the stanford journal of international relations winter 2012

5/25/2018 The Stanford Journal of International Relations Winter 2012

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e Stanford Journal of International Relations, an affiliate of theDepartment of International Relations at Stanford University, ispublished twice yearly.

Copyright 2012. No material may be reproduced withoutthe consent of the Journal.



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Editors in ChiefAmanda McFarlaneMitul Bhat

Layout EditorAlison Ge

Financial DirectorBenjamin Lei

Managing EditorDiana Chou

is Journal could not have been published without the support of the Department of International

Relations, and the Publications Board of the Associated Students of Stanford University. e Journal

would like to thank Professor Judith Goldstein for her guidance and assistance.

Section EditorsIsabella FuMauricio GrandeSanjana ParikhSophie Wiepking-Brown

Associate EditorsAlex BinnieAlex HoltzmanAlex KleinChris KremerDerrick StatenKelly DingLeslie BrianMarshall Watkins

Nica LangingerRaiyan KhanSamra AdeniShea RitchieStacey WongUttara Sivaram

Melissa Hesselgrave



e articles of the winter issue of the Stanford Journal of International Relations are tied togetherby a functional rather than thematic focus. In particular, this issue examines topics related towomen and the struggles they overcome in different parts of the world.

In the first paper, Rachel Waltman presents an excerpt of a longer work titled e ChangingStatus of Women in the Workplace in Japan. Although at first glance this does not seem to fitas well with the other papers in this issue, it is a perfect complement. She examines the gradualacceptance of women in the Japanese labor force, a generations-long battle for acknowledgementthat echoes the empowerment of women through microfinance and the fortitude of theArgentine women.

Next, Elena Bridgers looks at the fast-growing area of microfinance, with a focus on two statesin India. Her paper, Women's Control over Loans and Involvement in Investment Activity,examines the impact of empowering women in rural communities with credit to start smallbusinesses. Much like the similar experiments witnessed across the seas, from Bangladesh toKenya to Peru, she finds that the results are transformative.

e third paper, by Noura Elfarra, is titled Realism in Response to the 9/11 Terrorist Attacks.is is a departure from the broad theme of this issue but is nevertheless an interesting article.It is timely, with the tenth anniversary of the attacks commemorated last year, and there is nodoubt that the entire arena of international relations is permanently changed in the aermathof that day. From the more obvious repercussions like the invasion of Afghanistan or the deathof Osama Bin Laden to the Arab Spring or even the 2008 US presidential election, the lens withwhich the US government and public approaches foreign relations is different than it was in theimmediate post-Cold War era.

Elise Racine explores a quiet revolution in Spatiality and Solidarity: Exploring the Revolutionary

Tactics of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, the brave campaign by the mothers of the desaparecidosin Argentina for justice for crimes committed under the military dictatorship. ese womenadvancement of transitional justice was accomplished without the violent tactics used in somany other countries in the region and around the world.

Lastly, e Importance of Considering the Role of Death Rituals in the HIV/AIDS-PovertySyndemic by Sabrina Layne explores the challenges in the wake of the HIV/AIDS catastrophe.She explores the socio-cultural impact of death rituals in poor communities where opportunitiesare limited.

It is our hope that these papers provide material for discussion about the role of women insocieties across the globe, and the interlinked cause of development and security in a changingworld. Happy reading and do write to us with feedback. Also, be sure to visit us on our websiteat http://sjir.stanford.edu.

Mitul Bhat and Amanda McFarlaneEditors in Chief

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W V XII I N

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Women's Control over Loans andInvolvement in Investment Activity:Research Results from Maharashtraand Andhra Pradesh

By Elena Bridgers

20Realist Responses to the9/11 Terrorist Attacks

By Noura Elfarra

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Spatiality and Solidarity:Exploring the Revolutionary Tactics

of the Madres de Plaza de MayoBy Elise Racine

6e Changing Status of Womenin the Workplace in Japan

By Rachel Waltman

e Importance of Considering theRole of Death Rituals in theHIV/ AIDS- Poverty Syndemic

By Sabrina Layne



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6 Winter 2012

by Rachel Waltmane Changing Status of Women in theWorkplace in JapanBeginning in the 1970s, the number of women entering the workforce in Japanrose sharply as a result of increased educational opportunities for women andthe desire of women to supplement their familys income. Yet despite laws aimedat preventing discrimination and ensuring equal treatment in the workplace,gender inequality remains a significant problem in the Japanese workplacetoday. Women are typically not afforded the same opportunities as men, butare instead relegated to largely menial tasks. And women who seek to reenterthe workforce aer leaving to get married and raise their children generallyend up in unsatisfying part-time jobs, which pay far less than the full-timepositions dominated by men. is excerpt explores the main reasons genderdisparity continues to exist in the Japanese workplace. It further examines theconsequences for Japan if it cannot close its gender employment gap, particularlygiven its declining birthrate and aging population. Based on these findings,it offers recommendations for how to remedy this problem and affect positive

change for working women in Japan.



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Rachel Waltman, of the Class of 2015, has not yet declareda major, but is leaning towards majoring in InternationalRelations or History, with a minor in Modern Languages.She first wrote this paper for Stanford UniversitysReischauer Scholars Program, which provides an intensivestudy of Japan and U.S. - Japan relations.

Gender inequality remains a significant problemin Japan today. According to the 2009 UnitedNations Development Programs Gender

Empowerment Measure, Japan ranks 57th out of 109countries in political and economic participation forwomen, placing it far below other developed nationssuch as the United States, Germany, and Canada.1

Similarly, the World Economic Forums 2011 GlobalGender Gap Index, which tracks gender inequality,ranks Japan 98th out of 135 countries far behind allother developed nations.2Wage disparity between thesexes also persists in the Japanese workplace. Japanesewomen earn 67.8 percent of what men do.3 Finally,Japanese women continue to face a glass ceiling whenit comes to obtaining managerial positions. Whilewomen comprise nearly half of all managers in theUnited States, less than 10 percent of women in Japanare managers.4 In 2009, women made up only 1.2

percent of senior executives in Japan.5 ese statistics reflect the myriad obstaclesfaced by Japanese women in seeking careers. Regardlessof their qualifications, women must first overcomeentrenched biases in order to succeed on the careertrack, including the perception among managers thatchildbearing is an insupportable disruption.6A surveyby Japans Federation of Economic Organizationsreveals that male managers tend to blame the lack offemale managers on women themselves, as opposed tocompany policy. When asked why there are few or nowomen in management, the men surveyed frequentlycited the possibilities of giving birth, as well as a lackof professionalism on the part of women.7 us, asignificant challenge to achieving gender equality lies intranscending these inherent prejudices and convincingmale managers that it is in their best business interests tohave women employees in positions of leadership. egood news is that younger Japanese men are showinga willingness to treat women as equals, although notsurprisingly, older men, who wield the greatest power,

appear less receptive to change.8

Yet it is not just male managers who mustreadjust their attitudes. Female employees also need

help understanding their opportunities throughthe organization, since this is a new way of thinkfor many of them.9One way to encourage womenremain in the workplace is to provide them with mfemale role models. By taking proactive measuto promote workplace diversity and to recruit, traand develop female talent, employers maximize

likelihood that women will remain in the workfoand realize their full potential.Another barrier to womens advancemen

Japans notoriously demanding morning to midnigcorporate culture. As Kuniko Inoguchi, a formcabinet minister in charge of gender equality, staIf expected to work fieen hours a day, then mwomen will give up.10 Companies can encourworking women to remain in the labor force by offerinitiatives such as flexible work options. Howeverachieve real progress in remedying gender dispa

in the workplace, Japanese businesses must alsomindful of the negative impact of the salarymcorporate culture of long hours at work and mevenings spent drinking with the boss if they seriouexpect to encourage women to manage work alife.11

Womens participation in the workforceJapan is also hindered by the lack of adequate childcEach year, many women are forced to leave their jbecause of a shortage of childcare facilities. While government has endeavored to build more facilitmost of these childcare centers have restricted hothat oen make it difficult for women to pick up thchildren. In addition, for those women who rely domestic help, such as babysitters or housekeepers, childcare, the cost can oen be prohibitive. One stufound that using a babysitter instead of daycare woaccount for roughly 62 percent of the average womamonthly paycheck, thereby greatly reducing economic incentive to work.12us, increased femlabor participation is inextricably linked to expand

affordable and available childcare options for Japanwomen.

