Robert Bibeau Manifesto of Labor Party

Publibook

Find our catalogue on the website of the Publibook Editions:

http://www.publibook.com

This text published by Publibook Editions is protected by the laws and international treaties relating to copyrights. His print on paper is strictly reserved to buyer and limited to his personal use. Any other reproduction or copy, for any proceedings, constitutes an infringement and would be liable to penalties laid down in the above-mentioned texts, particularly the French Code of the intellectual property and the international conventions in force on the protection of copyright.. Éditions Publibook 14, rue des Volontaires 75015 PARIS – France Tél. : +33 (0)1 53 69 65 55

IDDN.FR.010.0119620.000.R.P.2014.030.31500

This work has had a first publication in the Éditions Publibook in 2014

Table of Contents

Chapter one.Where do the right ideas come from?

Chapter two.The social classes under imperialism Two antagonistic classes

The social classes The working class The capitalist class Expropriation and concentration of wealth Poor people and lumpen-proletarians The gentrified employees The "middle class” Petty bourgeoisie Petty bourgeoisie and socialist revolution The foundations of bourgeois despair Employee – productivity – job insecurity Supremacy of revolutionary proletariat Organizational autonomy of proletariat Class struggle and national question

Chapter three.The revolutionary theory of Labor Party Proletarian Intellectuals and revolution Principles of the scientific socialism Allies of workers and dictatorship of proletariat Conditions of insurrection Conditions of the proletarian revolution

Chapter four.Class struggle in the economic authorityImperialism is the repetitive crisisCrisis and austerity measures Systemic economic crisis World economic crisis Global economic crisis Crisis and uneven development Anarchic economic crisis Economic crisis and austerity Employees heavily taxed The rich hide their money to tax department Economic crisis and overproduction Subsidies to companies in crisis Extreme stock market speculation Travel companion in ruin Credited to compensate for markets

The credit leads to the abyss Machine of advertising propaganda Collapse of the industrial base Embellishing the convoluted austerity The debt explodes and the State implodes The austerity can’t save them In front of austerity measuresThe purpose of the method of imperialist production

Chapter five.Class struggle in the political authority States and imperialist nations Third way of 'non-aligned' May 1968, the new social contract The corporatist State From Welfare State to police State Class struggle against corporatist State Mass organization and Trade Union Bourgeois democratic elections

Chapter six.Class struggle in the ideological authority Fight on the ideological front The revisionist over-determinism

Chapter seven.Our aim, the Socialism The working class to power Repeal the profit The proletarian alternative

Notes

Chapter one. Where do the right ideas come from?

The ideas, concepts, theories are the images in our heads of the real world which around us. They are built into our consciousness according to our "praxis", according to the role that we play in the process of production of material and intellectual means of sustenance and reproduction of the organic conditions of life in society 1.

In the Contribution to the criticism of political economy Marx adds: "In the social production of their life, the men realize definite, necessary relations independent of their will; these relations of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces. All these relations form the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political structure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The method of production of material life dominates in general the development of the social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but, on the contrary, their social existence determines their consciousness".2.

The ideas, concepts, the materialistic or idealistic theories, are shaped in the consciousness of human being according to their economic and sociological conditions of life in a society in constant evolution. Thus, we find that the social classes do not produce the same ideas or the same theories on phase of sustainable lasting economic growth as well as on phase of permanent economic and social crisis as we live currently.

"The existence determines the class consciousness", as Marx and Engels said. They were not intended, saying this, that only a worker could understand the class exploitation of the proletarians or could describe this class oppression and imagine the method and relations of production on which underlies this alienation. Both authors have given a series of examples of proletarians, to the unscientific ideas, unable to go beyond the theoretical idealistic stage of utopian socialism 3.By cons, they demonstrated that it is possible for an intellectual who lives for years in the middle of an industrialized bourgeois society, to know and understand the ideas, worldviews and the reality experienced by the workers.It is enough to investigate scientifically in this socio-economic means and have the desire to serve the workers rather than an university colluded with any multinational company, thirsty for profits. Lenin pointed out that the class consciousness "for itself" and the scientific knowledge of the principles of capitalist exploitation and of the subversive struggle to overthrow this society are brought to the proletariat outside the class that claims to be his guides and weapons for the revolutionary action.All these right ideas create a corpus of notions, concepts and economic laws, of political, sociological and philosophical principles that serve as prolegomenon to the theory, ideology, to Marxist-Leninist method. The Revolutionary Labor Party is based on the principles of scientific socialism that helps to develop, to direct its revolutionaries political activities.

However, in the capitalist society, a reef stands on the way of the proletarian party. In “The German Ideology” Marx points out "In every era, the ideas of ruling class are the ruling ideas; that is to say, the class, which is the ruling material power of the society, is also the ruling spiritual power. The class, which has the means of material production, has at the same time, thereby, means of intellectual production, so that in general, it exercises its power on the ideas of those who are lacking these means. The dominant thoughts are

nothing more than the expression on ideas of the ruling material conditions, these are the conditions designed as ideas, of which the expression of social relationships that make rightly of an only class the ruling class, therefore the ideas of its supremacy.”4.How to germinate or to instill right ideas of the awareness of class oppression, of forced resistance to this oppression and of necessary conquest of state power to proletarians dominated by these ruling bourgeois ideas? How to bring the working class to the revolutionary consciousness? Each economic power, each political power, each social vector contain their opposite and just from the opposition of these opposites are born the movement - the class struggle – and the evolution. In the current practice, the working class faces these contradictions and more or less clearly perceives that the ruling bourgeois ideas contravene the principles of nature, the perceived social reality, the imponderable laws of capitalist political economy and his own practical class experience.

Spontaneously, the working class is getting ready to resist for opposing the most obvious and devastating effects of this oppression on his livelihoods, health, working conditions, his social life and on his anthropological conditions of reproduction.The forms of class struggle and the forms of organization remain therefore at the level of defensive struggle to keep their jobs, sometimes to save the company, that is to say, to keep their status of exploited employee.

The working class for its objective situation, in the process of production and reproduction of the system of imperialist political economy, is very present in this economic war at all times, but it must necessarily transcend this form of class struggle to lead in the political front where the power of financial capitalists is crystallized. The Revolutionary Labor Party does not despise these forms of spontaneous economic struggles and his leaders of the party are seeking the transient watchword, short-term feasible, the working class can advance in its concrete struggle and in its process of awareness of the need forrevolutionary reversal of capitalism.

The criticism of Lenin about the “spontaneous” and “economist” political guidelines does not concern the spontaneous aspects of some struggles of the working class on the economic front (strikes, factory occupations, demonstrations). Since the Commune until now the working class has always led spontaneous battles on the economic front for better wages, better working conditions, against the closures of factories, to improve their purchasing power and ensure its reproduction as social class. These are not bourgeois corporatist claims as the leftists pretend to give to believe.

The "spontaneous" and "economist” political guidelines are generated by the anarcho-syndicalist political trend that shows off saying that the war of the working class should not be planned, or be organized, but instead must follow scrupulously the spontaneity of "broad masses" and take only the economic claims such as increases of wage, increase of the minimum wage, decrease of utility rates and getting better working conditions. The anarcho-syndicalists, the anarchists and the Trotskyists recommend to move these claims to the maximum so that the bourgeois State, unable to satisfy them, collapse spontaneously or after an unlimited general strike giving way to the improvised, unorganized and spontaneous working power. The movements of May ’68 in Europe, the striking struggle in Greece and the Arab Spring taught us the absurdity of these economist-spontaneous chimeras.

The student strike of 2012 in Quebec was able to escape this spontaneous and opportunistic trap and keeping the slogan “Let us stop the rise", refusing the anarcho-syndicalist bidding to require a "socialist university to the service of the working class within the imperialist society" and the student strike was victorious.The son and daughters of workers - who formed the wholesale of militant contingent – have been able to demonstrate that they could properly direct their spontaneous uprising on the economic front of the class struggle.

Surely the evanescence of Canadian Communist pseudo organizations did not allowed for carrying out this economic struggle towards the struggle on the political and ideological front of the class war. The proof is that, as soon as the strike ended, the many studentssubject to legal proceedings by the police state were abandoned to their fate. That’s why the political support of a genuinely revolutionary labor organization could have been able to make difference and to support the student resistance struggle against the police state.

The mission to present transitional demands, or to organize the sectorial and cyclical resistance of the class against the onslaughts of the police state, of the monopolist capitalist class and its petty bourgeois coolies – drive belts of the capital – costs to the mass organizations of the party (student movement, labor movement, women's movement of struggle, autonomous assemblies of districts, etc.).

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Economism and spontaneism

The economism is a political opportunist deviation that appeared in the nineteenthcentury in the ranks of Western social democracy.The economists claimed that the striking struggle was the key of the social change and wage power. Although the class struggle on the economic front is the mother of all class struggles, it is not enough. The unlimited general strike is only a struggle of resistance to push back the masters. Lenin explained that all these struggles will never cease, it will resume always until the proletariat will not be established in class political party to conquer politically and militarily all state and economic power.

The mass organizations led by the party do not propose transitional demands without explaining that these claims are part of a struggle of resistance - a defensive struggle- and therefore as far as this struggle can be victorious will never lead the ultimate victory. All these battles will always detect what is inevitable in the capitalist society. Only the socialist revolution will put an end to this alternation between the two antagonistic classes.

The unique and only mission of the Worker's Revolutionary Party is to overthrow the modern imperialist system. It Is his long-term agenda. So the party does not present candidates in the bourgeois elections. and does not recognizes the myth of the so-called legality or the "democratic, parliamentary, electoral" legitimacy. The bourgeois state cannot hold a democratic election that would involve its existence and the dictatorship of the capitalist class over the whole imperialist society

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

About the need of proletarian power

"Every class that aspires to dominate - even though this domination has as condition, like the case for the proletariat, the abolition of all the old form of society and domination in general - must first seize the political power to present, also this class, his interest as the general interest, which is forced from the beginning". Marx. Engels The German ideology. 1846.5.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

However, the mass organizations (movements and associations), of the working class can and must launch without truce new explicit passwords in order to organize the active resistance of the working class against the alienation, exploitation, oppression, the sweetening of its living and working conditions. The complaint of privatization of State companies formerly nationalized by governmental puffins is a good example of these struggles of resistance on the economic front. In contrast, there is no justification for launching the watchword of nationalizing certain capitalist enterprises, implying that the nationalization by capitalist State of a capitalist enterprise would change whatever on his mission of exploitation and extraction of surplus value.

The Revolutionary Labor Party claims the abolition of private ownership of all means of production and exchange. The Revolutionary Labor Party simply believes that the nationalized company remains an area of exploitation of wage labor and that the Communists did not have to choose the formula of State monopolist capitalism instead of the formula of private monopolist capitalism. That’s why we oppose the watchword of nationalization, because it spreads the illusion that the nationalized company might be nothing more than a capitalist enterprise.

Analyzing the evolution of capitalism of free competition in the monopolist capitalism, Engels considers as a historical necessity the passage of private monopoly into State capitalist property: "the need of transformation into State property appears first in large communication organizations: Post Office, Telegraphs, railways (...) But neither the transformation into joint-stock company nor the State property suppress the quality of capital of the productive forces. And the modern State is only in turn the organization that the bourgeois society gives itself to maintain the general external conditions of the method of capitalist production against the encroachment of the workers as isolated capitalists. The modern State, whatever its form, is a capitalist machine, the State of capitalists, the collective capitalist as idea. The more the productive forces are passed on its property, and more it becomes collective capitalist, the more exploits citizens. The workers remain employees, proletarians. The capitalist relationship is not cancelled, on the contrary is to a

turning point. But arrived at this turning point, it spills. The State property on the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but contains in her the formal means, the way to cling to the solution. This solution can only consist in the fact that the social nature of modern productive forces is really recognized, that therefore, the method of production, appropriation and exchange is harmonized with the social character of the means of production. And this can be occurred only if the company takes hold directly and without subterfuge the productive forces that have become too big for any other direction than his direction» 6.

The nationalization of monopolies therefore is not in conflict with the capitalist society and its economic laws. It is otherwise a logical conclusion. In The imperialism, supreme stage of capitalism, Lenin develops this thesis by explaining that the State monopolist capitalism is the supreme stage of capitalism and is the antechamber of socialism that no other stage would know to separate itself from socialism. The solution of the passage from one to another is the proletarian revolution and the conquest of State power by the proletariat.

This thesis of Engels and Lenin was distorted continuously by opportunists that strove to make the nationalizations a means to access to socialism for electoral and peaceful way without passing from the proletarian revolution. Here's how this trend was sentenced by the Communist International that in 1921 deliberated: "To claim the socialization or nationalization of the most important branches of industry, as the centrist parties do, this means to deceive still the masses. The centrists have deceived not only the masses trying to persuade them that the socialization can rip from the hands of capital the main branches of industry without the defeat of the bourgeoisie, still trying to dissuade the workers from the vital struggle for their immediate needs, making them to hope a progressive domain on different industries, the ones after the others, after which will begin the "systematic” construction of the "economic” building. They therefore return to the minimum program of social democracy, namely the reform of capitalism that is today a real counterrevolutionary cheat. If in this program of nationalization, for example of the coal industry, the Lassalle idea still plays a role to fix all the energies of the proletariat on a single claim, to make a lever of revolutionary which leads from its evolution to the struggle for power, in this case we are dealing with a dreamer's fantasy: the working class suffers today in all capitalist States flagella so numerous and so scary that it is impossible to fight all these overwhelming workloads and these shots pursuing a goal so thin and completely imaginary. We must take, on the contrary, every need of the masses as starting point of revolutionary struggles that as a whole, will be able to represent the powerful trend of social revolution:” 7

Only starting from the interests of the proletarian class, the one and only revolutionary class until the end, forging and disseminating widely passwords, at the same time in conformity with its interests and the historic mission of the proletariat (overthrowing the modern imperialism) that the Communists manage to convey the right revolutionary ideas to the class that has the vocation to implement them.

"Among all the classes that, currently, are opposed to the bourgeoisie, only the proletariat is a real revolutionary class. The other classes go into fall and perish with the big industry;

the proletariat, on the contrary, is its most authentic product. The middle classes, small manufacturers, retailers, artisans, farmers, all are fighting the bourgeoisie because it is a threat to their existence as middle classes. They therefore are not revolutionary, but conservative; more, they are reactionary because try to go by contraries the wheel of history. If they are revolutionary is for their imminent passage to the proletariat; they defend then their future interests and not their current interests; abandoning their own point of view to go to that one of the proletariat» 8.

Chapter two.

The social classes under imperialism

Two antagonisric classes

Various bourgeois intellectuals describe the capitalist oppression against the working class and against the "lumpen” proletarians as resulting from the uneven distribution of the wealth among the "citizens". These intellectuals transform therefore an insoluble antagonism (proletarians against capitalists) into an idealistic search for a larger "social justice" demonstrating their inability to transcend their idealistic, monistic and reformist vision 9.

