for the State Governments and their dependence on the Centre for the

implementation of welfare programmes. In the politically more articulate Coastal

Andhra, the voters saw in Telubgl Desam Party a champion of regional

development and more powers to the States. In Rayalaseema, though the issue of

the under-development of the region figured prominently, the promise of N.T.R.

that he would improve the lot of the people of the area within the framework of an

integrated State appeared to have worked.

1989 General Elections

During the period 1985-89 the congress regained its lost ground by

attacking the functioning of N.T.R. and his T.D.P. The encouragement given by

the central leadership, the patronage available for it to bestow upon the State

leaders and the opportunity to use the institutions of Governor in creating

embarrassing situations to the ruling party helped the State Congress (I) to recoup

its strength.

The Congress (I) in its election manifesto promised that it would revive the

Legislative Council so as to give due representation to all the sections of the

society. The manifesto said that the Congress would continue the Rs.21- per kg.

Of rice and would strengthen the public distribution system in the State. Further, it

promised that it would abolish entry tax and it would solve the drinking water

problem permanently. It also said that it would give new thrust to the neglected

sectors of power, irrigation, and industry.

Table - 2.12 PARTY POSITIONS AFTER NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY

ELECTIONS IN AP - 1989

Total 1521 100.00


There were many reasons for the debacle of the Telugu Desarn in the Lok

Sabha as well as Assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh. The following were

some of the major causes for the rout of the T.D.P. in Andhra Pradesh. First,

N.T.RYs anti-people policies alienated his party from various sections of the

~ e o p l e the prominent one being the anti-NGO policy affecting over eight lakh

State government employees. Although N.T.R. conceded all their demands after

the polls were announced, the N.G.0.s were convinced that the move was merely

an electoral publicity. Secondly, sacking of all his 31 Ministas 'enmasse'

overnight and reconstituting the ministry with 21 new faces had increasing

discontent within the party. Thirdly, more and more centralization of power in the

hands of N.T.R and his cronies, the increasing conuption and the fiequent

interference of N.T.R1s two sons-in-law in day-to-day affairs of the government

and the party turned the people against T.D.P. Fourthly, the growth of extremist

Naxalite movement and the ineffectiveness of the government in dealing with law

and order situation worsened the position in the State. Finally, unemployment and

failure of the government to solve the problems of students had pitted the youth

against the T.D.P. The N.G.O's and the unemployed youth particularly the new

voters in the age-group of 18 to 21 years seemed to have stood by Congress in the

1989 elections and tilted the scales against the T . D . P . ~ ~

Political Developments Between 1989 - 1999

The Congress Party came into power in the State with Chenna Reddy once

again as Chief Minister. But his rule was marked by chaos, deterioration of law

and order and a spurt in Naxalite violence. Besides this, there were grave charges

against Chenna Reddy about his style of hctioning. The factional groups of

Congress Party even complained to the party High Command about the extra

constitutional role of the Chief Minister's son Sasidhara Reddy and the

suffocation they suffered under the misrule of Chenna Reddy. Some of his

Cabinet colleagues resented the exercise of power by a small coterie of four

Ministers whom they called "the gang of It continued with the old culture

of internal bickering and intense factionalism. The climax reached its zenith when

communal frenzy gripped the State capital during December 6-9 of 1990 and

claimed 150 lives in the communal riots. All these factors culminated in the

resignation or easing out of Chenna Reddy from power.

In the wake of communal riots in Hyderabad, Dr. M. Chenna Reddy was

replaced by N. Janardhana Reddy in 1991. He was a shrewd manager of groups in

the party and a past-master in the art of survival. Commenting on Janardhana

Reddy, one senior official remarked "the man's main asset is his ability to convert

public money into private funds without getting trapped. He was often referred as

Dhanarjana eddy":^ one who makes money.

As a shrewd politician, he took all measures to curb down dissidence and

continue in the office. In order to blunt criticism and win the support of M.L.AYs

he granted them land sites in a posh locality of the city, special allowances for

phone bills, easy loans for purchase of cars, etc. But, the worst came in June,

1992 when he decided to permit 20 medical and engineering colleges under

private management with capitation fee (up to Rs.5 lakh for a medical seat).