Moreover, in Japan, women are not only expecto be the primary caregivers for their children, but thalso are expected to do a disproportionate share of household chores. According to the Japanese Minisof Internal Affairs and Communications, only sevpercent of men help with household chores, whilepercent of wives do all the work.13 In families wh



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both spouses work, women typically spend more thanfour hours a day on housework and childcare, whichis more than most working fathers spend in a week.14is unequal division of housekeeping responsibilitiesprovides a further impediment to womens labor force

participation. e numerous challenges Japanese women facein balancing work and family have led many womento postpone marriage and childbirth. In 2005 one infour Japanese women in their early thirties was single,up from fourteen percent a decade earlier.15 Studiesreveal that the majority of Japanese women do wantto marry.16 Yet, because they are expected to leavetheir jobs once they marry and have children, manywomen are choosing to remain single longer. Not

only are women delaying marriage, but when theydo marry, they also are having fewer children. In theearly post-war years, the average Japanese womanhad four children. By 2004, Japans fertility rate hadfallen to a record low of 1.29 children per womancompared to 2.13 in the United States, giving Japan thesecond-lowest birthrate among modern, industrializednations, behind only Italys birthrate of 1.24.17 Japanspopulation is predicted to decline from around 127million today to approximately 90 million by 2055.18Some Japanese politicians argue that womens increased

participation in the workforce is responsible for Japadeclining birth rate. However, empirical evidesuggests the opposite; those countries that boast hlabor participation rates for women, such as the UniStates, France, and Sweden, also tend to have hig

birth rates.19At the same time Japans birth rate is declini

its elderly population is rising. In 2009, the life-spfor Japanese women reached a record high of 8years.20is increased life-span, combined with Japadeclining birth rate, has transformed Japan into aging society. Japan has long succeeded in maintaina relatively high growth rate due to a ready supof highly-skilled workers. As the population aand the number of younger workers entering the

market decreases due to the declining birthrate, socioeconomic impact on Japan will be significaAs Kathy Matsui, chief Japan equity strategistGoldman Sachs, confirms: Conventional wisdsuggests that a shrinking population is unambiguounegative for economic growth, therefore makJapan an unattractive destination for long-term equinvestment.21Yet, she goes on to note that, not alnecessarily doom and gloom if Japan can make beuse of its most underutilized resource: its womenFor this reason, many analysts view achieving gen



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equality in the workplace as one of the most criticalissues facing Japan today.23

Experts believe that closing the gender gap andbetter addressing the needs of working women provide aviable response to Japans demographic problems.eyassert that Japans looming labor crisis can be avertedif women enter and remain in the workforce in similar

numbers to men. According to a 2010 Goldman Sachsreport, If Japan could close its gender employmentgap, we estimate that Japans workforce could expand by8.2 million and the level of Japans GDP could increaseby as much as 15 percent.24However, before this canhappen, employers must provide women with wagesand promotional opportunities that are on par withthose given to men, as well as better childcare optionsand more flexible work schedules.

Womens rights advocates contend that therealities of Japans shrinking population are slowly

forcing change.25 More companies are creating newwork shis to make it easier for women to stay in theirjobs aer marriage and childbirth. Similarly, at severallarge companies, such as Nikko Cordial Securities, allnew employees are hired as professional employees"and are afforded opportunities based on performancerather than gender.26

Although Japanese women have madesignificant advancements in the workplace since WorldWar II, present conditions remain far from equal.While Japans post-war constitution guarantees womenthe same rights as men, further change is needed tomake this constitutional promise a reality. Not only docurrent laws aimed at eliminating discrimination needgreater enforcement, but there also must be a shi inentrenched cultural attitudes regarding women andwork. Internal pressure to address the consequencesof Japans declining birthrate has provided the impetusfor social change. A new generation of Japanese men,who appear more willing to depart from traditionalnotions of a womans role in society, has further aided

this transition. Japan must persist in its efforts to catchup to other modern industrialized nations in termsof female labor participation and take further stepsto achieve gender equality in the workplace. Withconcerted efforts by all the stakeholders in the process,Japan can, and no doubt will, succeed.

E1 United Nations Development Program, Human Development Re

2009 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009), 190.2 Sayuri Daimon, Gender gap shows scant improvement, Japan

Times Online, 23 December 2011, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/tenn20111223f2.html (accessed 5 January 2012).

3 Kathy Matsui et al., Womenomics 3.0: e Time is Now (Tokyo:Goldman Sachs Group, 2010), 18-19.

4 Ibid., 18.5 Mariko Sanchanta, An Uphill Climb: Japans Women Advance b

Slowly, Wall Street Journal, 14 July 2010, A15.6 Suvendrini Kakuchi, Dwindling Workforce Forces a Rethink on R

of Women Workers, Inter Press Service,16 May 2005, http://ipsnenet/news.asp?idnews=28692 (accessed 26 November 2011).

7 Sumiko Iwao, e New Lifestyles of Japanese Women, Ministry Foreign Affairs of Japan, September 1996, http://www.mofa.go.jpinfo/japan/opinion/iwao.html (accessed 26 November 2011).

8 Anthony Faiola, Japanese Working Women Still Serve the Tea,Washington Post, 2 March 2007, A9.

9 Jessica Marquez, Diversity Challenges in Japan, WorkforceManagement Online, September 2008, www.workforce.com/archfeature/25/73/39/25734/php.ht= (accessed 26 April 2011).

10 Martin Fackler, Career Women in Japan Find a Blocked Path, NYork Times, 6 August 2007, A6.

11 Can Japan Change? 20-first.com, http://www.20-first.com/758-why-women-mean-business-in-japan.html (accessed 26 Novembe2011).

12 Kathy Matsui et al., Womenomics: Japans Hidden Asset (Tokyo:Goldman Sachs Group, 2005), 11.

13 Catherine Makino, Careers on Hold for Most Women, Inter PreService, 20 December 2009, http://www.ips.org/mdg3/japan-careeon-hold-for-most-women/ (accessed 26 November 2011).

14 e Flight from Marriage, Economist, 20 August 2011, 2.15 Hannah Beech, e Wasted Asset, Time Asia, 22 August 2005,

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1096571,00.h(accessed 26 November 2011).

16 Sumiko Iwao, e New Lifestyles of Japanese Women, Ministry Foreign Affairs of Japan, September 1996, http://www.mofa.go.jp/j

info/japan/opinion/iwao.html (accessed 26 November 2011).17 Matsui et al., Womenomics, 3.18 Kakuchi, Dwindling Workforce.19 Matsui et al., Womenomics, 13.20 Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, Statistical

Handbook of Japan 2011 (Tokyo: Statistics Bureau, 2011), 17.21 Matsui et al., Womenomics, 1.22 Ibid.23 Faiola, Japanese Working Women.24 Matsui et al., Womenomics, 1.25 Fackler, Career Women in Japan.26 Kakuchi, Dwindling Workforce.



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by Elena BridgersWomen's Control Over Loans and

Involvement in Investment Activity:

Research Results from Maharashtra andAndhra Pradesh

is study examined the level of control that women in Maharashtra, India,retain over microloans given in their name and the factors that affect their levelof control.e majority of women surveyed failed to retain adequate control overtheir loans in order to direct investment, preferring instead to give the loans totheir husbands aer disbursal. Multiple regression analysis was used to examinewhether certain external factors such as self-help group (SHG) participation andvocational training could predict which women managed to retain control and

which relinquished the loan to male relatives. e study was carried out in theaermath of the 2010 microfinance crisis in Andhra Pradesh. At this time of fluxfor Indian microfinance institutions (MFIs), we make directed recommendations

based on our data and observations.



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Elena Bridgers, of the Class of 2011, graduated fromStanford with a degree in Human Biology in 2011,with a concentration in International Womens Healthand a minor in Swahili Language and Culture. She hasdone public health related research in Kenya, Australia,France and the United States. Most recently, she spentthe summer of 2011 researching womens involvementin microenterprises in Maharashtra, India. She hopes tocontinue working in microfinance and social venture inthe coming years. She currently lives in Paris, France.