This moralizing approach brings them to demand a larger social assistance for the poorer and to require additional taxes to cover these deficient expenses. The mystified and already surcharged workers tend to denounce these fiscal overloads and the "United Front" of the workers and deprived is then compromised. Front National in France, FPÖ in Austria, Golden Dawn in Greece and the American Tea Party recruit these workers disappointed by these fallen "leftists".

It's the same in the conflict for the increase of the services of insurance against unemployment (which are chargeable to the active workers) to allow to keep alive the workers, temporarily inactive. The union bureaucrats and the petty-bourgeois activists of the accredited and subsidized NGO (NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS), ask for repatriating the management of these funds under the leadership of the representatives of the monopolistic capitalists who are sitting in the National Assembly of Quebec. Which is the interest for the worker to be forced by Quebec instead of Ottawa? The protesters demand better services and an extension of the period of insurance, scrimping directly in the pockets of the active workers who succeed hardly in closing their budget. With this rhythm it is not necessary to wait for a long time so that the Front of solidarity with the providers of the unemployment insurance flies into pieces, disappointment of which the French Front National or its Canadian equivalent will hurry to take advantage.

That’s why the communist activists always explain, and repeatedly that there is no interest to repatriate the management of funds in Quebec to enlarge the heritage of the Quebecois bourgeois imperialist and the Marxists don’t stop to remind that all these battles on the

economic front of the class struggle (unemployment insurance, social assistance, minimum wage, reduction of tuition fees, tax reduction, defense of the pension funds and the purchasing power) are only wars of resistance on the economic front of the class struggle, which will be not able to end never and develop into permanent conquests for the proletariat.

Only the battle on the political front of the class struggle, for the total and radical reversal of the capitalist order and for the labor power will be able to put a definitive term in this arm-wrestling where the worker will always be swindled. Marx and Engels described and explained the various methods of production - and the relating types of production - which marked out the mankind. They identified the "primitive Society = no social class“; the “slave Society = slave and freeman"; the "feudal Society = serf and Lord"; the "capitalist Society = proletarians and bourgeois"; and they predicted the advent of the Communist society: "socialist Society until the disappearance of any social class and the advent of the communism". It is clear that there is no communist society even if by unhealthy intrigue CIA claimed to spy on the “Communist” USSR and China”.

Marx and Engels explained that for each studied class societies (slave - feudal - capitalist) the method of hegemonic production had produced always two opposing social classes confidentially connected the one to the other by the social relationships of production. A class cannot survive the disappearance of its opposing class. So in Quebec, in 1854, when the seigneurial method of tenure was repealed by a law of the parliament of the Union (Lower and Upper Canada), serfs and Lords disappeared as social classes at the same time as the method of feudal tenure 10. The French Revolution of 1789 by stressing the disappearance of the peasantry and its urbanization, already started during the previous century, caused the extinction of the peasant aristocracy and the landowners which were transformed into land and basic bourgeoisie.

Marx and Engels added that the dialectical confrontation, the opposite struggle between these two opposing classes constitute the engine of story, from which the expression: "The story of any society to date is the story of class struggles". It is necessary to note that afterward they did not stutter the order "Proletarian, oppressed peoples, farmers, pauperized petty-bourgeois and nations colonized of the whole world, unite!". This "omission" was not fortuitous as well as we shall see in the following chapter.

The social classes

What is a social class? What defines a social class, characterizes it and allows to identify the individuals to show a political activity that aims at mobilizing them for transform the society?

Some people say that the women are the new proletariat. Or still the temporary workers. But to divide the social classes according to the sex or the status does not make sense. We must reason from the point of view of the place of an individual in the process of production. Besides, we forget the multiple denominations that crazy agitators and idle undergraduates invented as "lower class", "middle class", "nation class" (sic), "class of masters", "poor class" and "class of officers" or still "class of immigrants", as much wrong

denominations.

Marx defines the social classes first of all according to a method of production, that is to say, according to the social role that play an individual and his membership in the process of production of the livelihoods, means of life, exchanges and reproduction of the life in society.

Therefore, the method of capitalist production, reached its imperialist stage of evolution, is characterized, from the point of view of social classes, by the opposition concerning the monopolistic capitalist class, owner of the means of production and exchanges (distribution, marketing and communication) and the proletarian class that possesses only his labor force which sells against wages ( necessary work) and of which the bourgeoisie insists to extract plus-labor (surplus value) redistributed to different fractions of capitalists in the form of annuities, dividends, profits and benefits of each category 11. Around these two main antagonistic classes there are, says Marx, other social classes or segments of classes formed by employed, self-employed (which excludes any wage ratio), persons who are holding a trade, or who are offering a particular service aimed at businesses, communities (municipal services, governmental and para-governmental, etc.) and private individuals (employers, employees, citizens).

Here is the vast field of tertiary activities where the entrepreneur does not exploit sometimes no employee, but offers its services all inclusive, by piece, for time, by mandate, different methods of remuneration that are all forms of inclusion in the social relations of production

The working class The labor class, or laborious class, or working class is the union of individuals which sell their labor force against salary and abandon the produced surplus-value to capitalists, owners of the means of production (equipment, machineries, factories, raw materials and energy). Furthermore, the capitalist is an owner, by virtue of the bourgeois right, of goods produced by these salaried workers.

In the modern imperialist society, if the capitalist employer is of the private sector or of the public sector changes nothing in the method of appropriation of surplus-value or in the status of class of the salaried workers.

The only element which changes, in the case of a state monopolistic capitalist company, is the way of expropriating the surplus-value and the return in the circuit of widened reproduction of capital. The fact that a worker is committed by a company belonging to the capitalist State transforms not at all its status of salaried worker from which is extracted the surplus-value. A fitter of lines to Hydro-Québec (State Company) is a proletarian in the same way as a worker committed by EDF France, or by Gas Subway, company registered on the stock exchange of Toronto. So, the way for a company of public sector of the imperialist economy to return to the capitalists the surplus-value expropriated to the workers consists in selling the goods produced to the other companies below the cost price and in transferring its profits to the capitalist State which will turn this capital valued in the economic circuit in the form of assistance to the reproduction of the labor force (the

services of health, day nurseries, and education from which the State takes the collective load), or in the form of reduction of tax burdens compulsory for the capitalist companies.

The generative productive activity of the salary and the surplus-value implies no decision-making power, few responsibilities and not much intellectual activity on behalf of the worker considered as an extension of more and more sophisticated and more and more expensive devices to be acquired and representing an important constant capital (Cc) which the labor time will serve to pay off for producing a new surplus-value to be reinjected in the circuit of widened reproduction.

The only responsibility which the alienated worker is invited to assume is to reproduce his class of oppressed. The proletarian class counts approximately two million individuals in Quebec (on a total population of eight million inhabitants). Besides, if we add to these workers the salaried employees of public and para-public institutions, Quebec has 4 million employees contributors to Quebec Pension Plans, among which 1,9 million (47 %) participate in no collective pension plan or even in no personal Plan. On the other hand 1,4 million workers (approximately 33 %) participate in the one or other of 750 supplementary Pension plans, that is 513 000 employees in the private sector and 866 000 employees in the public sector. Finally, Quebec counted in 2012 1,5 million beneficiaries of a pension plan as ex-salaried 12 In Canada, the working class counts less than ten million individuals on a total population of 35 million inhabitants. Equally included in the enumeration of the working class the persons dependent on proletarians (spouse [e], children), those who are temporarily deprived of paid work as the unemployed persons (1 325 000 individuals, beneficiaries or not of programs of unemployment insurance), and those who lived in this way in past (redeemed employees) and who risk at any time to return on the labor market.

All these workers possess only their labor-power to survive and are individually owners of no means of production. The fact that the Solidarity Fund of Quebec workers Federation collects the savings of thousands of workers to invest them in the purchase of bankrupt capitalist companies after emoluments (presents, brown envelopes and bribe) handed to the corrupt business agents does not make these workers-savers as capitalists; no more than a worker participating in the board of directors of his popular box is transformed into a financial capitalist. At least as long as this proletarian keeps his employment of salaried worker expropriated of his surplus-value.

If one day a worker becomes a manager of popular box, will lose his proletarian's status not because of the increase of its salary, but as consequence of the change of situation in his social relationships of production. In the normal conditions of the capitalist system of exploitation, the worker sells his labor-power against salary; take his orders of a foreman and every day is threatened to be dismissed and to find himself to the street without income, with his family in debt and desperate.

The value The value is what allows to measure these exchanges which form the process of capitalist production. In the form of price, it is the value which allows to run "the invisible and

anarchy hand “of the "market" of the "free" utopian competition which tries to organize and to balance with great difficulty the economic activities. Without value, no surplus-value, no measure of the fruit of work; no price, no business, no distribution of the activities between the various branches of industry and economy, etc. In brief, without value, no capital, which is only of the "valuing value", and the working class is the unique producer of valuing value13.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

It should be noted that improving the efficiency of machines (means of production) the capital decreases the amount of living work that every goods contain, that is to say, decreases the value of these goods. Now, the capital cannot exist and reproduce without feeding on "surplus-value”, which eventually decreases when the value which contains it decreases itself; indeed every capitalist, trying to decrease the amount of alive and salaried work (reduce salaries and necessary working time) eventually decreases also the total amount of living work up to a point where the unpaid surplus labor decreases too in spite of the increase of the rate of global exploitation (pl/Cv). This process has for name the trend reduction of the profit rate. We shall return there.

We touch here the main contradiction of the capitalism - the contradiction which will cost its life as system of exploitation of the man proletarized by the capitalized man. But that's not all. The capital exists only in the exchanges between owners deprived of capital that produce not for themselves, but for the others, for the sale and the realization of the market value.

The capitalist class

In front of the proletarian class appears, antagonist, the monopolistic and not monopolistic capitalist class which is subdivided itself into various segments. The upper middle class of the finance, industries, business, communications and services constitutes the internationalized monopolistic capitalist class. The middle bourgeoisie develops new opportunities of business and new innovative markets. It subcontracts for the monopolistic big companies and works especially at the national level.It constitutes the not monopolistic capitalist class, placed under the hegemony of the previous one. In spite of its sporadic conflicts with the monopolistic class the not monopolistic bourgeoisie does not constitute absolutely an ally of the proletariat who never has to put himself under the political management of this reactionary class.

The farmers, the big property owners, the specialized farmers, the forest entrepreneurs, the fishermen-owners and the fish breeders are all small capitalists owners deprived of means of production which employ regularly a redundant temporary workforce more or less plentiful and badly paid. We classify them all among the petty private capitalists.

The capitalist farmers, the fishermen-craftsmen, the fish breeders, the forest entrepreneurs craftsmen are in these difficult times pushed to bankruptcy by the big monopolistic capitalists as Monsanto and Cargill in the agriculture, Clover Leaf and High Liner in fisheries, Résolu, Kruger and Cascades in the forestry and paper. The interest of the working class exploited by these petty and big capitalists is not to become allied to the petty predators against the raptors, as suggested by the reformist

parties and the Maoists, but to knock down this whole method of exploitation which anyway will always bring the absorption of the small exploited by the big monopolistic exploiter. With the growth of the subcontracting and their submissions to the contractors quoted in the index S&P / TSX the small capitalist employers are far from being all at the level of income of the "senior executives" and undergo an unpredictable fate often catastrophique14.

Between 1973 and 1995, the real wage of Canadian workers fell on 18 % while the real wages (except the inflation) of company directors increased of 66 % after taxation and 19% before taxation. Between 1993 and 1996, the salaries of the leaders of management increase of 32 % and of 61 % the productivity bonuses while the salaries of the workers did not move 15.

There is in Canada a pyramid of companies: in the summit, five hundred companies of more than five hundred employees (1,0 million workers) produce about 50 % of the national GDP(GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT); at the base of this pyramid, thousands of companies of less than ten employees have a precarious existence and half of them depend on a single customer, who, if he stocked up somewhere else, would pull their bankruptcy. Nevertheless, the workers do not have to fight for saving the skin of these capitalists threatened with bankruptcy; they have to fight for overthrowing this social regime where the big imperialist predators feed small suitor capitalists 16.

Expropriation and concentration of wealth

The world wealth has more than doubled between 2000 and 2013, reaching a new historic record of 241 billion of US dollars, with an increase of 4,9 % during only the year 2013 . The artificial economic growth (financial and monetary speculation) and the demographic evolution among the emergent nations are important factors of this trend. The average wealth by adult reached a new record: 51 600 US dollars. It is obviously an average that is hiding immense differences as we shall see soon. If we examine more in detail the world trend, two countries draw the attention. United States register the fifth consecutive year of progress of the personal wealth although more and more people live in the poverty Under the influence of the ascent of real estate prices and the increase of equity market which made climb the Dow Jones at unpublished levels, the United States were able to inject 8,1 billion of US dollars in the world fortune. All will have understood that it is only junk value. The Dow Jones index reflects only the hyperinflation which strikes the capitalist stock exchanges further to the expansion of the fraudulent and hazy credit and to the operations of Quantitative Easing ( QE) repeated by American Federal Reserve

The increasing disparity of income and heritage between a narcissistic and gluttonous oligarchy and the immense majority of people is a characteristic common to all the imperialist countries. This uneven distribution of the national and world heritage is not the consequence of a deliberated policy of the governments, but the resultant of normal functioning of the imperialist economy, the billionaires "cathodes” attract towards them always more collective wealth. According to the American Office of the census, the net median wealth of the white American households was 110 730 US $ in 2010. That of Hispanic was for its part only 7420 US $ and that of the blacks $4 950, namely respectively 15 and 22 times less! In the United States, the median annual income of

households registered a reduction of 8,3 % in the period 2007-2012. In these conditions, the poverty exploded. In 2012, there was officially 46,5 million Americans that lived under the poverty line, or near one sixth of the American population 17. According to the same bourgeois press, "the poverty increased in spite of the American economic recovery" recorded since 2010 18. Indeed today there are not less 47 million Americans that benefit from the federal program of food aid, against "only" 40 million in 2010. In 2012, this program of food aid cost the trinket of 78,4 billion US $ to the federal budget, that is, an annual average subsidy of more than 1 600 US $ by benéficiary19.

The aggressive monetary policy led by the central Bank of Japan ( BOJ) was expressed on a spectacular increase of 52 % of share price between the middle 2012 and middle 2013. Nevertheless, in Japan, the value of the shares of companies is very low compared with the American market. They represent less than 10 % of the financing wealth of Japanese households. The strong policy of BOJ besides made also falling the exchange rate yen-US dollar of 22% since a few years. Therefore, the total wealth of households in Japan decreased of 5,8 billion of US dollars this year, what represents 20 % of the Japanese net fortune. However, Japan suffered a little during the world financial crisis. In fact, even the personal wealth progressed of 21 % between 2007 and 2008. Contrasting clearly with the recent performances of the United States, the total fortune of the Japanese imperialists exceeds in 2013 only 1 % of the level of 2008. In most other regions of the world, the economic environment was globally favorable to the accumulation of wealth This determined the voluntarily entering of Japan in method recession and the Japanese government applies a series of retaliatory measures with the aim of going down the stairs of stagflation by stages. The fascist social militaristic cohesion imposed on the whole Japanese people for a century allows this type of drastic austerity policy what no other people subjected to the imperialist yoke would accept (except maybe the German people). China (1,4 billion of US dollars), Germany (1,2 billion of US dollars) and France (1,1 billion of US dollars) are the other countries where the variation of wealth exceeded one thousand billion US dollars in 2013. In eight other countries, namely Italy, United Kingdom, Spain, Mexico, Sweden, India, Korea and Canada, the total fortune increased by more than 200 billion US dollars, while in several of these countries the production of goods, properties and services is more or less progressed. The rise in prices of shares and the movement slightly favorable euro / dollar allowed the countries of Eurozone to get back more than half considerable losses undergone 12 months previously. "Recovery" of monkey market values because not leaned in real earnings of productivity or in greater availability of goods in the values by hard cash.