Several of the societies granted permission were sponsored by liquor dealers,

excise contractors and ministers. There were wide-spread rumours that Janardhana

Reddy collected huge amounts in return for their clearance. When a public

interest petition was filed, the High Court of A.P. confirmed the charges of grave

irregularities in the procedure for granting permission to these colleges and struck

down the whole government order as unc~nstitutional.~'

Following the damning indictment of the High Court Janardhana Reddy

resigned and he was replaced by K.Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy who was sworn in as

the third Chief Minister in a period of three years. K.Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy,

despite his threats and attempts to appease rival factions, had to put up with open

opposition and challenges from the dissident factions. For instance there was no

harmony between the P.C.C.(I) president, M. Tulasidas and the Chief Minister.

The Chief Minister repeatedly requested the A.I.C.C. President to change the

P.C.C. President.

Another significant development during his regime was the anti-arrack

(country liquor) agitation. The agitation which began during the regime of

Janardhana Reddy got intensified by the time Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy assumed

office. He took various measures to scale down the agitation. Women were

mercilessly beaten up by the police and large scale arrests were made. In order to

take advantage of the agitation, the then opposition leader, N.T.R. supported the

agitation with an eye on women votes, he condemned the use of force against

women who were agitating for a total prohibition of liquor.28

Another controversy that rocked the Congress (I) government was the

inclusion of the Kapus in the list of Backward Castes. To appease the Kapus,

Vijaya Bhsakara Reddy government issued a G.O. including the Kapus, Muslims

and 12 other castes in the B.C. list despite the fact that it cannot take such an

arbitrary decision. As a result, the B.Cs were alienated from the Congress party.

Apart from these factors, there were other factors that were responsible for the

growing dissatisfaction among people in the state. One such factor was

criminalization of politics. The P.C.C. President M. Tulasidas openly said that

some of his party men were goondas and contractor^.^^ All these developments

eroded the image of the Congress party in the state.

Both the Congress (I) and the T.D.P., the major contenders for power

started off the election campaign in the state much before the elections to the State

were announced. Addressing a public gathering at Rayalaseema, P.V.Narasimha

Rao urged the people to give him vote-Biksha. In Telangana region he stated that

the elections were crucial for him. In his subsequent meetings, the Prime Minister

elaborated the new economic policy and urged the people to stand by him for

quicker and faster economic development. He observed that, the Rs.21- per Kg.

rice scheme was a mere dole and would perpetuate poverty. He also mentioned

that the scheme of providing rice to poor families who send their children to

schools would prove to be superior scheme.

N.T.R., the star campaigner of T.D.P. in his election address stated that

Congress (I) leaders of the state are mortgaging the interests of the State for their

personal gains. He also said that he was waging a war to provide food, cloth and

shelter to the common man and promised people that he would restore two rupees

a kg. Rice scheme to the poor and reiterated his commitment to total prohibition

besides assuring farmer that he would supply power at a minimum cost.

The Lefi Parties focused their campaign against the harmful consequences

of the hollowness of the stability plank. Apart from the state leaders, the West

Bengal Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu and the C.P.I. (M) General Secretary

Harikishan Singh Surjeet and the C.P.I. General Secretary Inderjit Gupta also

campaigned for the Lefi Parties. These Left Parties, their election campaign

highlighted that the new economic policies pursued by Congress have been belied

by growing unemployment, prices of essential commodities and the continuing

inflationary trends and urged the voters to save democracy by defeating the

Congress(1).

The other party, B.J.P. launched its campaign with an attack both against

the T.D.P. and the Congress (I). The General Secretary of the party, Venkaiah

Naidu said that while the T.D.P. gave up all pretensions of democratic values, the

Congress had no right to talk about stability in the states as it changed its Chief

Minister three timesS3O

The 1994 Assembly restored the Telugu Desam Party to power once again.

Out of the total of 294 seats in A.P. Assembly, elections were held to 292 seats in

two phases on December 1 and December 5, 1994 and elections to two seats were

countermanded. The Telugu Desarn party contested 251 seats and won 219 seats

getting 44.79 percent votes while the C.P.I. polled 3.45 per cent votes in 21

constituencies and won 19 seats while the C.P.I.(M) polled 3.07 votes in 16

constituencies and won 15 seats. The Telugu Desam and its allies C.P.1, and C.P.1

(M) have together been polled 51.32 per cent of the votes. The Congress (I)

which contested all the 292 constituencies polled 33.56 per cent of votes. There

was a difference of 11.23 per cent popular vote between T.D.P. and the Congress

(I) and as a result T.D.P. bagged three-fourth majority and the congress (I) was

forced to contend with less than one-tenth of the seats. In a way the 1994

elections signified a repeat performance of the T.D.P. in 1983 and 1985?'(Table

2.15)



Name of the Party

Congress (I)

T.D.P

C.P.1

C.P.1 (M)

B.J.P

Seats contested

B.S.P.