I

1,2

e 2010 microfinance crisis in Andhra Pradesh shednew light on this issue, as Indian MFIs have been forcedto reevaluate their model and approach. e industryis now at a crossroads: those MFIs that survive thecrisis will not do so without drastic changes, and it isimperative that the question of microcredits effect onwomen borrowers, always central to the microfinancemission, is not ignored.

A BN

MCI In October 2010, in response to public anger overthe suicides of several overly-indebted microfinanceclients, the government of Andhra Pradesh called fora state-wide default on all outstanding microloans.At the same time, they passed stringent regulationscurtailing the activity of MFIs to such an extent thatit is nearly impossible for them to operate in Andhra

Pradesh. Andhra Pradesh leads all Indian states in number of microloans at 35 percent so that hardly aIndian MFI was le unaffected, and the majoritythem are still struggling to recover.3 BASIX, the Mthat sponsored this study, is based in Andhra Pradand has been greatly impacted by the crisis. It will hto revise many past practices in order to survive.

M

Central Research Question

is study aims to answer two central reseaquestions: "How much control do women retain omicroloans in their name?" and "Which independfactors influence their level of control?" e fiquestion is essentially the same as that addresin the 1996 studies from Bangladesh, except thaexplores the question in an Indian context followa major industry crisis. Given that the microfinaindustry in India is generally more commercialithan in Bangladesh, we were interested to see how tinfluenced social impact vis--vis women as wellhow the crisis has changed the MFIs' stance towawomen. e second question took this study one sfurther than evaluating control by asking whetcertain measurable factors influence womens degrecontrol, and thus whether MFIs can help their fem

clients retain loan control.

Control in this paper is defined as a womaparticipation in key decisions about loan allocation aher knowledge of businessfinances and transactionsthe investment activity. We felt that this was the mimportant variable to measure, since unless womcontrol the loan, the entire concept of targeting womdisintegrates.

BASIX Lending Models

BASIX mainly uses three lending models

disburse loans to clients: Joint Liability Group (JLloans, Self-Help Group loans, and individual loans. three lending models are widely used in India.e is the most straightforward, in which the MFI giveloan directly to the individual client, who then repin installments. While this model is most simto traditional lending as practiced by large banmicrofinance has historically relied more on grolending models, the idea being that peer press



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within a group can replace financial collateral. A JoinLiability Group (JLG) is a small group of four to eightwomen who receive and repay the loan collectively asa unit. Only the leader of the JLG interacts directlywith the loan officer, but each woman within the groupruns her own microenterprise and pays installmentsto the group leader as they are due. Self-Help Groups

(SHGs) are a more recent but increasingly popularmeans of loan allocation. An SHG consists of a largergroup, typically between ten and thirty women, whocome together to form a savings cooperative. Once thesavings pool is sufficiently large, the group may chooseto lend internally among members. Well-establishedgroups may then begin taking loans from outsidesources, including banks, MFIs, NGOs, or governmentprograms. While SHGs differ widely in structureand approach, most rely on regular group meetingsamong members and include some kind of basic

financial training. ere are currently a great numberof government and NGO-sponsored SHG Federationsin India whose mission is to create and nurture SHGs,using them as avenues to distribute resources andservices to underdeveloped communities. Some MFIscreate their own SHGs to disburse loans, but themajority lend to independently formed SHGs.

At BASIX, the vast majority of clients receiveloans in joint liability groups (JLGs) and most of the restas individuals. Less than five percent of BASIX loans arecurrently disbursed through self-help groups (SHGs),although fiy-seven percent of survey respondents inour study participated in an SHG in addition to theirdealings with BASIX.

Research Site and Study Design

Data was collected through household surveysin the Marathwada region of Maharashtra and in theKamareddy district of Andhra Pradesh in August andSeptember 2011. Survey respondents were femaleclients of BSFL, one of the largest Indian MFIs, the

microfinance arm of the larger holding companyBASIX. All clients surveyed had an outstanding loan intheir name, which was given for an income-generatingactivity. A standardized survey form was used for allinterviews and was designed to capture the clientsbasic profile and her knowledge of loan cash flow andinvestment activity. A Unit Head or Field Executivefrom BASIX served to translate between English andMarathi during interviews. In order to evaluate our first research

questionHow much control do women retain omicroloans in their name?we developed a five-index, roughly based on the one used in Goetz and SGuptas 1996 study, and assigned each respondent ttier based on the standardized criteria found in Fig1.

In order to evaluate our second question

Which independent factors infl

uence female clielevel of control?we set up a multiple regressanalysis using data from the survey. Womens Conof Credit, operationalized as respondents scoresthe five-tier index, served as our dependent variae independent variables are those factors that miinfluence a womans level of control, and can be fouin Figure 2. Statistical analysis determined the levecorrelation between the five-tier score and quantitaindependent variables. Linear models were uto determine whether any of the non-numer

independent variables were predictive of the dependvariable, womens level of involvement. Qualitative data to supplement the quantitasurvey data was collected during interviews with eof the Unit Heads, an interview with Anikh FinanServices (a local SHG Federation), and an intervwith Indira Kranthi Patham (a district poveeradication project in Kamareddy).

Figure 1: Five-tier index for womens control of credit

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Vol. XIII | No

Figure 10

accessed vocational training. is is in and of itself arelevant finding, since many women were in fact payingfor training services but failing to access them.

e most notable positive correlation wasbetween Control level and SHG membership (r = 0.27and p = 0.01).us, SHG participation mattered moremore than education level, experience in microfinance,or financial or vocational training. Most women didnot receive their loan through an SHG, but merelybelonged to one in addition to the MFI. Respondents

who held a leadership position in an SHG had evmore control over their loans than those who wsimply members, who in turn had more control th

non-members (p=.001, r=.36) as shown in Figuree correlation between SHG leadership and conlevel may well be measuring some latent variawhich predicts both a woman's level of control aher likelihood to hold a leadership position in SHG. However, the qualitative data did contain sevexamples of women who felt that holding a position

Figure 9: Education Level and SHG Participation Interact to Predict Control Level



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16 Winter 2012

an SHG had helped her develop the necessary financialskills and confidence to grow her business and keepaccounts, which would indicate a causal relationship.

Womens Control of Credit by Livelihood

Livelihood was highly predictive of womenscontrol over credit. Using agriculture as a baseline for

comparison, women with cloth shops, kiranas (smallgrocery stands), and tailoring/beauty shops all hadsignificantly higher levels of control (p values of .001,.006, and .003 respectively), while those involved ingoatery, dairy, chicken shop, papad, and other Non-Farm Sector industries did not (Figure 10). us,women in non-farm sector industries, and especiallythose involved in traditionally feminine industries,have the greatest success in retaining control over theirloans.

Why lend to women?

To supplement the quantitative data on womenspoor control over loans, we interviewed BASIX UnitHeads and Field Executives (FXs) on why they preferredto target women. All field staffinterviewed replied thatmen have an attitude, and will stand up to LivelihoodService Agents (LSAs) during repayment times. As oneUnit Head put it, Women dont say no. ey obey.Men are arrogant and wont repay.

MFIs also lend to women because they are oen

at home and are therefore easy to find at collectiontimes. One Unit Head explained that if you give a loanto a man, he can make sure to be away from home at thetime of repayment and then tell the LSA, Dont talk tomy wife. is business is between you and me. If youtell a woman she must repay, then even if she doesntcontrol the money, she can confront her husband whenhe comes home.

It was clear from these interviews that thereare extremely practical reasons for lending to women,regardless of whether they are actually in control of thecash or enterprise. Moreover, these practical reasonsrely on patriarchal gender dynamics remaining as theyare. If women were as assertive as their husbands, orfree to travel and leave the home, the convenience oflending to them would evaporate. us, while MFIsmay claim they seek to change gender dynamicsthrough giving loans to women, the reality is thatthey rely on the existing patriarchal system to ensureefficient recovery of funds.