In the lowest category, half of the world population holds less than 1 % of total wealth. 10 % of the richest holds 86 % of the world wealth, and 1% of the most fortunate represent to them only 46 % of the world heritage 20. Now we continue the display of these disconcerting statistics, a few thousand millionaires in the world, representing all together less of a half of one percent of the world population (00,15 %), holds 42 700 000 000 000. $ (42,7 thousand billion US dollars) of world values. We must remember that in comparison the sovereign debt of more than 193 member countries of UNO amounted on 52 billion dollar thousand in 2013 21. There is actually concentration of the capital, but is there all this valuation of this capital?

A very rich fraction of the population monopolizes the surplus-value and pockets the main part of the land income, the dividends on shares, and the commercial profits. These rich are masters of finance and ensure the property of the means of production and real and

personal property. So, 0,5 % of the population in an imperialist country as Canada monopolizes 35 % of the collective assets. In the United States only, the part of income before tax of the 1 % of the richest soared, during the last quarter of century, from 8 % to 18 % of all the national incomes 22. We observe the same phenomenon in Canada, in Quebec and in France 23. Here is a very small segment of population which lives on the exploitation of labor of others. To this coterie we are entitled to add the "senior executives", but it adds very few individuals. The senior executives who are escaping the common right of work constitute less than 0,2 % of all cadres. They receive a part of their remuneration in the form of shares, what quickly transforms them into capitalist shareholders 24. We must consider that, among the 25 largest monopolistic corporations in the world, 13 activate in the energy sector, this should make it clear, to sceptics, the reasons of all these wars around the Persian Gulf 25

Poor people and lumpen-proletarians

The statistical institutes are based on the individual and family income to identify the poor people and the lumpen-proletarians who live or not with the social assistance. In the advanced imperialist societies, this fraction of class is growing regularly since the economic crisis continues. This fraction of class participates more or less in the social production. It lives partially on the social assistance dispensed by the State, sometimes since some generations (the children receiving the subsidized accommodation and the series of assisted by their elders). We count more than 375 000 poor people and lumpen-proletarians in Quebec.

In Canada, we count three and a half million poor people (having less than 11 000 $ a year for a person who lives alone) or, in 2004, 11 % of the total Canadian population. Of this number 1,7 millions of Canadians receive the social well-being (assistance of last resort offered by the provincial governments). Since 2004, the situation is only deteriorating for this segment of class 26. All these individuals are a member of 15 % of the population which, all together, possess less than 1 % of the national heritage.

Since the Second World War, in a series of advanced Western countries, the income of the underprivileged persons was guaranteed by the bourgeoisie within the framework of "the Welfare State" because so the State guaranteed the consumption and circulation of goods and thus assured the capital to be valued. Furthermore, this assistance guaranteed the social peace, antidote against the explosion of cities and depressed suburbs.

The deepening of systemic crisis of the modern imperialism calls into question this historic compromise and leads the imperialist police State to attack strongly these segments of class which have already begun to protest for requiring the preservation of their performances and their purchasing power.

The bourgeoisie and its mercenaries, via its media in the pay, after having used impoverished to maintain the consumption and the profits, point them today indicating to the popular revenge while is the same bourgeoisie which maintains them in this precarious state since generations. Lumens proletarians constitute a pond of recruitment for the army

of the mafia mercenaries, small criminals of all kinds and drug dealers. Just like the gangsters, the ethnic and community underworlds recruit their henchmen of crime. The anarchic organizations and the leftists recruit equally basic activists always ready to throw a pavement to require that "the Welfare State" maintains its assistance to the reproduction of beggary.

The Labor Party recruits, mobilizes and organizes this fringe of deprived that to make them understand that their social ordeal is a consequence of the immanent decay of the imperialist economic system of which the working class wishes to bring out them definitively so that all reinstate the class of the useful, active, productive and socialist workers.

Attention however, the advanced disintegration of the imperialist society often pulls that we find now productive active workers, among the immigrants in particular, in the local services where nearly are killing in urban secret “sweats shops", and gain less than the minimum living wage. Do not look for them in the statistics, these really poor workers are not listed nowhere, other peculiarity of the advanced imperialist societies. These over-exploited workers are a member of proletarians and not of lumpen-proletarians. Labor Party has the duty to organize and mobilize them for the socialist revolution.

More and more individuals escape totally any census just like certain sectors and districts of the urban megalopolises that escape completely the municipal governance and the control of the repressive police. In the United States, the monopolistic capitalist class prefers to use the repression of the police State to crush this segment of class and force it to remain in ghettoized zones, abandoned by the police services and neglected by the municipal services. These are literally urban "no-man's-land" that, in the day of socialist uprising, will be refuges for the anti-capitalist partisans. The communist activists have to know and organize these outlying suburbs as well as “disreputable” city centers, as well as populations which frequent them or live in them.

Finally, a part of the poor people can become employees, or remain poor part-time, stay on the verge of minimum wage and be the same miserable, and the unemployment is saving no category to become again new poor. Poor people and lumpen proletarians are not thus two isolated categories, and totally separated from the wage-earner. So, in a city as Winnipeg in Canada 40 % of the homeless persons (SDF) are workers in employment. The proportions are similar in several American and Canadian cities. A sociologist concluded that "between unemployment, underemployment, uncertainty of activity and financial precariousness of the "poor workers", it is very most probably between the quarter and the third of the population (…) which have, in a long-lasting way, living conditions marked with the seal of extreme difficulty" 27. All this means that the monopolistic capitalist class and its State resolved, to maintain high the profit rates, to exploit all these segments of class until bleed them and put their future in danger.

The gentrified employees

In Canada, in France, in the United States the employees represent 90 % of working population. Besides, it is advisable to add to this contingent the young students who are

evolving employees; the unemployed persons who are employees deprived of employment; the retired people who are ex-employees who live with the contributions of the old and new employees. It is the wage-earner who reigns everywhere as master and who dominates sociologically the imperialist countries of the world. The employees constitute the majority of all those who have their workforce to be sold to survive. However, if every worker is a wage-earner, every wage earner is not a worker.

In Canada, salaries are between $385 / week (minimum wage to 10,15 $/h in Quebec) and more than $2 500 / week with an average of $ 914 / week (836 $ in Quebec) and a median around $500 / week (in 2013, approximately 3,5 million workers and Canadian workers earned around this average.

The majority of business executives are employees. With the degradation of their status and their working conditions, they do not escape the common fate. The railings of notation and the personalized parameters end in a system of "individual bonuses", formula with few differences of wage to the piece lived by quantity of workers. The frames have legal schedules common to the rest of the wage-earner, even if the relative laws are often violated and by-passed. More than 40 % of them passed below the limit of social security and pay the contribution completely in the governmental loads.

In the advanced imperialist countries, the gap in average income of small executive employees with that of employees and workers fell from 3,9 % in 1955 to 2,3 % in 1998. While the employers boast of individualizing salaries, in fact they compressed them downward the scale (in relative value and in constant value)! On the other hand, we see the top leaders paid in dividends and in shares, in the United States in particular, the wage difference of CEOS with the workers passed from a factor 40 In 1970 to a factor 1000 in 2012, while is situated between 189 and 200 in Canada 28.

In the declining imperialist society, the management functions decreased considerably for the benefit of the tasks of production. It is because the executives serve as "scab" during the labor strikes. Contrarily to the past, the distinct line is more and more tenuous between the "white-collar workers" and the "blue-collar workers". In brief, the big capital in its total and perpetual war to maintain its profit rates hardly his closest collaborators just as much as his worst enemies, the workers. However, this does not make the salaried executives reliable allies for the workers.

After all, the not qualified employment increases without resuming the employment of less qualified; this paradox leads to a "downgrading" of the graduates, who, at a given level of diploma, occupy less and less qualified and less and less paid jobs. That’s why is explained partially this recent resurgence of the uprisings of university students in Quebec, in numerous Western countries and in Latin America. The possible small groups already anticipate their being rejected before being graduated by universities.

The structures know more important periods of unemployment; the sword of Damocles of the Office of employment glides over them as over the other employees. The blackmail of the employment is spread from top to bottom in the wage-earner. The degradation of working conditions is general, the urgency reduces the predictability of the tasks and the margin of maneuver to realize them. The mental load increases as much as the hardness of work. For an increasing majority of employees, the pressures increase: increase of the working rhythm, multiplication of the constraints, more intense mechanization, infernal

speed of execution, multiple demands, greater vigilance, permanent hierarchical control.

The "middle class"

For years in sociology, in economic and political science there is only the "middle class", in the bourgeois literature at least. Goodbye working class. The well paid university researchers compromised with the private laboratories invented this new category of employee, the "middle class" similar to an extensive and elastic "petty bourgeoisie", formed by state executives (any categories), employees in top income, small underpaid executives, engineers, technicians, teachers, depreciated journalists and employees of the plethoric liberal professions, all active in the hypertrophied "tertiary" sector 29. In 2012, the tertiary sector represented 60 % of the world GDP (GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT) and approximately 70 % of the active workforce in the advanced imperialist companies. The workforce of tertiary sector is not constituted only by petty bourgeois, this workforce includes all the precarious workers of retail trade, fast food, hotel business and services.

Given the immense diversity of their activities, the variety of their jobs, the disparity of their working conditions, the multiplicity of their habits of life, the "middle class" can be identified only by the average annual income of his anarchic principals - this term being obviously relative just to every socioeconomic means in an imperialist economy in the uneven development - combined and leaping. The average wage in a country as Canada does not correspond absolutely to the average wage in Uganda or in Botswana. The sociological category "middle class" would be thus characterized by the evanescent nature of geographical limits which cannot be confined, as well as by the perpetual sphere of influence of its informal wage outlines, from which the impossibility to encircle it objectively and concretely.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The middle class

The so-called "middle class" does not exist and the systemic economic crisis will not be long to remove this social category with incomes temporarily inflated thanks to the seizure on large scale of immense profits monopolized in countries neo-colonized by the imperialist companies of the advanced countries. Moreover, we don’t pretend to the emergence of a middle class in China, India and in Brazil where since these countries entered on ascending imperialist phase while the same "middle class" is manhandled and in the course of impoverishment in the declining imperialist societies (United States, Canada, France, United Kingdom, Japan, etc.).

We think that the concept of "middle class" will disappear with the generalized stagflation 30. So that the capital can raise its average profit rate and resume its process of valuation and accumulation, two complementary conditions must be essentially combined beyond the preservation with stream of the globalized banking system. The first condition consists in destroying a lot of capital, not only under their monetary forms, but also under their concrete material forms (goods, means of production and productive strengths) to reduce

"the relative surplus" and also to be able to reconstruct a system of production which will allow to increase the rate of exploitation of the working class, although the latter is already very prominent 31. The criterion of the pecuniary wealth is not thus a decisive factor to determine the class membership of an individual. A social class is not defined by its level of income even if sometimes and for a determined period the correlation is strong between social situations and the state of family income. The monopolistic capitalist will be most often rich (until he is bankrupt put and expelled from his exclusive club) and the worker will be most often with low income and without heritage to be passed on, with, sometimes, for a given time, a layer of union working aristocrats well paid that work for large monopolistic companies. On the other hand, in South Africa, the union miners work for large monopolistic companies, on very big construction sites and are nevertheless very badly paid.

This wage advantage of Western labor aristocracy is moreover threatened by the present economic systemic storm. Worse, the labor aristocrat is not simply demoted and sees not only decreased his salary; the well paid worker is often strictly dismissed late in life. Some executives are more and more often dismissed at the same time as their employees. The city of Detroit, capital of the labor aristocrats of automobile, is now a ghost town having lost half of his inhabitants, it was put under trusteeship by the State of Michigan. Such examples are many in the country of the Uncle Sam 32.

It is not the level of income that determines the class membership. As example, a small farmer earns often less than a semi-skilled worker, but a farmer, even not very rich, is owner of his means of production and he is the committed-salaried of nobody, what does not prevent him from being exploited by his creditor. The farmer, the small forest entrepreneur and the fisherman can decide to use committed or to dismiss them, to forge their accounting just since they can decide to sell their properties and to pocket their pension after having gathered in their commercial benefit and re-orientated their production in new directions. Nothing of this autonomy and none of these operations are within the reach of the salaried worker which possesses solely his hands to earn the bread.

It is the place of an individual in the process of production and reproduction of the capital which determines his social relationships of production and his "praxis" which are the decisive factors and determine strongly his economic, political and ideological behavior.

The apologists of the capitalist system would like to make believe in a "big middle and central social layer" which, by working serenely, would remove the benefits of system and would aim to benefit more. They would be millions of assets in the American and Canadian economy which would compose the "middle class", by opposition to those who are not as the poor people and the unemployed persons. Perfectly integrated in the labor market these employees would not be hostile to the system and would want it on the contrary more mobile and profitable. The horizon of capitalist system, being for them impassable, would be enough to try hard to improve it and to make better the industry, business, exchanges, innovation, production and the competition, to satisfy the fundamental wishes of this "big middle and central social layer". By reading this favorable plea to the collaboration of class and to the reformism, we find it at the heart of the fascist corporatism. The reformism is the royal road towards the fascism and the petty bourgeoisie is the official bordelaise. The big middle and central social layer

existed only the time of an ephemeral period of the imperialist economy, but today it is finished.

For this reason, we reject totally the reactionary concept of "middle class" that is only the average of the epistemological and theoretical inadequacies of conceited intellectuals which beat wildly and that the big capital throws us regularly to the face to please the EGO of petty bourgeois infiltrated in the labor ranks.

Petty bourgeoisie

The petty bourgeoisie include approximately 20 % of the active-employed population in Canada, and probably the same proportion in Quebec, in France and in most advanced imperialist countries. The petty bourgeoisie is a segment of the bourgeois class which is not owner of the means of production. Most petty bourgeois work in the departments of support for the reproduction of labor power and this class segment is in the center of the class struggle or serves as guard-dog and intermediary between the cunning capitalists and the tired soldiers.