Note : * Elections for two constituencies were countermanded. Source: Election Commission of India

292

25 1

2 1

16

285

Independents and others (including Majlis)

Total

There were many reasons for the debacle of Congress and the success of

the T.D.P. in 1994 Assembly elections. Though the Congress party came back to

power it did not seem to have learnt any thing from its past'mistakes. It continued

with the old culture of internal bickering and factional conflicts resulting in

frequent change of Chief Ministers. These factors in a significant sense

contributed to the T.D.P.'s come-back to power in the 1994 elections.

Seats won

274

T.D.P.'s overwhelming victory in the 1994 Assembly elections could be

attributed to the promises like total prohibition of sale of liquor, subsidized rice,

allotment of house sites and the supply of subsidized Janata cloth. These promises

could capture the imagination of the weaker sections, especially the S.C.s and

O.B.C.'s. Factors such as statewide women's movements against arrack and the

dilution of the subsidized rice scheme by Congress (1)'s campaign -welfare

programmes cut into developmental expenditure did not cut much ice. In any

case, benefits from developmental programmes are not likely to be as tangible as

those b m welfare schemes. That most of these subsidy expenditures were

% of votes polled

26

219

19

15

3

184

1.323

33.56

44.79

3.45

3.07

3.89

-- 1.42

10

292*

9.82

100

extracted from the excise revenues and that there could be a difficulty in

continuing either the welfare schemes or N.T.R's new slogan for total prohibition,

did not register in the minds of voters. On the contrary, a combination of both the

schemes appealed to the electorate, especially the women voters in m a l areas,

most of whom voted for the T.D.P. In the 1994 elections, there was also a clear

shift of Muslim votes from the Congress to the T.D.P. It could be because the

Muslims in the State held the Congress (I) and the B.J.P. equally responsible for

the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Added to this, N.T.R's earlier tenure as Chief

Minister (1983-89) was remarkable for its maintenance of communal harmony.32



The politics of Andhra Pradesh during 1983-99 may be summarized as

follows:

The dominance of one-party system has been replaced by two-party

alternative system in Andhra Pradesh.

Politics of confrontation is operating at various levels and in different

arenas between the central and state governments, between the two major

parties (T.D.P. and Congress) and between the two dominant caste

Kamrnas and Reddys.

Structural changes like abolition of age-old institutions of village officers

and the introduction of Mandal system in the place of Panchayati Raj

system.

The fragmented opposition got united both at the national level and

regional level and the resultant creation of National Front, a viable

alternative to the Congress.

A shift in the support base (BCs and Women) from the Congress to T.D.P.

and the increased importance accorded to B.Cs in State politics.

2004 Elections

In Andhra Pradesh General Assembly Elections 2004, the Indian

National Congress entered poll alliance with the TRS, CPI, and CPM. The BJP

and the TDP entered poll alliance. Besides, there were candidates of AIMIM, JP,

SP, BSP and independents in the election fray. Vizianagaram district is known for

its loyalty towards Telugu Desarn Party till 2004 Assembly Elections.

Table - 2.15 Table Showing Congress and Its Allies


Table - 2.16 BJP and its Allies (Party Position), 2004

Source: Election Ccommission of India

Party

TDP

BJP

Total

Table - 2.17 The Party Position of Others, 2004

Won 47 2

49


80

Total

Gain

15 2

17

19

Retain

0 0

Less 148

12 160

14 5 4

In Andhra Pradesh Assembly Elections 2004, the Indian National

Congress and its allies TRS, CPM and CPI won 226 seats in a 294 Assembly

(Table 2.17). The BJP and TDP alliance got only 49 seats (Table 2.1 8). The others

that included the independents, candidates of AIMIM, JP, SP and BSP secured 19

seats (Table 2.19). The position of Indian National Congress and its allies; and the

BJP and TDP is as shown in the above tables.

REFERENCES

Gabriel Almond and Bringham Powell, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (New Delhi: Amerind Publishing Company, 1972), p. 190.

Samuel J. Eldesveld, Political Parties : A Behavioural Analysis (Bombay : Vora & Co., 1971), p.304.