D

is study confirms that there is indeedlot of progress to be made before microfinance trempowers women. Comparison with the origistudies on this question from Bangladesh, referenat the outset of the paper, shows that the issuewomens control of loans is equally pertinent in

modern Indian context as it was in Bangladesh in 1990s. For instance, our study corroborated earfindings by Anne Marie Goetz and Rajdeep Sen Guthat MFIs oen take advantage of the gendered powdifferential to efficiently recover outstanding loaOur breakdown of womens level of control over lois also comparable to theirs, in which seventeen perchad full control and twenty-one percent had noNevertheless, findings from our study show a mumore optimistic outcome than the most pessimiassessments in the current literature. Rahman,

example, found that less than ten percent of womretained control of loans in their name while our stufound that twenty percent had full control, and osixteen percent had no control at all.6

With regard to factors that predict womelevel of control, it was surprising how few correlatiwere significant. It was particularly interesting that effect of education was only marginally significasince there is an extensive body of literature that woseem to indicate otherwise. In a 2005 review on gen

development and womens empowerment, Naila Kabreferences a wide range of studies from India aelsewhere showing that educated women participin a wider range of decisions than uneducated oneFor instance, a 1999 study by P. Sen in Calcutta showthat access to secondary stages of education may han important contributory role in enhancing womecapacity to exercise control in their livesthroua combination of literacy and numeracy skills, aenhanced self-esteem.8 Another study from TaNadu found that better-educated women sco

higher than less-educated women on a composite inmeasuring their access to, and control over, resouras well as their role in economic decision-makinIt is thus all the more surprising that our study fouonly marginal significance, despite the greatly vareducation levels of women in our sample.

One possible explanation is simply teducation, like microcredit, is powerless to affgender relations as long as the delivery of such a servremains entrenched in the current social system.



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Kabeer says, Social inequalities are oen reproducedthrough interactions within the school system.10 Inthat regard, education may serve to further entrenchthe patriarchal status quo rather than fueling change.In rural India, women are oen educated for the solepurpose of making a better marriage.us, women whoare valued enough by their families to be educated may

also be more likely tofi

nd themselves in a conventionalmarriage, in which the women concern themselvesonly with household matters. On the other hand, lesseligible girls may be encouraged to make themselvesuseful in the family business and, in doing so, may gaina better understanding of entrepreneurship while alsoavoiding constraining marriages. Many of the moreentrepreneurial women in our study had very limitededucation but extensive exposure to a certain trade.

It was also surprising that vocational andfinancial training made no difference in womens control

over loans. However, the more informative finding washow few women actually accessed training since BASIXstrongly promotes such supportive services. e crisishas forced many MFIs to shi the focus away fromlending and towards the sale of livelihood services andinsurance. Unfortunately, this has also exacerbated anissue the government was hoping to solve in enactingthe regulations: the aggressive sale of unneededservices to MFI clients in order to meet companytargets. It was evident from our fieldwork that MFIs areabusing the practice of bundling training services withloan packages. Many women were paying for trainingthat was useless to them because they thought it wasnecessary to buy it in order to receive the loan. In somecases, the women did not even realize they had paid fortraining services. It is imperative that MFIs who offertraining in addition to credit separate these services.ey should carry out a thorough needs-assessmentbefore launching training programs to ensure that theyare industry-specific and easily availed of by femaleclients.

Yet while vocational and financial trainingdid not make a difference in womens level of control,SHG participation did. ere must therefore be otherbenefits to SHG membership that allow women tobetter manage loans. Previous research, most notablyby Hashemi and Schuler, has indicated that perhaps themost empowering aspect of microfinance as practicedby Grameen Bank and many Bangladeshi MFIs is thatit forces women out of the home and into the publicsphere: !"#$%&" (") #*(%+,- $. /+#(*0*/+(*$12 +13 (")0$1(+0( 4*(" $(")# 5)56)#- $. (")*# 0#)3*( $%/2 (")

4$5)1 3)7),$/ +1 *3)1(*(8 $%(-*3) $. (")*# .+5*,

!")8 *1()#+0( 4*(" 5)1 $%(-*3) $. (") .+5*,8

::In the case of most Indian MFIs, this no such obligation to participate in regular gromeetings. Rather, the collection agent comes direto the house of the group leader during collect

rounds, and it is le

to the group to meet on their owhen necessary. Such women may miss out on opportunity to participate in group decision-makoutside the home, a void which is filled by SHparticipation, which may well give women a certconfidence that allows them to better control loans.

RC By making targeted changes in a few

arenas, Indian MFIs could increase their social impand security of their loans. Somewhat ironically, ostep towards improving microfinances impact women may well be to give more loans to men. As study indicated, many income-generating activitieswhich loans are given, especially agricultural activitare traditionally male-owned. Credit in and of itswhether given to husband or wife, is unlikely to chathe gendered nature of the work.It is unfair to lendwomen in situations where both the loan officer andrecipient know she will not be involved in loan-rela

decisions. Such women find themselves in the positof being solely responsible for the timely repaymeninstallments without having any control of the monIt is not hard to imagine that for these women, caubetween the loan officer and their husband, there cobe an increase in domestic violence, as Rahman founLoaning to the husband in such cases will facilimore accurate monitoring and relieve the woman oresponsibly over which she has no control.

Interestingly, this may happen on its ownthe Indian microfinance sector evolves to deal with current crisis. One side-effect of the crisis is that MFIIndia are increasingly favoring direct, individual loinstead of group loans. e reason for this is simnews of the governments support of defaulters apeer pressure to withhold repayments spreads mquickly among group members and between grothan between individuals who only deal directly wthe MFI. Since, as this study confirmed, a major teupholding the rationale for lending to women is relative ease with which they form groups, shiing



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18 Winter 2012

portfolio towards individual loans in part obviates theneed to target women.

However, MFIs that are serious about womensfinancial empowerment via microcredit should notabandon and consider even strengthening grouplending. One option is to encourage SHG participationor to lend through SHGs, since our research showed

that this increases control over credit. Follow-upresearch is needed to better understand what aspectsof SHG participation are responsible for this effect. Ifthese factors can be isolated, they should be integratedinto the lending model. If, for instance, it is indeedparticipation in group decision-making outside thehome that makes the difference, Indian MFIs ought toconsider following in the footsteps of their Bangladeshipeers and incorporating group meetings into theirlending model.

In conclusion, women stand to benefi

t frommicroloans, but we cannot expect loans on their ownto change patriarchal gender dynamics. While somewomen have managed to effectively harness microcreditto start their own enterprise, more women are simplygiving control of the loan over to their husbands.Furthermore, this study confirms previous researchthat microfinance relies on the gender hierarchy forefficient loan recovery. is fact in itself does notnegate the potential of microfinance to change genderdynamics, but it does highlight that womens financial

empowerment is certainly not an inevitable outcome. Our study showed that credit has highlydiverse effects on women depending on factors suchas place, time, investment activity, and a myriad ofother intangible influences. Such factors, if understoodcorrectly, can be harnessed to give women more controlover their loans. e investment activity that a womanchooses and her access to womens networks like SHGshave an impact on her level of control. By giving moreholistic consideration to the needs of female clients,MFIs have the potential to give women a greater chanceat financial control and entrepreneurship.

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Vol. XIII | No

Noura Elfarra, of the Class of 2012, is studying PoliticalScience and Arabic. Her research interests include therole of religion in Middle Eastern politics and UnitedNations peace operations. She spent the past two summersworking in Washington, D.C. at the White House and StateDepartment, respectively.

From the seventeenth century, when the nationstate was formulated at the Peace of Westphalia,to the clash of great state actors in World Wars

I and II, the early international relations theoriesbased their premises on the state as the primary actorin international relations. Now, in an increasinglyglobalized era, non-state actors have gained

prominence on the world stage.

e terrorist attacksof September 11, 2001 demonstrated that a non-stateactor, specifically the terrorist group Al Qaeda, had thecapacity to undermine the security of the United States,a global hegemon. Todays realist and liberal theoriescontinue to examine dealings among states rather thanbroadening their scope to include non-state actors, andoen the actions that countries have taken in responseto international terrorism still fit within these existingtheories. Constructivism and liberalism provideadequate lenses to show how affected states have

responded to international terrorism, but the theory ofrealism provides the most persuasive explanation fortheir conduct. is may be seen through state actionsin the aermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, wheremilitary might and the desire to maintain power inthe international system were most vital to the affectedstates.

PTEe realist theory indicates that states are

internally unifi

ed, rational and independent actorswithin an anarchical international system. States makedecisions based solely on self-interest and in relationto their place within the international power hierarchy.Additionally, the theory contends that the basic goal ofa state is to protect its territorial and political integrity.1

Each state is constrained by the power of other states,and is perpetually on the lookout for the potential riseof a hegemon or global threat. During the Cold War,states acted within a bipolar system, conducting theirforeign policy by supporting one of the two adversarial

hegemons, the US and Soviet Union. In the state-centric world of realist theory, power and security arerelative.