The petty bourgeoisie is a class segment relatively important, statistically talking, particularly since the Second World War and since the wild expansion of the degenerative imperialism. This class segment includes essentially socio-professional groups such as small traders and shopkeepers, branch managers of business and services. There are also the executives of lower level, those who are salaried intermediates unpaid in stock-option. There are also in their ranks a great deal of independent professionals such as lawyers, solicitors, non-owner pharmacists, general and paramedical practitioners, as well as a widened variety of salaried professionals who work in the private, public and semi-public departments such as professors of universities, teachers, nurses, policemen, small army officers, architects and engineers, governmental and para-governmental professionals, labor-union bureaucrats, political advisers and lobbyists, artists and intellectuals, journalists, radio-television organizers, all these coolies makers of opinions and creators of consent, often salaried, fairly schooled and which are requiring the autonomy in the realization of their profession.

The petty bourgeois produce no surplus-value but they prevent the surplus-value produced by workers whom should rather maintain in salaried serfdom, their dependent means of subsistence. The capitalists use them on tasks specialized to maintain the labor power, frame, manage it (politically in particular), to repress and to exploit so that assures the maximum influx of surplus-value towards the various business sectors and towards companies so that the petty bourgeois obtains its sustenance. The petty bourgeoisie assumes multiple tertiary, internal services as well as external to companies.

Since the deepening of the systemic crisis the State reduces the tax burdens compulsory for companies increasing so much the fees and the taxes resting directly on the shoulders of the employees, on the back of the workers just as much as the employees of the private, public and para-public companies, what includes obviously the petty bourgeois persons who suddenly have the feeling of not being important for their capitalist masters who subject them little by little to the beggary. This phenomenon grows wide segments of

petty bourgeoisie, upper employees directly affected, to reunite the ranks of workers in their fight to resist on the economic front of the class struggle.

The difference between these two classes (workers and pauperized petty bourgeois persons so called also -Bobo) is that the worker knows, or should know, that only the total destruction and complete eradication of the capitalist political economy system can save the planet and the human race from extinction, while the petty bourgeois, incorrigible humbug and obstinate utopian, is convinced that some good reforms in the decadent imperialist method of production, which does not affect( absolutely his social status, will be enough to put saddle for a new refrain of not being talented at job.

The petty bourgeois has a disproportionate EGO and its schooling (often university) as well as his authoritarian social position as drive belt and orders transmitter for his bosses confers him a big sufficient narcissism. The petty bourgeois knows everything, obeys only the one who bribes him and, sat in his lounge in front of its television between two bourbons, upsets the whole society. In reality, he will never sacrifice his life for others, and far from him the rifle of socialist revolution.

According to its activities in the social process of production and reproduction of capital, goods, properties and services to be marketed, the petty bourgeoisie is in frequent contact with the working class and with the capitalist class which admires, venerates and envies completely. A soul of petty capitalist predator slumbers in the withered and narrow-minded heart of every petty bourgeois servant. In Quebec, Feu Paul Desmarais, and the current heir Péladeau, Charles Sirois, and Jacques Parizeau are the idols of the reached petty bourgeois . As regards the working class, it never has to put back the direction of its struggles of resistance on the economic front, not even its struggles of conquest of power on the political and ideological front in the hands of these hypocritical, unstable and uncertain wise guys, always quick in the treason, trying to guess what class will seize the power, what class will dominate the society to predispose in advance to serve its new masters In the Soviet socialist society (USSR), the petty bourgeoisie had infiltrated within the Bolshevik party as soon as appeared that the Red Army of the working class would have protected the Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat. A part of the petty bourgeois persons then volunteered to manage - administer - coordinate the Soviet State. Whereas another part had taken the path of exile, commercial traveler of the anti-communist terror, peddler of the rumors of Gulag, of summary executions of hundred million Soviet citizens (which were less 150 million at that time), crying their lost tsarist paradise, hoping that everything returns as before, the rich billionaires in power, their bourgeois servants as well paid warrant officers and the workers in their filthy factories to be saddened. It is just to have totally forgotten this imperative instruction to leave never the management of revolutionary parties in the hands of the reactionary petty bourgeoisie that various French, Italian, Belgian, British, German, Spanish, Portuguese Eurocommunist parties, but also Canadian, American, Cuban and Chinese, to name only someone, have degenerated towards the revisionism led by the depraved petty bourgeois intellectuals.

Since in almost all countries of the world the working class tramples, wears out and nearly spines in the resistance struggles on the economic front and does not succeed in developing a class consciousness "for itself", aiming at the exclusive political conquest of all the power of State, then the tide of pauperized petty bourgeois fidgets to seize the conduct of these struggles to manage them towards reformist demands favorable for a

governmental electoral change. Other ways and tools are recommended such the signature of thousand petitions of protest, cowardly expressions of their young resentment; the holding of protests for legal reforms in favor of deprive, whose sublime example is the law from Quebec that forbids the poverty (sic); another law as Charter of the xenophobic authentically bourgeois Quebec "values" which attacks frontally the immigrant workers; a law to tax the financial transactions; a law to forbid the fraudulent speculation on the Stock Exchange or the illicit tax evasion in tax havens, created and protected by the State of the rich; as well as many other muddles of the same quality. Besides the desire of the petty bourgeoisie for the commissions of public inquiry to reintroduce the ethics in the governmental administration and the national, provincial, regional and municipal policy, diverting in this way the difficulties of opposing classes towards the swamp of reformist social democracy and towards the electoral decay 33.

Its narcissistic and dependent lifestyle pushes instinctively towards the upper middle class which serves docilely. But what arises an economic crisis, as arrives regularly in imperialist regime and the petty bourgeoisie is hunted by its loft mortgaged, nested in the City, it loses its scratched clothes and its big borrowed capacity. The petty bourgeoisie is then furious, curses the worker who refuses to work more to earn less, to allow the capitalists to maintain their profits, to support the employment, to dope the economy and the markets of properties and service on which lives as a parasite the petty bourgeois person henceforth penniless. In the midst of scarcity and proletarian poverty, thrift stores and food counters the petty bourgeoisie leads campaigns for the promotion of voluntary poverty and against the inconvenient consumption to make feel guilty the worker for having rebelled against his master of workshop who cut his hours of exploited.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The petty bourgeoisie according to Marx

In the vision of Marx, the petty bourgeoisie has little power to transform the society, because it can hardly organize , the market competition positioning its members "against each other”. The petty bourgeoisie is the social guard dog of the upper middle class, it is an intermediate class segment that is committing its existence as a pimp between the upper middle-class and the working class or more by providing its services to one and to the other opposing social class.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The petty bourgeoisie, isolated, individualist, egocentric and pedant is very vulnerable in the hazards of economy and in the social transformations which it wishes and is afraid just as much.That’s why we define this class segment as hesitating coward, doubtful, undisciplined, anarchist and strongly attracted by terrorism while its revolutionary impact is shaky. For its survival, the petty bourgeoisie is strongly dependent on the power of the upper middle class. That’s why the Revolutionary Labor Party has to hold at a safe distance this class segment and prevent these cowards from infiltrating to liquidate the revolution. As this class segment is very ostentatious, noisy, shaken and positioned in the hinge between the capitalist class and the working class, two inflexible enemies that would want

to reconcile, the Revolutionary Labor Party has to manage first its sharped blows against this ulcerated class segment – avant-garde Pygmalion of the big slimy bosses.

Petty bourgeoisie and socialist revolution The working class has to be held as far as possible of the unhealthy and narrow-minded influence of the urban, fluctuating and unstable petty bourgeoisie which is not the main opponent of the proletariat, we agree on it, but nevertheless represents the political arm of the big bosses. The avant-garde of the conscious working class has to hold this class segment and must prevent from infiltrating and introducing the revolutionary organizations of the working class as was the case in the United States, France and in Canada during 1970s - 1980 (PCO, On Struggle, PCC [ ML], Bolshevik Alliance, PCC, Trotskyist Socialist League and the social democrats) as well as in most of the imperialist countries which began then their decline for a short-lived renewal of prosperity. They started again from the service recently with the rise of militant labor and student agitation. We must remember that at that time, in most imperialist countries, as soon as the crisis knew a break and the economy a light gentleness, all these orphans of Kautsky, Bernstein, Trotsky, Khrushchev,Tito, Gramsci and Mao disappeared in kind to fetch a good employment in NGO(NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION) subsidized, the universities and the colleges, to the political service of the big reconciled bourgeoisie, demonstrating a big fervor for the bourgeois State temporarily rehabilitated, abandoning the betrayed working class. Today these leftists demand still the intervention of the capitalist State of the rich as soon as a segment or another of the people and workers demand equity, justice or what it opposes the police. Last year the students, sons and daughters of workers that faced the cops, immediately the petty bourgeois demanded a state inquiry commission to disarm the student resistance against the arbitrary power of the rich. The current "recovery" of systemic economic crisis leads fragments of the pauperized petty bourgeoisie to reactivate - suggesting today to recreate a variety of "Communist Party", new revisionist organizations and various surrogates of "communist" party, virtually reconstructed, EU citizen and really pseudo supportive, and all, all more radical than the others – for measuring the disappointment of these frustrated petty bourgeois, thrown on the streets in poverty in spite of all the services provided to their dilapited masters.

The foundations of bourgeois despair

The chaotic, uneven and organized development of the method of anarchic capitalist production and the international division of work which ensues, have pulled the hyper-growth of the tertiary sectors of activity (business, marketing, department, communication, finance, bank, stock exchange, insurance, education, training, culture, sport, leisure, catering, hotel business, journey, union bureaucracy, etc.), from which the expansion and the important extension of jobs for accredited petty bourgeois. This prolix, subjective, idealistic, narcissistic and mystic class segment, aspires to live the life of millionaires, and sign, even frugally, even caricatured, the lives of the rich and famous who are otherwise inaccessible to him through the television and the "bling-bling“ shows with which the television make every effort to soak them.

This multitude of Bohemian bourgeois (bobo) finds interest to increase the levies which the State makes on the income of employees to maintain their jobs, even when it suffers by force these increases of taxes, finding itself over the wage pile. One day, in spite of these fees and these exaggerated taxes, the enormous sovereign debt will pull the government of the rich towards the economic collapse. Instead of rebelling and enlisting in the proletarian army of the Revolutionary Labor Party to overthrow the power of monopolistic oligarchs, the petty bourgeois will appeal to the solidarity of the worker so that he shares his poverty 34. Even recently a cacique, a fetish of these swaggers and these literary hacks, explained to his associates that the State could still borrow and that the rate of sovereign debts was a matter of how calculate on behalf of the sovereign. This Keynesian example, infatuated by J.K. Galbraith, the economist of reformists, was only suggesting to delay the schedule of the national debts to be paid off to the bankers occupied to count their profits anticipated in the anteroom of the National Assembly of the "homeland" in danger 35.

The Revolutionary Labor Party never has to subject or to allow to be vade or corrupted by this class segment which, whatever happens, will always try to opt for the compromise of class, the reform of the system, because the petty bourgeois always believes to have the choice of its suffering even if he does not have. Just to have forgotten or denied these truths that the various communist political parties, the old way (Khrushevian) or new imitation (Maoist) were cut off from their social base and decayed - flooded under the intellectualist Trotskyism, the electoral social democracy, the self-managing Titoism, the ephemeral Euro-communism, the anti-global reformism, the populist eco-socialism and the libertarian anarchism. And that’s why it is necessary to reconstruct today the revolutionary organizations, from their labor base up to their summit proletarian.

The penitent petty bourgeois who would want to join forces with the worker should be invited to make his self-criticism on his opportunist political past, especially if he flirted formerly with these so called communist apparatchiks that had appeared in the spring of the crisis to disappear In the summer of economic recovery. Therefore maybe that thisBobo, having betrayed his interests of petit bourgeois class, will have the humility and dedication required to serve the Revolutionary Labor Party rather than his disproportionate EGO.

Employee - productivity – job insecurity

To face the disappearance of the places of management and administration as well as qualified jobs, the imperialist State tries by all means to encourage the proliferation of the "self-employed workers" substituting itself for the current wage-earner. These attempts widely failed. Those who announced at the beginning of millennium the distribution of million self-employed people which are working since their residence thanks to Internet, count today only idle unemployed and isolated, sometimes looking for a job of employee and often discouraged from finding it.

Their number declines in spite of the laws which interest them (auto-entrepreneurs, homeworking, micro-companies). From these programs, the State favored the increase of a number of precarious workers (temporary employees, seasonal workers) unsafe, isolated, workers, easy to be replaced and exploited.

The Canadian State supported the increase of a series of part-time workers. Finally, the State cut drastically in the allocations and reduced the eligibility to the insurance unemployment, that the State employees call the cover rate of the insurance unemployment regime - a ratio between the number of workers having affected services and the number of declared unemployed persons. Previously (1990) this ratio was situated around 85%, in 2013, it is not more than of 36 % (503 920 service providers for 1.380.300 officially listed Canadian unemployed persons) 36. In Canada, the official unemployment rate is situated around 8 % and 9 % in Quebec. In reality the research center IRIS considers that the real rate is one and a half time higher, that is respectively 12 % and 15% 37. We saw that it is situated around 20 % in the United States. All these unemployed persons grow in the back of workers in an inanimate "labor market". Nevertheless, in spite of all these governmental measures to reduce the salaries, the capitalists do not still succeed in restoring the profit rates and surplus-value. The economic crisis is really universal and systemic.

These conditions of exploitation of labor power affect particularly the young people, the women, the recent immigrants, but also the old employees in not renovated factories that the boss decided to exploit up to the rope and beyond, until the old manufactory collapses. These temporary reports of production from which the bourgeoisie develops systematically the implementation, in various imperialist countries, satisfy obviously the objective to increase the surplus-value to the detriment of necessary work. But the bourgeoisie is in front of this paradox of having to economize, at the most, the increase of value of constant capital ( Cc) responsible for the trend reduction in the profit rate and to press the variable capital (Cv) that is to say, the employee, unique source of surplus-value.

Efforts in this direction have already paid fruit in some countries. For example, in 2002-2004 in the United States: "the gains in term of work productivity have been stunning: 4,4% against a long-term trend of 2,3 % after the Second World War. More amazing still, this acceleration does not come from a faster and faster increase of capitalistic intensity" 38. It is about an increase of work intensity, thus, of the rate of absolute surplus-value without the constant capital ( Cc) increased in proportion. But the exploitation system of labor power reached its limit beyond which the employee may not renew its workforce and decays. In an attempt to slow this trend that the American president Barak Obama announced the increase of the minimum wage in the United States (at least for employees of the Federal State).

"Other "savings" in the circulating part of capital, the incoming and outgoing goods, were envisaged. It is the "zero stock" and the "tense flow", "Just in time", the manufacturing engaged by the sale. The stocks of final products and intermediate supplies are capital invested, paid, which brings nothing, as any machine, every motionless worker. The purpose is to achieve a flexible production process where the principle lives in the "flexibility", to obtain a production process to react almost immediately to market fluctuations to commit only the expenses, strictly and immediately necessary, to immobilize the least possible capital unlike the rigidity of the heavy chain of Ford assembly line. (…) This flexibility, sought in the production process, leads directly to precarious work that characterizes the contemporary capitalist production report." 39.