G. Rarnireddy, 'the politics of Accommodation; Caste Class and Dominance in Andhra Pradesh" in Frankel, Fracine R. and M.S.A. Rao (eds) Dominance and State Power in Modem India; Decline of a Social order, Vol. I, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1989, pp 268-75.

C.Lakshmanna, Caste Dynamics in Indian Village, Nachiketa Publications, Bombay, 1973,P.21. Quoted from K. Ramachandra Murty, D. Suran Naidu (ed.,) Parties Elections and Mobilisation, Anrnol Publications Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi, 2001, p.17.

T.K.N.Unnithan, Indra Deva and Yogendra Singh (ed), Towards a Sociology of Culture in India, Prentice Hall, New Delhi, 1965, pp,19 -23.

Selig H. Harrison, Caste and the Andhra Communists, APSR, Vol.50, pp.378-404.

Ibid., pp381-382.

Shivalal, "Elections in India : State Legislatures' since 1952 Election archives", Institute for Electoral studies, New Delhi, quoted in George Mathew (ed.,) Shift in Indian Politics ( New Delhi; Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, 1984), p.72

M. Satynarayana Rao "The Governor and Council of Ministers" in G.Ram Reddy and B.A.V. Sharma (ed.,) State Government and Politics, Andhra Pradesh, Sterling Publications, New Delhi, 1979, p.125.

A. Prasanna Kumar (ed.,) Andhra Pradesh Government and Politics, Sterling Publications, New Delhi, 1994, p. 108

V.B.Singh and Sankar Bose, "State Elections in India', Data Hand book on Vidhan Sabha Elections, 1952-85,Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1988, p. 109

Rajani Kotari, "The political change of 1967', Economic and Political Weekly, (Annual Number), January, 1971.

V.Liga Murthy, "The VI General Elections to the Legislative Assembly in Andhra Pradesh", lndian Journal of Political Science, September, 1978.

K.R. Acharya, The Critical Elections, A study of A.P. Assembly Election, Ramesh Publications, Hyderabad, 1970, p.80.

Kousar Azam, J., "Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh", Journal of State Politics and Administration, Vol. I, No.2, 1979.

G. Ram Reddy, 'Andhra Pradesh - The Citadel of the Congress ' , Iqbal Narain, State Politics in India, Meenakshi Prakasan, Meerut, 1986, p.1

Ph.D. Thesis 'Rl i t ics , Leaders and Elections: A Case study of West Godavari District in Andhra Pradesh" (Andhra university, Waltair), P.23 1.

The Hindu, December 17, 1982.

Benerjee, Kishalay, Regional Political Parties in India, B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1984, p.320

V.Ravindra Sastry, "Electoral Trends in Andhra Pradesh: the Phenomenon of Telugu Desam Party" in Indian Government and Politics (Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Open University, 1991) p.237.

K.Srinivasulu and Prakash Sarang, "Political Realignment in Post-NTR - Andhra Pradesh ", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.XXXIV, Nos. 34- 35, August 21-28,1999, p.2451.

In an electoral alignment with the Telugu Desarn, the Bharatiya Janata Party, Janata, CPI, CPM, and Congress (s) Parties captured one seat each. The remaining seat (Hyderabad city) was taken by the Candidate of Majlis Ittehadule E-Musalimeen, Sultan Salawuddin Owaisi, by a narrow margin of 3,481 votes.

It opined that the main issue before the electorate was whether or not they wanted to retain the T.D.P. in power and Rama Rao as Chief Minister.

K.V.Narayana Rao and D.Sunder Ram, "Politician Developments in Andhra Pradesh 1978-89 - A study", The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol51, No. IV, October-December, 1990,p.558.

C. Suri and G.K. Prasad, "the Backdrop of 1994 Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh ".

India Today, August 15, 1992. p.3

Indian Express, September 19,1992. p.5.

28. K.C.Suri and G.K. Prasad, "The Backdrop of 1994 Assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh " in The Angry Voter (Ed.,) p.29

29. India Today, September 15, 1993,

30. Eenadu, November 30,1994.

3 1. K.C. Suri, "The massive Mandate - Andhra Pradesh Assembly Elections, 1994", in the Angry Voter - Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka, 1994 edited by G. Koteswara Prasad., K.C.Suri and D.J.Kimar (Madras: Shanti Publications, 1995),p. 1 12.

32. K.Srinivasulu and Prakash Sarangi, "Political Re-alignment in Post-N T.R. Andhra Pradesh ', Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.XXXIV, No.34-35, August 21-28, 1999, pp.2451-2452.

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