Liberalism, like realism, views states as the actors but explains that states take action in the interof economic gain. Rather than pursuing a militpath to expand its power, the state derives more powfrom cooperation in the international arena, includdeveloping institutions and increasing trade amoother states. Global collaboration through institutisuch as the International Monetary Fund and United Nations are examples of liberalist mechanisfor global integration.

Finally, Constructivism places value on norand ideas, purporting that individuals constrinternational political relationships from thown beliefs. Ideas bear more weight than mateconsiderations, and in this sense, Constructivi

conveys power of the terrorists beliefs in spurrthem to carry out the 9/11 attacks.

Because terrorism plays out in the internatioarena, it must be analyzed within the system interstate relations. ough terrorists, as transnatioactors, do not fit neatly into realist or neorealist theotheir behavior tests the legitimacy of the state and ththreatens the states security and political authorWhile terrorism seeks to attack a states legitimacydoes not strip the state of its role as a primary acin international relations, because the state still hold

monopoly on the legitimate use of violence.2 Howefaced with this attempted de-legitimization, the sis compelled to strengthen its legitimacy throureassertions of its sovereignty.3 ese assertitypically manifest as a military response to terrorism

ough Constructivism, with its emphasis non-state actors, may seem like a natural explanatfor the spread of terrorism, this paper seeks answer how states responded to the terrorist attac

Two US tanks pose under the Hands of Victory in Baghdad in



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22 Winter 2012

states actions were based on ideology but related to

securing their national interests, in spite of whetheror not they supported Al Qaedas beliefs. Liberalismportrays a world in which actors take measures to gaineconomically, but Al Qaedas strike on the US did notbring the terrorist organization greater wealth rather,it helped them challenge the authority of a world power.us, it is realist logic that best conveys how the war onterrorism has been carried out.

S R

/A AH Reactions to September 11 among the globalcommunity show a greater convergence amonggovernment positions than between them and theirpeoples,4 with states behaving more as states thancivilizations. When asked to choose between the USand the terrorists, states overwhelmingly sided withthe US, despite reservations about the US supportfor Israel, concerns about civilian casualties in the

Afghanistan war, and misgivings about US military andeconomic dominance of the world.5e behavior ofthese governments reflects the pragmatism of realism,as by siding with the US they were more likely to securetheir own national interest and regime security. ForPakistan, the war provided an opportunity to havethe US quash the Islamic extremists that were causingdisorder on the Pakistani-Afghani border. Shiite-majority Iran, was eager to be rid of the unruly andradical Sunni Taliban neighbors in Afghanistan, andalso to be unthreatened, however momentarily, by the

looming shadow of the American hegemon.6Germ

wished to continue its active counterterrorist policywell as to be included in the safety of strong multilateinstitutions, hence its robust support for the UniStates in the 9/11 aermath.7e various states pAmerican responses to the attacks, despite a multituof cultural and ideological differences among thillustrate the power of politics and the strength of realist argument.

AR/

AII American policymakers have proposeveral different ideas on how to respond to or sa terrorist attack. ese included diplomacy wother state actors, military action against terroriand an information campaign aimed at the civilpopulation. A military component has featured msignificantly in American policy toward internatioterrorism; this may be seen through operationsAfghanistan, deployment of forces elsewhere in world, and the Iraq War, a conflict that the B

administration claimed was justified by Iraqs alleterrorist affiliations. e strong emphasis on a militpolicy highlights the realist nature of the US responone in which demonstrated force helps preserve spower in the international sphere.

As a global hegemon, the United States faa major challenge in determining how to generinternational cooperation and support, while at same time ensuring fulfillment of the United Stanational security interests. Additionally, reflectin

George W. Bush, US President at the time of 9/11Osama Bin Laden, former leader of Al-Qaeda



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more liberal view, the US is concerned with minimizingthe economic costs of increased security in responseto international terrorism. Finally, establishing ahealthy balance among the American norms of liberty,equality, and security has been of constant interest inthe aermath of 9/11.8 Even though the liberal andconstructivist provide plausible analyses for the USs

responses to the terrorist attacks, realist theory ismost accurate in defining the American governmentsbehavior. rough military action as well as covertaction, oen claimed to be preemptive self-defense, wemay see American action as trying to maintain the USsposition as a global hegemon.

e American response of waging a war againstAl-Qaeda and other terrorist groups is, according topolitical scientist Peter J. Katzenstein, something thatfollows quite naturally from a national security policythat had been institutionalized over half a century.9As

a global hegemon, major wars involving the US are notlikely to be decided through conventional battle of theoverwhelming military might of the US, which is trulysecond to none.10erefore, parts of the internationalsecurity agenda that are to address the problems ofterrorism can be seen as an effort to preserve Americasdecisive edge by containing the means and resourcesof belligerent non-state actors. Containing otherspower and means is part of a hegemons goal in realist

theory, thus reflecting the manner in which the Udealing with terrorists.

Despite this power and the significant resourthat the US possesses to combat terrorists, it is still likely to gain success through simple military mightthe past, due to superior military capabilities, decismilitary activity where forces were able to return ho

a

er a quick burst of victoriousfi

ghting was possiwhile today it is likely to remain the exception ratthan the rule.11 Since the 9/11 attacks, Al Qaeda demonstrated that it is a nimble, flexible, and adapentity with remarkable durability.12e US andforces seem to have achieved great progress during first part of the global war on terror, when the traincamps and operational bases of Al Qaeda in Afghanisas well as the organizations infrastructure wdestroyed. Following the initial American retaliatiAl Qaeda rose again, and their true destruction

thus far proved elusive during subsequent phases. Similarly, the American response to Iraq wbased upon an argument that attack is the best foof defense,14which illustrates a realist form of actithough in this case, one that came back to bite the through insurgency and threats to both civilians asoldiers alike. e Bush administrations argumclaimed that lack of democracy is a principal caof terrorism, and that a forcible intervention co



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24 Winter 2012

lead to the growth of a stable democratic system.15Instead, American military behavior was interpretedas an abuse of their hegemonic position, but hardly asurprise when analyzed through a realist lens.

e US behaved as a typical hegemon in a realistframework with its invasion of Iraq in 2003, seeking tomaintain its political integrity through a display of its

military might.

e lack of planning for the a

ermathof the invasion reflects hubris on the part of the US,who believed that its position of power could quashany rogue state or actor in its path. e nature of USaction in Iraq - where it sought but failed to gain theapproval of the international community, and invadedthe country anyway reflects the neorealist views ofthe unilateral character of the current global system:the power of the US means that Washington has farless need of allies than in the past and that it can affordto engage and dispense with allies as it sees fit.16For

example, the US tried to win over the moderate Arabstates, but then went on to voice new support of Israel,suggesting that the government cared little for theconsequences this would have on relations with the just-rallied Arab states. American hegemony, as AndrewHurrell maintains, has pushed the US towards a policyof conservative and nationalist hegemonic leadershipwhich stresses the natural right of the US to dictatethe terms of the response to terrorism and to expectunqualified support.17

C

Unfortunately, the historical arrogance drivingAmerican foreign policy has served to perpetuate anti-American sentiment and terrorism in the Middle East.President Obama and his administration, however,have realized the power of working within establishednorms and values by reaching out to the Middle Eastwith rhetoric of togetherness. His behavior, supportinga constructivist argument, has yet to yield concreteresults of positive change, but the future may yet deliver

them. In fact, more constructivist rhetoric aimed atthe civilian population and military force aimed at theterrorists could leave the US in an even more dominantposition than before 9/11.18

e international communitys broad supportfor the US in the aermath of the 9/11 attacks highlightsthe precedence that state and politics took over cultureor ideology. Looking to the US as a hegemonic leader,other states understood that 9/11 did not compromise

American power but in fact rankled the countmilitary might such that whoever would get in the way would face dire consequences. Supporting the against the terrorist attacks provided the side benof possibly eradicating or suppressing undesiraneighbors or building coalition networks with ot

states, fitting with the balance of power modelrealist theory. e seizing of these opportunidemonstrates the relevance of realism in todays wosystem.