The subcontracting has, as objective for the monopolistic capitalist company, to get rid of constant capital by doing bear the burden, completely or partially, to small entrepreneurs, to not monopolistic capitalists. In extreme cases, this may be up "the Fabless company" as the Texan company Dell, second largest supplier of computers in the United States, who has no manufacturing plant. The parent company indeed preserves only the upper management and engineering activities that allow it to keep for a while the control on subcontractors and to appropriate the main part of surplus-value.The financial accumulation remains for a while in the large metropolitan centers of the dominant countries. Meanwhile, in the peripheral countries the extortion of surplus-value is maximum, combining all methods: The Ford chain Taylorized at the most, length of the working day, no vacation, strong work, low incomes, hellish working conditions. Beware however, all these conditions of maximum exploitation in the countries of subcontracting usually portend the birth of a national capitalism that over time monopolizes not only the production, but also the markets and the sale on credit as the Chinese, Indian, Brazilian, Russian and South African examples demonstrate.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Productivity of the employed person

The worker hired by the company "subcontractor, just in time, Fordist , Taylorized" has to agree to work intensely when the capital needs him, and to be fired when no longer needed. He must be totally available to capital requirements. He has to undergo a perpetual alternation of intense periods of work and unemployment, a travel workplace at the mercy of capital movements (the Chinese workers are transplanted with their workshops from a country to another). He has to be affected by the new world division of the process of uneven, combined production, and by jumps. The work, so divided and intensified, gets no increasing of net incomes to the alienated salaried worker. On the contrary, his sustenance is decreased and unpredictable.It is the part of what indicates the notion of conditions of temporary and flexible work for a bigger productivity 40.------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

This temporary report is the one that tends to generalize the capitalism monopolized as means to increase the productivity and the capital gain. It has several advantages for companies with strong intensity of variable capital ( Cv).

The temporary work is not only the sporadic work, in the nick of time, but also for the worker the multiplication of part-time jobs, all this generates partial salaries. The "working poor" see their number growing in the United States (where they are 97 millions), in the United Kingdom, in Canada and in Australia, where this system was at first implanted 41. The work by short duration is adapted in search of the maximum of intensity and quality of the expropriated work (surplus labor); the efficiency of the proletarian is always more raised within first hours of the workday:"How is the work made more intense? The first effect of the shortening of workday determined by this law is that the capacity of action of any animal force is in inverse reason of the time during which it acts. In certain conditions, we gain in efficiency what we lose in duration." 42.

Concerning the flexibility of salaried work, the situation changes. In Canada, for example, about 2 employees on 3 work with atypical schedules, whether it is at night, in the weekend, part-time or in unpredictable or moved periods.

In order that this system of exploitation of the workforce is operative at very low price, the State has to come on stage and contribute to press the employee. It is the survival of the temporary proletarian class who is pledged - laid on the table of the casino of the capitals. The exploitation of the workforce is so intense and at very low price that the State has to complete the occasional and especially insufficient salaries to assure the reproduction of the workforce. In the United States, the country most threatened with economic implosion under the weight of the consumer credit and with the sovereign debt, obvious signs show that the general health of the working class weakens, what forced the Federal state, in 2012, to implant a universal and compulsory regime of health insurance against which a portion of the workers are set for the good reason that their beggary is such as they do not have the means to pay insurance premiums required by the private enterprises of the health. Without considering that a number of large companies which offered previously programs of insurances to their employees withdraws for economizing this social benefits and refile the invoice to the State and to their employees.

Supremacy of revolutionary proletariat

Next to both two opposing social classes take steps other classes and segments of class. But none of them can take the place of the revolutionary working class, because none of these classes or sections of class is irreparably forced to resist and to overthrow the method of production and the imperialist relations of production to survive and reproduce. Only the working class is cornered to assure its future, this explains that the class of the proletarians is totally revolutionary.

So the landless farmers, the peasant farmers, the sharecroppers and the farm laborers without land, still numerous in certain countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America (what the Maoists call the rural periphery that is surrounding the urban metropolitan centers where live the turned bourgeois proletarians) cannot constitute the ruling strength of socialist revolutionary movement, because the interest of farmer is to assume a plot of land and private plowing implements and to produce to sell and reap the pension. In a country where there are still remainders of the feudal agrarian method of production, the peasant class will provide its support for the socialist revolution, but one day will come when the

socialization of land and farm machinery will collide its ambitions of small landowners.

It is neither poverty nor the intensity of the suffering incurred or sacrifices made by a class or by a class fragment that determine its historic role. In the socialist insurrectionary movement, but its inescapable situation, forced in the social process of production and collective reproduction. The more the economic and sociological conditions of exploitation of a class or of a class segment are similar to those of the bigger, mainly exploited, oppressed and alienated class, the more will be its pugnacity for a revolutionary change. Thus, in spite of the hard agricultural tasks, identical on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, the truck-farming workers, "imported" from Mexico, Morocco or from Algeria to work as salaried slaves for outer-urban market gardeners of the major Western cities, are closer socially proletarians of the industrialized countries that landless farmers, aiming to become an owner In Mexico, Morocco, Algeria and in Brazil.

Organizational autonomy of proletariat

Lenin stressed in 1903: "the more the proletariat is young, the more its family relationships with the farmers are intimate and recent, the more the percentage of these in the whole population is raised, and the more the struggle against any political alchemy of "two classes" is important. In West, the idea of labor and peasant party is simply ridiculous. In East, it is disastrous. In China, in India, in Japan, it is the deadly enemy not only of hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution, but also of the most elementary autonomy of the proletarian avant-garde. The labor and peasant party can be only a base, a mask, a springboard for the bourgeoisie". Lenin repeated with tenacity, at the time of the revolution of 1905: "Beware of farmers, to get organized independently of them, to be ready to fight against them which act in a reactionary or anti-proletarian way".

In 1906, Lenin added: "Last advice: proletarians and semi-proletarians of cities and countryside, get organized in an independent way. Do not rely smallholders, even very small, even if they "work"(...) We fully support the peasant movement, but we must remember that it is the movement of another class, not one that has to perform and accomplish the socialist revolution.” Finally, in 1908, he completed his thought in the following terms: "We cannot conceive absolutely the alliance of proletariat and farmers as the fusion of different classes or of parties of proletariat and farmers. Not only a fusion, but even any permanent agreement would be disastrous to the socialist party of the working class and would weaken the revolutionary democratic struggle". 43

Class struggle and national question

In the Manifesto of Communist Party, Marx and Engels wrote "The communists distinguish themselves from other labor parties only for two points. From one hand, in the various national struggles of proletarians, they put forward and assert the interests independent from the nationality and common to all the proletariat. From the other hand, in the various phases of development which crosses the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie,

they always represent the interests of movement as a whole".

Lenin explained that in every society divided into social classes we find an exploiter class and an exploited class. The conflicting dialectical relationship which binds and opposes these two classes - these two social forces - determine the political - ideological- economic evolution of every society.In the capitalist society, it is not possible to have "struggle of national liberation" or still "national question " outside, or over the conflict of classes between capitalists-exploiters and exploited workers 44.

Considering this axiom, the Revolutionary Labor Party will inevitably have to take a stand on all the concrete question "of national oppression " according to the fundamental interests of the working class, not as section of a nation, but as segment of the international working class.

In front of Lenin rise Gramsci and the Maoists, these chauvinistic revisionists of new type, who suggest of not "falling again, in the trap to confuse State and nation, in the bourgeois myth (patiently built through the centuries) of a "French nation" with his "ancestors the Gaulish"; trap which made of the first communist Party of France, the CP of Thorez, an appendix " of left " of the "Republican" chauvinism! To recognize the multinational character of France, means to recognize the peripherals of the economic / political / social construction "France", it is to recognize and identify correctly the "campaigns" since which the popular War, in direction of the Centers of capitalist power has to spread!" 45.

What Lenin already answered long ago: "the proletariat supports the right of every nation to self-determination until and including the secession. To support a principle and a right does not mean absolutely using it to divide and to weaken the strengths of the working class in diverse xenophobic contingents. The class war of proletariat against the bourgeoisie is one and inseparable". The questions which address the proletariat in front of the option of national secession are the following ones: what social and economic inconveniences will cause to the working class such an option? What advantages the working class and the people will get from this "independence" and from this State, bourgeois exploiter and oppressive so established?

"The wide layers of population know very well, by their daily experience, the importance of geographical and economic links, the advantages of a vast market and a vast State, and they will think not of parting even if the national oppression and the national frictions making the common life absolutely unbearable and hinder the economic relations of all kinds." 46.

The creation of a vast "association" of all the classes of "brotherly patriotic nation" is only a delusion, a fraud, because no unity is possible between the aggressive imperialist bourgeoisie and its national hangers and the despoiled and oppressed proletariat. If at the beginning of capitalism we could talk about the "cultural community" between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat; with the development of the capitalism at its imperialist stage, the worsening of the class struggle shattered the so-called national community of interests of all the citizens of the nation, if it has never existed. "We could not talk of "common values" of a nation when the masters and the workers of a single nation stop of understanding mutually. Which "community of the fate and of common values" can be question when the bourgeoisie is thirsty of war, whereas the proletarians declare war to the war?" 47

Lenin adds about the question of the right of nations to self-determination, whether it is inside a big confederate State or inside a small republican national State: "Anyway, the development of capitalism continues and will continue, in a heterogeneous unique State as well as in different national States. In every case, the salaried worker will undergo the exploitation and, to fight it successfully, will be necessary that the proletariat has to be foreign to nationalism, that the proletarians, so to speak, have to be completely neutral in the struggle of the bourgeoisie of the various nations for supremacy." 48.

The working class undergoes as component of the nation a racial, ethnic, linguistic, political or legal oppression in the political and geographical sphere of capitalist State? If the answer is positive then the Revolutionary Labor Party will side against this oppression and will mobilize the class to resist to this aggression; to eradicate totally the foundations of this racial, ethnic, cultural or linguistic alienation.

If the working class of a nation does not undergo national oppression, but if on the contrary the bourgeoisie of nation of which it is part, exploits and oppresses one or several nations and/or people (the native nations and metis people in Canada and in Quebec for example) then the Revolutionary Labor Party will mobilize the class to reject any demonstrations of this oppression and to support the struggle of national liberation of these oppressed nations until and including the secession 49

To lead this anti colonial struggle and of national liberation, if necessary the Revolutionary Labor Party will lead independent actions and will never take place under the supervision of national bourgeoisie, or of one of its components, or will subject to no bourgeois political party, because the views and interests of these social classes are opposing.

Since the pauperized petty bourgeoisie undergoes the hazards of the economic crisis, that its elements lose their jobs and see collapsing their lifestyle in the City and in the off-centered suburbs does not constitute a national, ethnic or linguistic oppression and does not justify absolutely that the proletarian class mobilizes to aid the petty bourgeoisie in trouble, not more in the Western societies where rages the national chauvinism and the xenophobia that in Arabic and Middle-Eastern society where rages the religious fundamentalism and chauvinism 50.

It is up to the petty bourgeoisie, rebel and deprived from the fate which is reserved for his depraved mentors, to give his contribution to the socialist revolution.

The historic period, where the struggles of national liberation could represent a progressive element in the world anti-imperialist struggle, ended with Second World War. The systemic, integrated, and globalized character of capitalism, at its modern imperialist stage, means that the apparent diversity of the social formations in the world is not the reflection of a variety of methods of production. The uneven, combined and leaping development of the imperialist political economy leads the coexistence of reminiscences of social forms and archaic economic elements that runs along modern, commercial, industrialized, "outsourced" forms of economy. These are the last elements which articulate all the social relationships and assure the integration of the latecomer national economies in the brotherhood of the world imperialist countries. So, the culture of poppy to satisfy the needs of the Western markets in Afghanistan of the Taliban and the camel is the determining factor of the evolution of this

patriarchal society and the method of production of this neo-feudal and neocolonial country.

There is no reason that the proletariat adopts very different strategies of revolutionary action in the various regions of the world dependent on their temporary level of economic, industrial and tertiary development. The historic experience of class society of the last seventy years confirms that various social formations appeared from different stories can to continue under the method of modern imperialist capitalist production, but that all are nevertheless joined into the imperialism which takes advantage of national, ethnic and cultural differences to firm up its hegemony. The forms of political domination of the bourgeoisie can to vary from a region to another of a country, or of a continent, however in every case the power, which they represent, is always the same modern imperialism.

The idea that the national question remains opened in certain regions of the world and that therefore the proletariat should relegate its own strategy, its tactics and its class organizations in the background, for the benefit of an alliance with the national bourgeoisie must be rejected. This will occur only when the proletariat will unite to defend its interests of class that the base of any national oppression will be shaken. The Revolutionary Labor Party rejects any operation and any action which harms for the unity of the international working class.

The question of proletarian revolution is an immediate question, posed and to be solved, and no bourgeois, popular or populist democratic national stage only arises in prior to the socialist revolution, whatever is the concerned country. Besides, it is obvious that the objective and subjective conditions of the revolution are far from being gathered, but these are the tasks and nothing more the labor revolutionaries of the whole world have to lead.

Chapter three. The revolutionary theory of Labor Party

Proletarian intellectuals and revolution

Lenin, intellectual and professional revolutionary leader, explained that are the intellectuals, those committed sincerely to the service of the proletariat which, from outside, bring to the working class the consciousness "for itself" (the struggle of the class for the conquest of State power), that is to say, the consciousness of the historic mission to take forward the humanity. More, these intellectuals are compelled to study, analyze, formalize and to spread the results of their theoretical, ideological, political and economic scientific researches in order to arm the working class on the ideological front of the class struggle.

In order that a social class "in itself" (by itself)) play its political role and fills its historic mission, Lenin explained that it compulsorily had to become aware of its existence as class, of its power and its historic mission and that it gets organized in political party of

class for the conquest of all the political, economic and finally ideological power in the society. This means that the Labor Party is, since its creation, a space of democratic centralism, labor freedom and dictatorship of the proletariat on the elements of the bourgeoisie which try to infiltrate it. Such a Labor Revolutionary Party is integral part of the proletarian class "for itself" and its advent marks the beginning of reversal of the old decadent method of production and the onset of the development of a new method of production and new relationships of socialist production. The old contains the new against which fights for keeping alive and reproduce; while the new preexists in the old against which fights for knocking down it and so to appear hegemonic.

Lenin also meant that without revolutionary theory there is not revolutionary labor party. The theory of scientific socialism, the dialectical and historic materialism and the Marxist-Leninist method are unique, not optional, nor subject to the procrastinations, fiddles, distortions and other counterfeiting.

Moreover, Lenin adds that without a labor revolutionary party there will be never a proletarian socialist revolution 51. Lenin did not proclaim the need of a Party of workers and farmers, even if he advocated the common front of class with the poor farmers, Lenin did not advocate the constitution of a petty bourgeois labor Party, even less a Party of popular and citizen masses. Lenin declared that the labor Party had to be a party of the professional avant-garde of the proletarian revolution on the path towards the socialism.

Principles of the scientific socialism

There is only a method of scientific-political analysis to avoid the reefs of the petty bourgeois "conspiracy theory” of revisionism, old and new formula, of reformism, opportunism and of other deviationist trends at war for the ascendancy on the labor consciousness.

- It is enough to be held in the point of view and in the interests of the working class "in itself". In fact, the partisan has to espouse the interests of proletariat. De facto, the interests of the other sections of class which compose the people will be served very well.

- It is imperatively to adopt the method of analysis and of Marxist-Leninist militancy, and the principles of the scientific socialism, that is to say, to espouse the point of view of the conscious and advanced elements of the working class "for itself".

And just combining these two crossed visions - which in reality, as the human vision, become confused in the brain to give only one and the same perception, that is, to form only a single representation of the reality, that the activist reaches a concrete and satisfactory representation of the concrete revolutionary situation.

If the political and economic experiences of the proletarian revolutions were seized us by the agents of the infiltrated bourgeoisie, and if today so much work must be made to reconstruct real revolutionary labor political parties, on the theoretical and ideological plan, however the entire conquests, experiences, knowledges, scientific knowledge of the revolutionary theorists are available on us. Many Partisans do not even imagine the importance of this inheritance which constitutes a

decisive factor for the progress of the socialist revolution.

The Partisans has to seize this inheritance of loyalty and must study it and, especially, to apply concretely to the concrete situation of every mean of resistance. Be you careful before trying to invent new theoretical principles, allegedly creative, or to claim to fiddle with the centenary scientific socialism in any situation, supposedly unique and original, make you sure of not committing in the swamp of the opportunism, reformism, Trotskyism, National Socialism, social electoralism, parliamentary stupidity, titism, the claimed "creative" Marxism-Leninism, the revisionism of old or new type to the Maoism, the Greens and anti-globalization activists, the so called revolutionary intellectuals and many other imitations. Be wary of the pedantic and ignorant pseudo Marxist literature, but really revisionist and reformist.

In order that the class struggle in the economic, political and ideological authorities evolves each with a different rhythm in a concomitant and interdependent way, is essential that the communists impose the dictatorship of the proletariat in the revolutionary party at first, and on the whole State of the proletariat then, on the legal, police and military power, in the bodies of the economic power, and finally on the power and institutions of the ideological authority.

Allies of the workers and dictatorship of proletariat

The "people" is constituted by a mixture of classes and segments of classes such as the poor peasantry (only in the neo-colonized country, because there is no remainder of the poor peasantry in Western modern imperialist regime), the craftsmen, the not monopolistic merchants, the labor aristocracy better paid and being able to cheerfully get into debt, and the petty bourgeoisie, this fragment of class that the bourgeois ideologists call deceitfully "middle class" inexhaustible source of ideas, theories, idealistic - mystic - metaphysic - utopian - reactionary -counterrevolutionary concepts and which supplies, wave after wave, the contingents of avant-garde soldiers of the capital in its persisted fight against the class army of proletariat 52.

All the concepts which these eclectic idealists consider as "spontaneous", "creative", "original", "unpublished", "not dogmatic", "not conformist", "transgene" and "subversive feminist" and even as "guides for the action" appear "unexpectedly" in their sick and idle brain of nutty petty bourgeois. These concepts are enthusiastically resumed and spread by the media in the pay and they contaminate the thought of activists of all the social classes, including the thought of the labor Partisans. That’s why the class struggle on the theoretical and ideological front is always so incisive and decisive and must not be neglected.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dictatorship of proletariat

The dictatorship of proletariat is a Marxist concept that appoints the form of the class political power during the transitory phase between the capitalist society and the communist society. During the revolution of 1848 appears for the first time the accomplished expression of

“class dictatorship of proletariat". Previously, Marx and Engels talk only of "proletariat organized in ruling class". In Marx, the term proletariat does not mean "poor people", but those who work and produce surplus-value, that is the working class. The "dictatorship of proletariat" was thus, for him, the exercise of political power by the working class as a whole, and in its own interest. His references to the "dictatorship of proletariat" demonstrate that he meant the exercise of political power by the working class in a socialist democratic frame, where the bourgeoisie had no leisure to organize the counter-uprising.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ To schematize boorishly we could say that the class struggle begins in the economic authority, propagates in the political authority and invaded the ideological authority, then return from the ideological level towards the political and economic level, and this process becomes muddled and continues indefatigably, but it always bases on the economic contradictions - on the production and exchange of the means of subsistence and reproduction of social classes.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The dictatorship of proletariat according to Lenin

"The essence of Marx’s theory of the state has been mastered only by those who realize that the dictatorship of a single class is necessary not only for every society of class generally, not only for the proletariat which overthrown the bourgeoisie, but also during the whole historic period which separates the capitalism from "the society without class" of communism". Lenin. The State and Revolution. 1917.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Conditions of insurrection

A method of production and its relationships of production produce their opposite, that is, the conditions of their reversal and their overtaking. So, the capitalist society produces the proletariat and socializes the productive strengths, the means of exchanges and the capacities of communication, while is continuing to impose the capitalist private property of the social means of production, exchanges and communication. Marx underlined however that a method of production - a social formation – disappears "never before being developed all the productive strengths that is rather wide to contain" 53. This means “that as long as the imperialism will have a reserve of accumulation in countries economically most latecomers where a big part of population still lives on a subsistence farming outside the heavy industry, the method of capitalist production [at its modern imperialist stage] will have a reserve of potential growth for the extension of its productive strengths, its means of production, for the accumulation of surplus-value and profits to be reinvested for its widened reproduction"? We can deduct from this thought made by Marx in 1859 that "the world monopolistic capitalist class will be able to continue to use a portion of profits despoiled in countries dominated of the Third World to corrupt the labor aristocracy and the petty bourgeoisie of the declining or ascending imperialist countries in the West."? 54

Not at all, it is enough to observe the repeated assaults by the upper middle class in all the Western countries against what the left and right reformists call "social benefits" of the "middle class" in a plethora of measures called "of austerity" to understand that the present time is no longer the Welfare State for the pauperized petty bourgeois who are all ordered to make sacrifices and bow before their capitalist masters who in spite of the enormous reserve of workers of Third World no longer able to maintain their profit rates and thus assure the widened reproduction of the system of exploitation and modern imperialist expansion.

The Kautsky’s economist thinking applies mechanically their apothegms published by Marx at the end of XIX century and forgets to confront their comprehensions of the Marx’s writings with the concrete reality which surrounds them. The economic crisis of modern imperialism is systemic, global and worldwide and this in spite of the presence of resources and productive strengths to be harnessed and exploited. It is necessary to review the precept of Marx and we note that he underlines that a method of production - a social formation – will not able "never [be definitively overthrown] before being developed all the productive strengths that it is large enough to hold", which does not refer at all to the availability of natural resources and employees to be exploited, but the capacity for this method of production, for this social formation, to ensure the development and exploitation for the purposes of the system of political economy in force in the concerned social formation.

Moreover, the common economists deny that under the modern imperialism the economic development continues in a uneven, combined and leaping way and that this process produces an international division of work globally integrated where certain countries have as function to extract the resources from the ground, sea, nature, while others have as "mission" to transform them and other countries, other employees, to consume them to engender the conditions of the next cycle of widened reproduction of capital for a new cycle of valuation of the profits. We observe, with Lenin, that the method of capitalist production at its modern imperialist stage developed all the productive strengths, not potentially available, but that is rather wide to contain (reproduce and value).

Don't be amazed if you observe that the big modern imperialist capital is inclined to destroy half of the humanity to assure the resumption of this process of production - valuation – widened reproduction of the financial capital, the ultimate purpose of this method of production which has created the bourgeoisie as class, and that the bourgeoisie developed as society.

The systemic, global and world economic crisis and the inevitable imperialist evolution, with its wars of robbery, its inter-imperialist wars and its innumerable dissents between various capitalist factions for the hegemony on bourgeois State apparatus and the ascendancy for the accumulation of profits that create themselves these external conditions on which the working class and its party have not much influence but from which they must know how to take advantage.

The role of Revolutionary Labor Party in this pre-insurrectionary stage is confined to observe, to analyze the situation, to stimulate the inter-capitalist contradictions, to oppose the interference and the intervention of police State and to forge the unity of the striking working class. The Party has not to leave neither the capitalists nor their avant-garde - petit bourgeois

drive belt - to split the class unity of the workers by deceitful themes as the secularism of the bourgeois State, the racism, the xenophobia, the national chauvinism, the reindustrialization, the reform of monetary and banking system, the bourgeois elections and other nonsense. The role of the RLP is to organize the class resistance in three authorities of the struggle to prepare the insurrection on the horizon of the uprising of advanced workers under the leadership of their avant-garde Party. For the proletarian revolutionaries, leading a strike do not aim as long at tearing away a wage increase, or stopped an increase of tuition fees, but to acquire experience in the class struggle and to accumulate revolutionary strengths. It is the responsibility of the workers committed in every fight on the economic front to sell dearly their workforce. Other missions of the Party consist in establishing solidly in the class, factories, institutions and in the district popular organizations and on-the-spot to develop the propaganda and the agitation.

The uprising will start from big city centers, from the heart of megalopolises, their disadvantaged districts, will extend by successive waves towards working districts and towards vast exploited and ruined industrial zones. It is the moment where the working class will start up, the revolutionaries grouped in the Revolutionary Labor Party will have to assure the progress of this uprising to the multiple voices and the numerous ways, up led by agitated elements of the petty bourgeoisie in mission of liquidation of the insurrectionary movement. It will be a question then of imposing the class hegemony of proletariat on the revolt to transform it into revolution for the conquest of State power.

In order that the proletarian uprising is victorious, and leads the conquest and control of the State apparatus, the class must be managed by its Party, unique, centralized, led by the Marxist-Leninist theory, determined and solidly implanted in the class which influences and manages towards the conquest of State apparatus. No reform is satisfactory and will not try to survive the capitalism, to improve it, nor to help it to operate. The Revolutionary Labor Party wants to eradicate the imperialism and all its vampiric tentacles to set up a new world, the socialism.

Conditions of proletarian revolution

In front of so much poverty of proletarians why so few rebels, why this apparent "passivity" of the oppressed, why this supposed apathy of exploited, confronted with so much injustice, crimes against humanity and why not the revolution while it is time?

The fact is that a series of conditions is required so that there is uprising, labor and popular revolt, then eventually uprising, revolution and overthrow the old economic order and its replacement by a new social, economic and political system. We remind that the fact of gathering one million demonstrators does not constitute a revolution. The President Charles de Gaulle in the late events of May, 68 in France, coming back from the military base of Baden-Baden where he had consulted his generals about the bloody suppression of the student uprising, had gathered one million of solitary walkers to support its reactionary power.

It is not either enough to get the premature retirement of a tyrant provided with a golden parachute then to leave the generals appointed by the ousted dictator to pursue their oppression as if nothing had happened to declare the "revolution" completed. In fact, it looks like more a failed revolt. Fortunately, the Egyptians young people and Tunisian workers are continuing their resistance in the largest media silence.

The first condition of a proletarian revolution is provided by a deep economic crisis that throws in poverty millions of idle. This condition is already confirmed in numerous underdeveloped countries and this condition is being finalized in several Western countries: "the life of most of US employees is so difficult, they are so much in survival, everyone becomes obsessed by his personal future. The unemployed persons show a big existential sadness (…) These persons are concentrated on their survival not on the history of their life. This makes them angry or makes them nostalgic (suicide rate increasing or spontaneous killings in a supermarket EDITOR'S NOTE). The employees have so few social guarantees as we always find people to work for lower salaries, or for shorter durations. This creates flexibility which grows towards a labor market where the job insecurity becomes the norm" 55.

In the US, since 1990, the salary of unskilled workers fell by 25 %. The real, complete or partial unemployment, is approaching 20 %, it is twice in nonwhites. In the US the poor people account for more than 97 million individuals considered with low income (working poor) and 46 million citizens are really poor and live on the rescue of the State, a steady increase in statistics since 1980. The accumulation of national debt, the companies and US households reaches 350 % of National GDP(GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT). Between 2008 and 2013, five million households were driven from their homes, many of these families squat in public parks, in municipal buildings and in houses abandoned in the city centers 56. We found people who live in the old tunnels of the subway of Kansas City. The average income of a white household is $ 110,000 per year, that of a Hispanic household is $ 7,500 while that of an Afro-American household is $ 4,000 $ a year. Over a quarter of Americans live in precarious and unhealthy conditions.

The immigrants "imported" from Asia and Latin America make to increase the pressure on jobs and starvation wages while in Europe they make them come from East Europe , Africa and from the Middle East. What is surprising is that there is really no more revolts and social unrests in the middle of these oceans of despair.

This is the genuine insecurity of life in America and Europe, in bankruptcies rather than the pseudo threat-show of Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda. In many ways, the American society offers living and survival conditions (stillbirths, contagious diseases, education level, income gap, poverty, murders, urban violence, etc.) which are found in underdeveloped countries and nevertheless the revolt is latent and usually liquidated after ephemeral Pindaric fights. To conclude, the material and economic conditions of the revolution quickly ripen and the current crisis in recovery will be accelerated.

The required second condition concerns the ruling class, which have not to know to govern nor solve the contradictions which tear it in several factions and in several alliances

with the opposite interests. This condition seems held in the United States where the Congress paralyzes the executive. Similar conditions are outlined in Europe due to the crisis of sovereign debt and the quarantine of recalcitrant countries. The European political "class" is in decay and offers the distressing show of ignorant clowns and incapable rogues. This condition is also present in the Middle East countries, in Africa and in several Asian countries.

The Third condition concerns the ruling class which sees sinking the interest of its immense media "mainstream" charged to produce ignorance, consent and resilience. Without this idiosyncratic lightning rod, is the community of the alienated persons which can explode, terrified in front of the violence unchained by some alienated persons. The Revolutionary Party has then the duty to intervene to restore the community safety. This condition is not performed in the developed countries in spite of the advances of alternative media which remain however marginal.

However, the participation in fraud elections and the bourgeois "democratic" propaganda in clear regression give an indication of the disaffection of population which have not more illusions about these operations of electoral digressions. Here appears the clique of the “leftist” parties having for mission to deceive, snivel, implore, discourage and reform the system, but never and never to overthrow the old order of political economy to make space to a really socialist society.

If in the years of triumphant imperialism (1960-1990) all were disappeared from the political scene, they reappeared from the coat like exhilarating mushrooms and they multiply the colloquiums since the new development of capitalist crisis in 2008. The small groups of reformist left form the Fifth Column of indignant frustrated within the labor movement. They are in charge of distilling their utopian and reformist poison to assure the survival of imperialism. The working class and its party have to face this petty bourgeois reformist maelstrom and deviate from their road.

The Fourth condition concerns the bourgeoisie which has to lose the control of its immense repressive, military, prison, judicial, police apparatus without which the bourgeois State could not survive for a moment. This condition is reached in no Western country. However, this condition matures very quickly and will materialize during the process of uprising called to become a "Revolution". In Egypt, the bourgeoisie and its army knew how to maneuver by leaving temporarily the control of a part of State apparatus to the Islamists who were able to settle as avengers attracting towards his fascist army the support of a part of the oppressed population which calls for the restoring of the old military bourgeois dictatorship. The Egyptian example learns us on the role of the left petty bourgeoisie which hinders the unity of workers against the military dictatorship by raising the scarecrow of Islam as a place intended to assure the preservation of military dictatorship. Algeria knew such an outcome previously as well as Tunisia.