As for the American behavior, the reaargument contends that when world ethics requmuscular enforcement, there is no acceptable substitfor military commitment by the hegemon.19 Henthe US acted appropriately in Afghanistan. Howeventering Iraq, where the American governments cla

American soldier stands guard outside an Iraqi police statio



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that the country was complicit in terrorism receiveda doubtful response and little approval from theinternational community; the hegemons legitimacywas weakened. Ultimately, the Global War on Terrorproves less of an actual threat to terrorists worldwideand more of the US reaffirming its hegemonic dignity,which Colin Gray claims as fits the realist theory.20

International order today, including dealingwith terrorists, reflects the order of the realist system.Most of the action taken against terrorists, except forthe initial assault against Afghanistan, is covert in

nature, yet the regular military power of the US plays anessential role in discouraging states from playing hostto terrorists. Countries may comply due to the adversenorms of supporting terrorism, but it is more likely thatthey fear the economic or even military consequencesof failing to support the hegemon.

e US Invasion of Iraq

E1 Krasner, Stephen. Analyses of Realism. Introduction toInternational Relations. Stanford University. 1 Apr. 2009. Lecture.

2 Weber, Max, and Guenther Roth. Economy and Society: an Outliof Interpretive Sociology. Berkeley: University of California, 2002,

3 Ibid.4 Acharya, Amitav. State-Society Relations. Worlds in Collision. K

Booth and Timothy Dunne. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 200194.

5 Ibid, 195.6 Acharya, Amitav. State-Society Relations. Worlds in Collision. K

Booth and Timothy Dunne. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 Ibid, 197.8 Reich, Rob, and Pam Karlan. e Ideal of Security. Justice at Ho

and Abroad Class. Stanford University. 6 Jan. 2011. Lecture.9 Katzenstein. P. Same WarDifferent Views: Germany, Japan, an

Counterterrorism. International Organization 57 (2003), pp.731-755.

10 Freedman, Lawrence. International Security: Changing Targets.Foreign Policy (Spring 1998), 60.

11 Freedman, Lawrence. International Security: Changing Targets.Foreign Policy (Spring 1998), 61.

12 Hoffman, Bruce. Inside Terrorism. New York: Columbia UniversiPress, 2006, 282.

13 Ibid14 Roberts, Adam. e War on Terror in Historical Perspective.

Survival 47/2 (2005), pp. 101-130, 119.15 Ibid

16 Hurrell, Andrew. ere Are No Rules: International Order AeSeptember 11. International Relations 16/2 (2002), pp.185-204, 1

17 Ibid, 191.18 Cox, Michael. Meanings of Victory: American Power aer the

Towers. Worlds in Collision. Ken Booth and Timothy Dunne.Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, 157.

19 Gray, Colin. World Politics as Usual aer 9/11: Realism VindicatWorlds in Collision. Ken Booth and Timothy Dunne. BasingstokePalgrave Macmillan, 2002, 229.

20 Ibid, 231.



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by Elise RacineSpatiality and Solidarity: Exploring theRevolutionary Tactics of the Madres dePlaza de Mayo roughout the years of 1976 to 1983 in a period known asthe Guerra Sucia, or Dirty War, Argentina experienced a state ofgovernment-sponsored violence. As a large part of the terror instigatedby the dictatorship, forced disappearances were in line with the oppressivenature of both the government and the Argentina it had created. Hence,few predicted the outlet for political and social discussion that thesedisappearances ultimately provided as mothers of the disappearedbegan to share their stories with one another, breaking through thissphere of silence. But if few predicted the emergence of the Madres dePlazo de Mayo, even less would expected its continued existence andsuccess. Since 1977, the Mothers have marched on the Plazo de Mayo,shaping not only Argentinas political and social atmospheres, but also thequest for human and womens rights worldwide. Using the boomerang,spatial network, collective behavior, and resource mobilization theories,this paper examines why this specific instance of collective action has

flourished when most movement, eventually loose steam and decline.

Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo



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A sophomore on the Womens Crew team, Elise Racineplans to major in Sociology and Anthropology. She wrotethe paper (which received one of Stanfords IntroductorySeminars Excellence Awards) for Professor Susan Olzaksintroductory seminar entitled e Roots of Social Protest.

It is the perfect crime, as the crime itself is invisible,except to those who are victims or relatives. Both aremeant to suffer silently, individually and alone. evictim is denied martyrdom; those le behind areprohibited thefinal ritual of bereavement.~ Schirmer on los desaparecidos, or the disappeared(1989:5)

HC roughout the years of 1976 to 1983 in a periodknown as the Guerra Sucia, or Dirty War, Argentinaexperienced a state of government-sponsored violence.is violence was accompanied by a number ofdisappearances targeting unarmed guerilla fightersand anyone else associated with activists groups orconsidered threats to the military. Other victims of theterrorism include trade unionists, students, journalists,Marxists, and Peronists. e estimated total of these

desaparecidos ranges from 9,000 to 30,000, including500 children who were adopted by military families(Anderson). ese acts of state brutality were primarilyperformed by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videlasmilitary dictatorship as a part of Operation Condor(Anderson). Defined by the expression naturalreorganization process, this dictatorship becameknown for its incessant acts of repression, torture,and numerous assassinations. us, while meant toconvey a sense of orderliness, the expression also came

to represent the extent of control the government heldover Argentinas political and social realms as violenceinfiltrated everyday life.

But violence was nothing new to Argentina.Prior to Videlas dictatorship, the country had beenrun by President Isabel Peron, the third-wife, previousvice-president, and widow of deceased presidentJuan Peron. While the transition of power had beensmooth following Perons death on July 1, 1974, IsabelPerons presidency became characterized by increasingbrutality. And while the rightist politics and favoritism

of Lopez Rega (Argentinas Minister of Social Welfareat the time) was partly to blame for the unrest, thehostility ultimately led to a military coup on March 24,1976 that deposed Peron as president. Five days later,

a three-man military junta filled the presidency wVidela, initiating the natural reorganization procand the horror that become infamously known as Dirty War (Anderson).

As a large part of the terror instigated by dictatorship, forced disappearances were in lwith the oppressive and silent nature of both

government and the Argentina it had created.

not only allowed the government to maintain a levecontrol through fear, but also acted as an isolating foas the unrecognized victims the family membersthe disappeared turned inward. Hence, few predicthe outlet for political and social discussion that thdisappearances would ultimately provide. As mothof the disappeared began to share their stories with oanother, they began to break through this spheresilence that had dominated Argentinas sociopolitscene. ese stories not only fueled the growth of

movement by binding the women together, but aacted as sources of inspiration for others to join in spirit of social protest. Furthermore, the collaboratand public nature of the Mothers actions direcontrasted with the oppression and isolation ttypified the period.

IM As these mothers searched for their disappeachildren, a unique human rights organization began

take shape. Known as the Madres de Plaza de MayoMothers of the Plaza de Mayo, this group has protesfor the right to re-unite with their abducted sons adaughters for the last three decades. But it all bewith the action of fourteen women. Bound by thshared grief, these women gathered in the PlazaMayo on April 30, 1977. ere they marched, wearwhite headscarves embroidered with the names of thchildren. While these white headscarves originsymbolized their childrens blankets, they have evolinto an international symbol for both the group an

mothers enduring love (Agosin).Over the decades, the group has likew

developed. Having received numerous backings frother activists groups, the Mothers have transforminto a broader fight for human rights. Furthermothe group has been seen as a sort of feminist movemfocused on embracing the values of motherhood. Usthe means available to them their role as motherthe Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo have used traditio



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views of women in Argentina not only to advance theirclaims, but also to move their grief into the public arena(Bouvard). As a result of this morphing of mothersto public protesters, the organization redefined theinterrelationships between the concepts of motherhood,feminism, activism, resistance, and social action. eMothers, however, in their lack of interest in challenging

the gender system of Argentina, contrast some of thetraditional understandings of a feminist movement.Such contradictions lead to the question are theMothers reclaiming feminism, or moderating it to fitcustomary roles?

e Mothers moved toward more persistent anddirect tactics as time progressed. By the time authorityreturned to a civilian government in 1983, the Motherswere demanding answers as to the locations of theirmissing children. As approaches to receiving theseanswers began to diverge, the group started to fracture

until 1986, when the organization split into two factions Mother of the Plaza de Mayo Founding Line and theMothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association (Agosin).e Founding Line concentrates more on legislation andusing current political channels to help recover remainsand bring ex-officials to justice. e Association, onthe other hand, strives to finish their childrens work.As a result, the Association has become increasinglyradicalized. Led by Hebe de Bonafini and packed byyounger militants, the Association has shied its focusto transforming Argentine political culture (Eckstein).Despite these differing tactics and leadership strategies,however, the Mothers have collectively held on to thesame goal to fight for their children and against humanrights violations.