The Fifth condition concerns the dominated and exploited workers who massively have to go into action, to rise up and rebel globally, provided with a sufficient consciousness towards the turpitude of the economic and political capitalist regime and its incapacity to solve their daily problems of survival. Contrary to what propagate the opportunists, reformists, social democrats, the pseudo communists and the leftists, this feeling is more widely spread than appears superficially. If the workers and the American and European workers do not rise up, it is due to precise and never admitted inadequacies which we are

now going to examine.

The American proletariat lives for years in a disguised Police State (what the so called American left denies) and knows the cruelty of its merciless ruling class. The bloodthirsty police and military repression explains largely the caution of American proletariat and its unwillingness to launch into an armed revolt. The American proletariat knows instinctively that when will rise up everything will have to go very fast and it will have to strike the animal directly at the head of a deathblow. Any hesitation, any dishonest compromise will dearly be counted. The revolts will then have to trust in the direction that will propose to lead them The American proletariat already knows that the labor aristocracy and the corrupted labor-union bureaucracy cannot offer him this direction.

When these workers, which the petty bourgeois pettiness denigrates cheerfully and qualifies cheerfully as labor aristocrats, start up, discovering suddenly their strength and their power which will impose to their managers - gangsters and deceitful and to the underlings middle-class persons, this will cause desertions within the immense repressive State apparatus. This one will quickly fall to pieces, weakening the class enemy and strengthening the sector of revolt. Certain countries which knew the "Arab Spring" are gone near to know this imperative condition, but a missing ingredient caused the liquidation of these various movements.

The Sixth condition, without which nothing is possible, concerns the state of ideological and organizational preparation of the camp of the rebel workers. It is not possible to have revolutionary movement without revolutionary theory, that is, without a scientific comprehension of the dying economic system which asks only for giving up the ghost and that the bourgeoisie makes every effort to preserve it. From the consciousness "in itself" and from the spontaneous struggles of resistance on the economic front, the working class, charged by the history to be the gravedigger of the old and the obstetrician of the new society scheme, has to acquire a consciousness "for itself" of its historic mission, and launch in the conquest of all State power, to overthrow the old ruling class and its dictatorial power (even if bears the name of bourgeois democracy) and establish a new legal structure of government and a new political and military power.

All this can be implemented and realized concretely only if the working class previously equipped with its authentic avant-garde Party which does not wish neither to participate in bourgeois elections or to collaborate in the management of the bourgeois State apparatus. A party endowed with a military organization of struggle for the seizure of the power of State. Without such a revolutionary party to the service of the proletariat, which accumulates the experience of the class struggle, provided with a revolutionary ideology, no proletarian revolution is possible. Obviously, these six conditions for a successful revolution and the reversal of this rotten regime are gathered in no country. In most countries, it is far and the internal divisions within the movement of rebels are such as other disappointments are apprehended. In the tsarist Russia, in 1905, there were a few of these conditions, but nevertheless twelve years later, in October 1917, it were all matured and the world vacillated.

.

Chapter four Class struggle in the economic authority

Imperialism is the repetitive crisis

The modern imperialism is the supreme stage of evolution of the capitalist method of production. Under the modern imperialism the struggle between the opposing classes - proletariat and bourgeoisie - develops at three levels, or, if you prefer, under three concomitants, different and interdependent authorities, the economic authority, the material basis serving as supports to others two, the political authority (the decision-making basis and the workplace) and the ideological authority (the organized, structured and managed thought).

The struggle takes place daily in the economic sphere, there is the struggle of working resistance, from which the striking struggle to maintain the conditions of exploitation of the workforce at bearable levels and to maintain the purchasing power and the conditions of reproduction of workforce at socially acceptable levels. This struggle of resistance is independent from the will of the partisans and takes place daily even among the gentrified working aristocracy.

In the advanced imperialist countries the petty bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy benefit occasionally superior living conditions and it is enough for making them dream and bring them to mythicize the reality, and to persuade them that the life is easier than envisaged, until a stock market crash (1929, 1991, 2001, 2011), a financial crisis (on 1907, 1980, 1987 and 2008) or a multinational war (1914-1917, 1939-1945, 1950-1953 1954-1975, 2001-2013) or a series of located wars (dozens since 1945) take care here and there, or everywhere at the same time, to erase these temporary wages and social advances, paid directly the surplus of capital gain seized to the workers of countries industrially backward, or created in an artificial, inflationary way, by the rampant financial credit 57.

Since 2008, such a situation takes shape and we observe the fervent excitement of the petty bourgeois lay brothers and the "sharks" of finance who stir to erase these bitter souvenirs of memory of the labor plebs. All this after having greeted the end of the class struggle, the death of Marx and of Capital and having promoted the racist and fascist theory of the shock of civilizations 58.

Today, the university petty-bourgeoisie gets back into action and swears to its big gods that the present situation is very different - that it is necessary to show creative imagination and especially to avoid the dogmatism, because the theory of scientific socialism and the Marxist-Leninist method should, according to them, be mangled and adapted to the lullabies of these coolies of the bourgeoisie.

In capitalist regime, at the modern imperialist stage the class struggle on the economic front is never ended - it goes ebb and flow according to the economic situation. If 30 000 or 80 000 South African miners made strike for salaries, a little less miserable, and the big

international capital - the mining multinationals and their financial head offices - affect the salaries of workers of the developed countries where the ore (platinum, gold, tin, diamond) is handled and transformed for being sold on the international markets. We can count that the prices will be raised unless the competitors of this mining monopoly take advantage of it to lower their prices and so absorb the English-South African monopoly in trouble.

So that’s the class war among the capitalists, jointly to the one that they lead against the working class. This economic war, which the media " mainstream " hide, is the foundation of all other forms of class struggle; it is the primal and fundamental shape, but this resistance is insufficient and not decisive. The Revolutionary Labor Party must be confidentially connected with these struggles and realize it in all the class - by explaining however that such as battles on the economic front, although necessary, will never stop - and always will have to be resumed until the class will not have taken control of the State apparatus, to nationalize without compensation all the means of production, exchanges and communication in order to build a new method of production and new social relationships of socialist production.

In order that the class war in the economic authority escalates in France or in Quebec, in the field of aluminum smelters for example, and the multinationals of aluminum will organize the outsourcing of the production of France (St-Jean de Maurienne ) 59 or of Quebec (Saguenay, Alma, Shawinigan) 60 to transfer their production towards China, India or Russia where they will open new units to exploit workers, less paid, less organized, more repressed and easier to be exploited; for a while only, until the latter grab their signs and their banners, get organized and demand better salaries for the sale of their poor workforce.

Crisis and austerity measures

Systemic economic crisis

The economic crisis is the most apparent symptom of a deep malfunction of the whole method of production and of modern imperialist exchanges. The capitalist economic system is unable to resolve its internal contradictions and to ensure the valorization of capital, the accumulation of profits, and its expanded reproduction. Each component of the system is insufficient in its internal operation and in its interrelations with the other economic components (money, credit, stock market, banking, industry, energy, trade, transportation, labor, research, consumption, communication, etc.). More, this economic crisis leads gradually to misery all the chaotic structure of bourgeois democratic political system and profoundly affects the morals, ethics and the bourgeois ideology. That's why we say that the economic crisis is systemic.61

World economic crisis

The independent national economies no longer exist in any part of earth. No national economy, no country is now economically independent or detached from the global and world system of modern imperialist economy. This includes the United States of America, the declining superpower, as well as imperialist China, the rising superpower. This

postulate implies that no local, regional or national solution is considerable to put an end to this systemic crisis. If there were solutions, these could only be global. That’s why we say that the economic crisis is systemic and worldwide.

Global economic crisis

All areas and sectors of the economy, including the hyper-mechanized agriculture, the robotized industry, the hydroelectric, nuclear, fossil and renewable energy, the mining industry, the fishing sites, the forest sector, the tourism, the construction, the transport, telecommunications, the food, textiles and clothing, the lodging, the wholesale and retail, the banks and trustees, the individual retirement accounts, the credit, the national currencies, the Stock Market, the consumption in general and the municipal, provincial, national and multinational governance, all suffer globally the systemic economic crisis. That's why we say that the economic crisis is systemic, global and worldwide.

Crisis and uneven development

The development, historically differentiated, of modern imperialist political economy starting from the commercial method, to industrial method, then to financial method; coupled with the uneven distribution of natural resources, fossil fuels, skilled and unskilled labor, the means of production and consequently of military power, have led to a new international division of labor, from which arose an unequal economic development, from one country to another and from one region to another over the globe - all these countries being connected with each other, however are all interdependent - each country having a specific role to be played in the area of imperialist anarchic development. Now, the economic crisis starts in the countries of Asian South-East, sometimes is in Japan, sometimes the New York Stock Exchange ignites and sometimes is the euro that is strangling, but later all other economies are dragged in recession. That’s why we say that the world and global systemic economic crisis is the consequence of the uneven, compound and leaping international development.

Anarchic economic crisis

The economic and social system - the method of production, ultimately - in which the Quebec, Canada, France, the United States and other countries of the evolved and survived world – for better or worse - is anarchic and unplanned. It is the product of "free enterprise", of "free market" and of the fierce competition among monopolies which appropriate all the means of production and exchange and all the resources for their exclusive benefit. The anarchic imperialist economic system is the product of the unrestrained accumulation of fantastic profits, bought up unavoidably by a small layer of monopolistic capitalists (the concentration determines a stronger concentration of wealth as for induction). It leads the concentration of world heritage in the hands of a clique of rich narcissists of which, it seems, about a hundred billionaires would hold half of the world's wealth 62. While from the other hand two billion people survive with less than $ 2 a day ($ 730 per year) which clearly does not constitute a profitable

market for the disposal of overabundant goods. That’s why we say that the systemic economic crisis is discursive, recurrent and anarchic and can’t be adjusted within the modern imperialistic economic system.

Economic crisis and austerity

The austerity policies put in place by the different governments, municipal managements, provincial governments, national parliaments and multinational organizations all seek to preserve the profits of private companies, whether are small, medium, large, and to safeguard the dividends of oligopolies, the benefits of financial sharks, the income of banks and private billionaires. The way with which the government attempt to save the private companies from bankruptcy and from the erosion of their profits, is to transfer the burden of the economic crisis on the backs of employees, workers, unemployed and their families, the poor and also of working aristocracy and the petty bourgeoisie who see their taxes and their levies, their rents, and their loans grow faster than their incomes. That’s why we say that the austerity policies are not the cause, but the consequences of the world and global systemic economic crisis of modern imperialism.

Employees heavily taxed

We observe the increases of taxes such as the TVQ (value added tax in Quebec that has gone to 9.5% in 2012) and the tax surcharges drawn directly on the wages of all employees who form 90% of active workers. We observe the increases of social charges combined with increases in pricing of goods and services produced and distributed by the State. The cost of public services and the consumption taxes are drawn directly to the purchase, while the municipal and school taxes are calculated on the value of the land ownership (which 66% of the Montreal households pay in the form of increase of rents), and this leaves to employees a few ability to evade the revenue. Everyone is entitled to ask what are the real intentions of the police State when is launching hysterical campaigns about the widespread tax fraud by employees. During this time the wages stagnate or regress causing the depletion of the working aristocracy, of the petty bourgeoisie and of all employees. That’s why we say that we must reject these lying proposals of the police State and of the accomplice media and to fight the increase of rents, fees, taxes and rates of public services.

The rich hide their money to tax department Nothing has been made to prevent the tax evasion of billionaires and stateless multinational companies who conceal fifteen billion dollars in "offshore" tax heavens. Nearly half of all international financial transactions transit from these illegal heavens for indifferent and greedy billionaires. All international organizations tolerate and encourage secretly these practices, while publicly complain in hypocritical way. For several years, the

gurus of the capitalist States criticize the tax evasion through "tax havens", these entities of international lawless, that undermine the national tax systems. However, many of these lowest countries maintain on their territory such fraudulent tax heavens 63. This hotchpotch of "illicit tax hiding places" conceals other tax shelters and different legal and immoral tax loopholes, according to the morality and working values, at least.

The differentiated tax systems of enterprises, banks and financing companies and their lax drifts are intimately related to the process of internationalization of general economic activity. In an economic context, strongly "liberalized", following the global economic and trade agreements - NAFTA and European Union, Asia-Pacific Agreements, agreements driven by the WTO 64 - in a situation where the technologies of information allow communications in real time, where the labor productivity is rising in the emerging countries (more than in the developed countries), where the transport of goods is becoming less expensive, it was never easy to disperse the different factories of the process of production-assembly and the different components of a profitable enterprise and to work them remotely, by moving the income and expenditures according the convenience. The '"tax optimization" (paying less taxes and minimum fees) is not the cause but the normal result of this phenomenon that leads to the conversion of incomes and dividends in foreign currencies that create the general tax evasion and the crime of national borders (when it remains), placing the workers of Canada in competition with the Chinese, Indian and Indonesian workers for the greatest benefit of the mandarins, collectors of profits 65.

Who evades the taxes are not the workers and employees, as the government propaganda and that media one in the pay would want to persuade us. But these are the shareholders of private companies, the upper executives, the "shearers of coupons", the billionaires, the speculators and stock brokers, the mafia criminals with rich incomes, the board members who accumulate millions ($) and the members of management board paid in shares and in "stock options" that get generous tax reductions and golden parachutes, apart from concealing their money in tax heavens with the complicity of all national States and those of the organizations of international governance (IMF, WB, OECD, Swift, Libor, NAFTA, ICC, UN, WTO, etc.) 66.It is totally impossible to overturn this tendency to tax fraud by the rich and for the rich because these same tyrants are those who rule the police States - by interposed sycophants 67. Worse, if a bourgeois State dared to impose the wealthy equitably, these ones would escape towards nefarious and composed heavens to be placed in the shelter of a complacent tax umbrella. That’s why we say that the solution to the scandal of tax evasion will be worldwide, global and out of the modern imperialist political economy 68.

Economic crisis and overproduction

Since the system of capitalist political economy is passed from a capitalist industrial stage of development to a monopolist financial stage and therefore to the modern imperialist phase "the big problem of capitalist production is no longer to find producers and to increase tenfold their productive forces, but to find consumers, to excite their appetites and create them artificial needs".69. What the different levels of government are ripping to consumers - workers - employees, taxpayers with one hand, return to the bankers and private enterprises with the other hand, but the enterprises, shopkeepers and traders are no longer able to sell their goods and services, because their customers - taxpayers - workers - consumers do not have enough money to buy the products that offer them in profusion on the consumption markets. To this process of request of the purchasing power we must add the inflation of prices that defrauds the money of employees and the unemployment that undermines completely the purchasing power of employees. That’s why we say that the systemic economic crisis is a crisis of overproduction in a world of deprivation.