Utilizing nonviolent direct action, the Mothersof the Plaza de Mayo represent a wonderful exampleof peaceful activism. Furthermore, through its place-based collective rituals and symbolism, the organizationhas built and maintained a high level of networkcohesion despite physical distance, while also garnering

the resources and support necessary for sustainedmobilization. Such success divulges how the movementhas impacted not only Argentinas political and socialatmospheres, but also the quest for human and womensrights worldwide. By traversing boundaries previouslynegotiated by men within Argentine society, the Mothersredefined male dominance and reclaimed the rightsthat accompanied their roles as mothers. In addition,the organization exposed how open social spaces couldhave deep emotional and psychological meanings and

associations. e Mothers actions further revthe importance of space in network mobilizatiousing these ties to increase participation and awarerough these actions the association has bridgegaps between the public and private, domestic and pand rural and urban.

RQTaking into account the diverse and transformnature of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo movemI would like to focus my analysis on the growth osocial movement. As the single most important quein my research, this inquiry has several elementsthat will also need to be examined in order to gain picture of how the Mothers movement has develoFor example, what factors can be traced to the Motrise and support? What coalitions did the movebuild? And what factors explain the continuity o

movement? I hope that through my exploration oboomerang theory, spatial network theory, collebehavior theory (specifically the Chicago School apprto collective behavior), and resource mobilization thI can come to answer these questions. Beginning witboomerang theory, we can see how the tense sociopolbackdrop framing the Mothers origins accountthe contention that then arises when internatrecognition plays an important role in NGO succes

government-institutionalized repression runs rame spatial network theory adds to this breakdowexamining not only how identity, values, cultureorganization form within and shape a movement, buhow networks can sustain collective action. is colleaction, as analyzed through the collective behtheory, further addresses the emergence, formaand meaning behind an organization. Without resomobilization, however, one cannot begin to underthe connections between a movement and politicacultural processes, or the mobilizing structure be

the movements forms of action.Due to its continuous nature, the Mothers o

Plaza de Mayo movement raises interesting implicaas to why this collective action emerges and contiMost movements eventually loose steam and dee Mothers, however, have found a way to maiinterest, despite its relative lack of innovation. Knfor its marches on the Plaza de Mayo, the Mofound a tactic that worked and have largely stuck to



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strategy. Unlike other over-used methods, however,the marches on the Plaza have a heightened symbolismto them. Examined by the spatial network theory,this symbolism unites individuals across groups andsustains interest in and commitment to the movement.e continuous state of the Mothers movement leadsme to theorize that it will continue to adapt and exist

in decades to come.

us, by delving into the factorsand theories behind the emergence, continuation, andorganization of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, Ihope to gain a better understanding of not only howand why this movement has grown, but also how thesestructures could explain future growth.

A Like my research question has hinted at, thereare multiple factors responsible for the developmentof a social movement. us, through the assessment

of social theories I aim to accurately detail the riseand source of the support necessary for success. Agrassroots movement led by ordinary women withno previous political experience (except in the caseof two of the Mothers), the Mothers of the Plaza deMayo experienced numerous challenges from thegovernment. Despite these tests, however, the Mothersformed an internationally recognized coalition againsthuman rights violations. And although this coalitionhas since separated into two factions, the Mothers

movement is still in existence over three decadesaer its formation. In the following paragraphs, Ihave analyzed four theories (the boomerang, spatialnetwork, collective action, and resource mobilization)to explain what accounts for this development, as wellas the Mothers continued success amid setbacks.

TBT In his essay "Figures of Solidarity: ReconcilingCultural Relativism and Universalism," Ryan Wilsonaddressed the question of why more domestic humanrights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) havedeveloped within Latin America in comparison to anyother part of the third world using Margaret E. Keck andKathryn Sikkinks boomerang model. According to themodel, figures of solidarity emerge when a repressivegovernment violates the basic tenets of human rightsand as a discursive space within both the internationaland domestic realm creates an opportunity forpreviously silenced voices to be heard (Wilson 1).

is space allows for hermeneutical redefinitiwhich in turn not only enables domestic figuresconfront opposition, but also pushes internatioorganizations to see beyond a universalist approand embrace a cause despite cultural conflicts (Wil1). Such acceptance and success could not occhowever, without visible solidarity figures that act a

face for the organization and assist these internatiocommunities in identifying with the groups plight.Wilson explores how this theory dire

applies to the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in deeper analysis - including that of a series of esson transnational advocacy groups published by Kand Sikkink in 2002 - of the methodology and procbehind figures of solidarity. In their discussion transnational advocacy groups, Keck and Sikkhighlighted two important aspects behind thmethodology. First, they define transnational advoc

networks as networks of activists, distinguishalargely by the centrality of principled ideas or valuemotivating their formation (Wilson 1). And secothey emphasize how most transnational advocnetworks emerge when governments deny domegroups the necessary space for identification (Wil1). Argentinas practice of repression and violeduring its Dirty War years provides a perfect examplthe conditions surrounding the emergence of domeNGOs, such as the Mothers of the Plaza de MaFurthermore, the role the Mothers movement playin publicizing the atrocities of military dictatorsillustrates the international power such organizatihave.

Keck and Sikkink's employment of boomerang pattern expands in a deeper explanationhow the Mothers movement gained such internatiosupport. According to this theory, domestic NGresiding within a structurally repressive governmemust reach out and form links with internatioorganizations, which must then use their influence

pressure these governments from the outside (Wil6). Keck and Sikkinks belief that internatiocontacts can amplify the demands of domestic groupry open space for new issues, and then echo bthese demands into the domestic arena stresses importance they place on international organizati(Wilson 6). Such a pattern of emergence assumhowever, that the domestic group has the abilitycontact and connect with international organizatious, a point of contention arises. To be effective,



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domestic NGOs must reach the outside world, but toaccomplish that they must also circumnavigate theirrepressive government structure.

e starting stages of the Mothers of the Plaza deMayo show the difficulties in overcoming governmentrepression in order to form links with internationalNGOs. Emerging at a time riddled with violence and

human rights violations, the Mothers o

en fell prey to theprecise actions they were protesting against. Twelve ofthe fourteen founding mothers disappeared themselves(Agosin). Others experienced horrible torture at thehands of the military (Anderson). By refusing tobreak apart and silence their voices, however, theMothers exposed their countrys human rights abusesand achieved international recognition. eir effortseven led the United Nations (UN) to recognize forceddisappearances as a crime against humanity and to drathe UN Declaration on the Protection of All Persons

from Enforced Disappearance. e organizationsexpansion to include all human rights violations andwomen issues shows how international attention andinvolvement contributes to the growth of a domesticNGO (Abreu). Furthermore, by revealing the threatsto transnational advocacy networks, the Mothersattest to the relevance of global interconnectedness tothe boomerang pattern. Development and success ofdomestic NGOs partially rely on the attention frominternational organizations that they garner and theseorganizations' abilities to both relate despite culturaldifferences and pressure oppressive governmentstructures.

TSNT

Fernando J. Bosco explores the importanceof spaces and places in network cohesion and thesustainability of mobilization within his article "Place,Space, Networks, and the Sustainability of CollectiveAction: e Madres de Plaza de Mayo." Focusing onhow the practice of place-based collective rituals and

symbolic associations tie into geographical flexibilityand influence access to resources, Bosco examinesthe spatial dimensions of collective action, as wellas the development and duration of the Mothersmovements. He begins his analysis with a testamentto the importance of networks in the mobilization ofsocial movement organizations, like the Mothers. Bylinking local activism across different contexts andcreating trans-national webs that facilitate the efficacyof collection action, social networks contribute to

the success of social movements (Bosco 309). sustainability of these networks and the actions tproduce rely upon, however, the flexibility of geographical networks they encompass.

Part of this flexibility derives from the variof spatial scales the movement covers, including its of place-based collective rituals. Such rituals rev

how cohesion in a network that expands acrspace can be sustained by symbolically (re)creata sense of place (Bosco 309). us, an emphasisplace can bridge barriers and sustain mobilizatby unifying members. Symbolic depictions of thplaces further build and sustain network connectiamong groups by attaching meaning to a universrecognized part of the movement. ese places not, however, just physical. Social locations, suchethnicity and sexuality, also aid in providing meanand establishing connections. Collective action, th

relies upon both physical and social locations as suidentities construct webs of meaning and ultimatform relationships.

Furthermore, through analysis of spatial aspof social networks, one can explore how geograpinforms and impacts activism, including that of Mothers. While a part of spatiality, the conceptsplace-based collective rituals, sustainable mobilizatstrategies, and symbolism also serve as a platfoto garner both meaning and support. By exploitthese aspects, the Mothers have successfully developgeographically flexible networks to not only mtheir needs, but also to contribute to the duration acontinuity of their actions. In addition to his discussion on the importaof a variety of spatial scales in the mobilization acontinuation of social movements, Bosco also examithe three types of networks crucial for collectaction. ese networks consist of inter-personetworks of activists that facilitate recruitment aindividual participation, links between individu

and organizations that are based on individumultiple personal and group allegiances, and inorganization networks used to coordinate actions ashare resources that are crucial to achieve large scmobilization (Bosco 310). While these differnetworks sometimes overlap, they are not necessacomprised of the same members. Nor do they conof the same relationships. Interconnectedness derifrom the members multiple allegiances and interactions between individual members and formorganizations.



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is complex web of networks can be discernedin both factions of the Mothers movements, theMothers of the Plaza de Mayo Founding Line andthe Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association. In theFounding Line faction, interpersonal links are builtaround the knowledge that each member is a motherstruggling to discover the truth surrounding theirchilds disappearance. ese women are further unitedby their desire for those responsible to experiencelegal punishment (Bosco 310). In the Association, the

interpersonal bonds are sustained by the concept ofsocialized motherhood, or the idea that each memberis not an individual mother searching for a specificchild, but rather a representation of the entirety ofmothers whose children have disappeared, even thosewho never became activists (Bosco 310). Both groupsalso share bonds with other social movements basedon strategic interests and occasionally emotional linksor shared identities (Bosco 311). us, the Motherscontain two types of networking interpersonalnetworks based on emotional bonds and shared

collective identity and inter-organizational networksbased on strategic alliances. Examining the differenttypes of ties produced by intertwining networksprovides valuable insight into the strength of thesebonds, as well as the sustainability of the collectiveaction produced by the movement. Dissimilar forms ofaction rely on particular networks and the organizationand associations that accompany them.

ese bonds are further strengthened by therecreation of a sense of place. is place acts not only

as a physical manifestation of the organization, but aas an emotionally charged symbol of the group. Plaza de Mayo embodies this duality as it serves bas a meeting place where the Mothers can vocatheir criticism, and a verbal (through repetitionplace name) and visual cue that incites movemrecognition. A sense of location, and the concrimagery that accompanies it, can also inspire greasupport and give the organization a face to be identifiwith. us, by providing the public with a poign

visual they can then associate with the movemenplace can help substantialize the movements goproviding it with context and tying it to tangible peosituations, and facts. e loyal and continual usethe Plaza de Mayo as a home to the Mothers despopposition and change stresses the importance of plin movement development.

Over three decades aer the first meetingthe Plaza de Mayo, much has changed, as well as stathe same. Two of the Mothers goals the prosecutof military officials involved in the disappearan

and the uncovering and indentifying of the bodof the disappeared have had considerable succConcerns of social movements in Argentina halso evolved as rising poverty, unemployment, aincome inequality have become major issues in country. As a result of these shiing issues, Argenthuman rights movements have experienced an ovedecrease in the number of activists and popusupport (Eckstein). ese factors, combined with negative implications of an organizational division a

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the loss of members to old age, have led to a decreasein development following a period of rapid growthand high mobilization in the late 1980s. Despitethese challenges, however, the Mothers continue theiractivities today. eir resilience is marked by weekly(every ursday) marches on the Plaza de Mayo, aswell as a yearly 24-hour demonstration in the square

(Abreu).e Plaza de Mayo was not chosen by accidentas the site of the Mothers protest. As the square whereArgentina first declared its independence from Spain,the Plaza carries deep significance in Argentine history,cultural-identity, and subconscious. It has emergedas a site where many groups have gone to claim theirrights. Furthermore, it is the seat of the countryspower flanked by the presidential palace, cathedral,and the most influential banks (Bosco 311). us, thechoice of the Plaza is symbolic and again contrasts the

oppressive, isolating, and silent nature of the regime.As a very public and important place, the Plaza deMayo could not be ignored.

Overall, Boscos spatial network theory revealshow spaces, through their establishment of networks, actas contexts for both symbolic and cultural productions.By traversing a variety of spatial scales, the Mothers haveexpanded nationally and trans-nationally and forgedalliances with other social movements and groups.is growth would not have been possible, however,without the symbolism the movement attached to thePlaza and the collective action it organized around it.us, place and ritualization became two importantfactors leading to the rise of the Mothers of the Plazade Mayo movement.

CB

According to the collective behavior theory,collective behavior is not a standard part of the politicalprocess but rather occurs during a period of socialdisruption, or in other words, when grievances are

deeply felt. As such, collective behavior exists outsideinstitutionalized structures or established norms. It istriggered by some structural or cultural breakdownor strain. e mobilization of participants followingthis strain relies heavily on shared beliefs (Staggenborg13). Such recounting of social movement developmentreflects the rise of the Mothers organization. Propelledby numerous human rights violations performedby Videlas dictatorship, the Mothers experienced astrain in the form of the forced disappearances of their

children. e emergence of the Dirty War Years acas a social disruption that in turn required collectbehavior outside the normal realms. United by thgrievances, specifically their grief and their duas mothers, the Mothers de Plaza de Mayo gathetogether to protest the breakdown of their world orde Chicago School approach to collective behavfocuses its analysis on the concept of symbinteractionism. e theory that social movemactors use social interaction to build meaninsymbolic interactionism aims to identify the rsociety-driven behavior plays in creating meaning a

how this meaning is then applied to the movemitself. According to the school of thought, actors forced to engage in collective behavior. is collectaction acts as one of the few ways they can constrnew meanings to guide their behavior followthe breakdown of established sources of meanand information. rough their collective actiparticipants in social movements end up creating norganizational structures and culture (Staggenborg

In the case of the Mothers, Videlas violenoppressive dictatorship destroyed prior sources

meaning as its instigation of terror disestablishsocietal norms and relations. And although regime emphasized traditional gender roles, includthe womans place as a housewife and mother, wthe disappearance of their children such roles wchallenged (Bouvard). Mothers could not fulfill thduties as protector and educator of the children. taking away their children, the government had ataken away the Mothers sense of meaning. usorder to fully satisfy their responsibilities as moth

and regain structure, the women mobilized.

ey u

Hebe de Bonafini



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their rights as matriarchs to justify their evolutioninto public protesters and activists. As a result, theMothers a group of women consisting mostly ofhomemakers, few of whom had received an educationbeyond high school emerged on a previously maledominated public forum.

One could argue that by reclaiming their rights as

mothers despite opposition to female collective action,the movement (unintentionally) adopted a feminist air.By recreating mothers into protestors, public figures,and instigators of change, the organization challengedtraditional notions of gender hierarchy and relationsin Argentina. e Mothers lack of desire to formallydefy and/or change this gender system does, however,contrast some traditional understandings of feminism.Such contradictions previously lead me to ask are theMothers reclaiming feminism, or moderating it to fitcustomary roles?

e role of collective behavior in creatingmeaning provides one way of approaching thisquestion. As noted earlier, the Mothers mobilized inan attempt to regain their children and, by extension,the ability to satisfy their responsibility as mothers.One could, therefore, argue that their actions stemfrom a desire to reclaim an identity constructed bysociety in concurrence with Argentinas traditionalgender system. In such analysis, the fact that theirtactics then publically criticized this society is moreimportance in how it challenged the sphere of silencepermeating Argentinas sociopolitical atmosphere thanin how it redefined the concept of male dominance.us, one could conclude that the power their rolesas mothers provided ser

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