Subsidies to companies in crisis

The so called democratic State and the States which are not covered with a bourgeois electoral democratic veneer, are at the mercy of the rich and are not serving the public, the citizen, the taxpayer, the pensioner, the patient, the student, the voter, the unemployed or the worker. The bourgeois politicians are at the service of bankers, billionaires, shareholders of border multinationals, of those who fund their elections and ensure them a positive media coverage. The governments and parliaments adopt laws to serve the companies - to ensure their benefits, their profits, their incomes and their dividends. The allowed financial efforts are giant from the State of the rich - in the form of subsidies (in Quebec, there are 2300 programs of government subsidies that accumulate $ 3.3 billion in aid annually), but also, in the form of contributions of discharges for the pension plans, in the form of discharge of social and municipal charges and tax relief for private categories. In 2014, in Quebec, a company pays a maximum of 26.90% of tax on its net benefits, i.e., 15% to federal and 11.90% to provincial 70. On the other hand, the taxation of an employee can to increase up to 55% (provincial and federal). And that’s why we say (without illusion!) that the governments had to tax the rich and private enterprises rather than subsidize them. The rich governments never will do this, because they would be immediately fired and returned in opposition.71

We must be aware that the bourgeois governments can’t change anything because when a State pretends to raise the taxes, the mining royalties, the oil, forest, offshore “royalties”, the depth sounder, or that suggests to increase the privileged tariffs of electricity ($ 0.04 a kilowatt), the multinational categories threaten to close their Canadian factories and transfer them in a country with a government more conciliatory. The proletarians are faced with the misunderstanding of requiring the rise in fees, taxes and levies of companies, then to lose their job. However, the recriminations of the working class have no effect on the segment of class of sycophants, solidly butted to his masters, the plenipotentiaries of economy. That’s why we say that internationalization and globalization of the modern imperialist economy make effective these threats. Furthermore the government aids in risk capital are not intended absolutely to compensate the lack of capitalist liquidity because the Canadian and Quebec private enterprises have stored 600 billion in revenue (2013) in anticipation of extraordinary business

opportunities72. The Canadian monopolist companies overflow with capital as the companies of all the great imperialist countries. What is missing is not the capital to be invested, but the profitable markets to be conquered, the business opportunities in which to invest, and the opportunity to deprive the employees. Without solvent markets is useless to invest for producing new goods that will clutter the inventories. That’s why we say that despite the government aid to the monopolist capitalist enterprises, the systemic economic crisis continues its inexorable collapse.

Extreme stock market speculation

The economic crisis of 2008, sometimes called Big Recession, is a catastrophe in which entered the majority of industrialized countries following the stock exchange collapse of autumn 2008, which is also a consequence of the crisis of "subprime" of 2007. In December 2007 the United States were the first to go into recession, followed by several European countries during the year 2008 73. France has gone into recession only in 2009. Canada is narrowly escaped, but not without consequences. This world economic crisis is considered as the worst since the Big Depression of 1929. In summer 2007, in the United States the toxic mortgage loans have been the detonator element of the financial crisis that led to the economic crisis of 2008-2010. The origin was underlined by a statement issued in August 2007 by a French banker who indicated that his bank suspended the quotation of three of its funds because of '"complete evaporation of liquidity" of certain US markets. Translating this singular ukase in vernacular language. This meant that overnight the money, the speculative capital was "evaporated" (sic), had disappeared, the banker did not know where nor how. This puzzle is greater for the comprehension of the functioning of the system of imperialist economy. We'll return. If these did not only cause to them a crisis of such magnitude, the mortgage loans at high risk were the trigger element of the movement that have shaken the entire financial-banking system in difficulty: - the transfer of bad assets of the banks towards the stock exchange market, what the stockbrokers call the securitization of these supposed parasitic "assets"; - the creation of complex and opaque assets, as pyramid of Ponzi and stock-exchange swindle; - the complicity of rating agencies which did not evaluate the risks of these toxic "assets”;

- the application of accounting rules called "fair value" - the settled failures of regulators to correct the "faults" in a context where the banking-stock exchange system has been largely deregulated, globalized and internationalized;

- the manipulation of the interest rates on loans by the "too big to fail" as LIBOR (London Interbank Offered Rate). During the crisis of 2008, the total value of assets called toxic (of which the subprime) is estimated at about 800 billion dollars and the losses induced by the banks are located between 2200 and 3.6 trillion dollars in the world. The world stock exchange capitalization is decreased by almost 50% passing from $ 62.747 trillion, end of 2007, to $ 32.575 trillion, end of 2008, with a loss of $ 30 trillion, or 30 times more than the original loss. The financial building is collapsed like a house of cards. And this situation will be reproduced in the next stock exchange collapse.74 "In other words the price of distrust, due to the advances of market, compared to the real value of things. Especially on the side of the real economy (sic), there has been no destruction of value of the productive apparatus or of potential customers of enterprises (we cite the example of the airlines whose stock market value decreased below the value of the assets that correspond to the planes in their possession). Simply, the market anticipates for pessimism and distrust the future losses which amounts to the current time, in the actual net value, through the course of the stock exchange", niggles, surprised, the economist. That’s why we say that the diabolical stock exchange speculation is uncontrollable. 75

Travel companion in ruin.

The stock exchange collapse of 2008 that has led to the Big Recession, in which incidentally we wallow since time, was the imprescriptible and inevitable result of the natural and normal evolution of the system of modern imperialist economy. We summarize simply the concatenation of this obliged process. Simplifying we will say that in the beginning there was a company having needs to be filled and offering a market. The first movement of this Shakespearean drama occurs when an economic agent (the capitalists), takes possession of property and also of the economic, political and ideological power and proposes, not goods and services to fill those many and varied needs, but this economic agent proposes "goods" to their value of production, namely product withdrawn from its factories, its manufactures, its service labs, from its construction sites, its means of transport and communication that belong all to the shareholders-owners of the means of production, trade and communication. This private capitalist “economic agent” fills the functions of production, trade and communication for the only reason to pocket profits in profusion then to reinvest them to start a new beneficial economic cycle. The motivation of the private owner of the means of production, trade and communication is not to meet the social needs of the population, but to satisfy his shareholders. The second movement of this Shakespearean drama occurs when in this race to the production of goods and services to make gush the surplus labor, source of profit of the hands of the deprived worker, occurs the contrary and the more the process is industrialized, mechanized, automatized and robotized, the more the profit is reduced, the more the capitalist demands productivity by the employee, to get more surplus labor to be deprived, and remains less real wages to employees to consume and start a new cycle of production - consumption - accumulation. The more the productivity is high and the more the quantity of goods produced at a given time is big and less every part of "goods" contains precious surplus-values-profit. The solvent market shrinks at the same time as

the necessary work and the salary whereas the capacities of production increase and flood the markets of consumption with products that have less commercial value and less customers in measure to buy-consume-destroy them.

Considering that the benefit of bankers, financiers, and brokers are all taken from the surplus-value - the surplus labor deprived to the workers - and thus from the active and productive financial capital, the shrinking of markets leads to the slowdown of production and of the cycle of enlarged reproduction of capital, which automatically causes the lowering of the benefits for all the “agents” of the economic system. The third movement of this Shakespearean drama leads the stock traders, the brokers, the bankers and the financiers to imagine to spread widely the consumer credit to make consuming to the impoverished employees their salary in advance. They hope in this way to continue to pocket their part of profits which will be unlikely never produced since the systemic economic crisis deepens. Desperate, the bankers and financiers add this “solution” of the illusory and ostentatious credit to avoid the bankruptcy with the creation of financial illegal, fraudulent and mafia “products” that, with the first stock exchange blaze, are consumed and fly in powder, what the French banker had called this "'complete evaporation of liquidity", the disappearance of counterfeit currency, the fictitious capital that on reality exists only on the palimpsest.

Since 2008, corrupt politicians, dishonest bankers, obsequious economists, ingenious experts and accomplices journalists tear their shirts in the churchyard of banks and financial centers that occupying the outraged protesters, abjuring their crimes and vowing that control measures will be established, that others will be reinforced, that the hegemony of financial capital is finalized and that many things will change. Nothing has changed according to the same mediators and in 2010 Greece was overwhelmed (45% of Greeks now live below the poverty line) and in 2012 the banks of Cyprus collapsed under the gauntlet of Attila of the international finance Spain and Portugal are shaken and Brazil plundered. That’s why we say that the financial crisis is the travel companion of the oligarchic and anarchic imperialism 76.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Goods

The concept of goods is central in the Marxist theory. Under the method of capitalist production, a property or a service is transformed into goods by the virtue of the private property of the means of production, exchanges and communication. It is to say that the goods contain the essence of the relationships of capitalist production. The social relationships of capitalist production transform the nature of the product, which is to fill a need - use value - in exchange value or market value which constitutes henceforth its new nature in the fact that the goods can be transformed on money, and dead capital become again alive capital, that is money to buy the goods "workforce" to make him producing plus labor – unique source of surplus-value convertible in profit.

Credited to compensate for markets

We have previously "debated” about the unbridled credit, available anywhere to consume, we must now deepen this scam realized by "banksters". To compensate the decrease in

sales resulting from the decline of real incomes and purchasing power eroded of employees, the bankers and financiers have granted mortgage loans on which they speculated; the private companies of the manufacturing sector (cars, furniture, household electrical appliances, electronic appliances), began to lend too, the storekeepers retail and the hypermarkets opened the consumer credit to profusion.

During the year 2013, the consumer credit, which excludes the mortgages and student loans have increased from 5 to 8% per month in the United States while GDP has had a stagnation. The personal loans amounted to 3.087 trillion dollars in 2013 in the United States 77. The proportions are equivalent in Western Europe and in other Western countries.

In Canada, the consumer credit (excluding the mortgages) passed from 438 million to 522 million dollars between 2009 and 2013, a rise higher than that of GDP and the inflation index. This credit debauchery – of money, truly - makes only deepen the financial and monetary crisis and delay the expiration of stock market collapse that eventually will project the national economies, the Western economies and the world economy into a catastrophic depression.79

All these loans are money put into circulation before being passed to the cycle of valorization of capital through the production of goods and the cycle of reproduction of the capital from where the masters release their profits (dividends, benefits, annuities) and the governments their taxes and their levies. The credit is inflationary money put on the market of the anticipated profits, not yet materialized.

The credit purchase is the current consumption of a virtual wage that the employee will not be able probably to reach since the unemployment, the wage stagnation, the increases of taxes and duties united to inflation will come to dupe before taking it. Not to mention that for these loans the employee has just reduced his purchasing power of the amount of interests that will have to shell out without consuming (the interest on loan is the profit of the banker-usurer). That's why the governments are so concerned about the level of household debt which reached 164% in 2013 in Canada. Under different forms, the Canadians borrow 100 billion dollars each year. Overall, the Canadian families must give 1.6 trillion dollars while their real estate assets - their homes - are overvalued from 30% to 60%, dependent on sources. For the error of the bankers, the Canadian families often live in poverty, but over their real possibilities and means and will be enough a rise of interest rates so that the finance and economy collapse and sink irremediably. That’s why the Bank of Canada and the Federal Reserve in the United States do not increase their intervention rates for the moment what will come at the appropriate time.80.

The whole problem of the debt of households, combined with the sovereign debt of the capitalist States who adds his burden on the backs of employees leads us to say that a crisis of credit will explode as a result of a stock exchange collapse or followed by a devaluation of currencies.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The modern imperialist West

The modern imperialist West is composed consists of United States of America, Canada, Australia and New Zeeland, Japan, Germany and Austria, United Kingdom and Ireland,

France, Belgium, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Switzerland, the Scandinavian countries and Israel. In 2013, these 23 countries (on 203) gathered 921 million inhabitants (14 % of the world population); including 716 of 1 455 billionaires on Earth; accumulating 237 of 300 bigger monopolistic corporations; adding up 41 645 billion dollars of GDP(GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT) (58 % of the world total). These 23 countries made 1 080 billion dollars of military expense (65 % of the world total in 2010). Their average annual income is situated between 23 000 $ and 115 000 $ per capita. On the contrary, about 2 billion individuals live under the threshold of extreme poverty, that is less 2 $ a day 78.

The credit leads to the abyss

You will have noticed that the different levels of government can’t do anything against this plague registered in the cogs of internal functioning of the modern imperialist economy. The impression and the massive expansion of money (Quantitative Easing), particularly by the US government ($ 85 billion inflationary dollars are injected into global economy each month) and the unbridled access to credit cause the price inflation in the consumption because the money is itself a commodity (it is the universal product - the supposed talisman to transform any other goods into money). As universal goods, the money (in the form of coins, credit cards, mortgages, shares, profits, savings) represents amount of goods and services available in the market to facilitate the exchange. According to the law of supply and demand, the point of balance, that is, not the value, but the average price of a property, is fixed to the meeting place of the curve of the offer and demand of this property.

This law fixes not only the price, but also the quantities to be produced of these goods, underneath there would be shortage, above there would be surplus of inventories. The "free" capitalist market does not know how to plan and is so still in reaction to the evolution of the whole economy either in shortage or in wasting and in bombardment of surpluses. Now we return to the goods money which is becoming more and more plentiful, while the availability of the other goods remains relatively stable, follows that the symbolic value of the goods money decreases and that there needs to be more to acquire a property or a service from which the market value, contrary to the goods money, is fixed by the quantity of the goods "workforce" which it contains. That’s why we say that the different speculative currencies - in exchange rate floating on the international market - will be devalued after the stock market crash.

Machine of advertising propaganda

These different economic-financial processes determine the drastic reduction of the capacity of consumption of employees. The salary of a worker who is a fixed, "not variable" amount, every dollar earned allows to buy less goods at inflationary price of

market, that causes the accumulation of stocks in warehouses and unsold articles in the stores of which the capitalists require the destruction, but especially not the free distribution or, at lower price. Someone can reply that the sales are everywhere abundant and important on the Western market, that’s false. The goods elapsed in those balances are only a small part of the surplus of unsold goods. On the other hand, these discount sales (when there are discounts, which is not always the case) are only undermine markets, mortgaging subsequent sales.

That’s why the vast apparatus of commercial advertising, combined with the enormous system of media propaganda (Radio -Television - newspapers - internet - publications - mail), which is spreading everywhere, has not the role to inform the public, but to make purchasing and consuming in inconsiderate way (we want to observe that the emissions of television, radio and newspaper articles are there just to fill the space-time among commercial advertising) and often the TV sitcoms and other televised or broadcast "soap opera" only aim at reinforcing the false need of which you have impregnated the spirit during commercial advertising. This commercial propaganda is really an assault against the salaried workers, aiming at the curricula "for having lots of things that make you want something else, because happiness is to have assets full of its cupboards … ah the evil which can make us" sang the troubadour.

It is entirely unsuitable for the petty-bourgeois that are stirring in favor of the "voluntary poverty" to try to make feel guilty the workers to be responsible for the excessive consumption generated by these huge apparatus of advertising propaganda. When a new system of political economy will be built to meet the needs of working people – without obligation of accumulation of the capitalist profits to ensure the expanded reproduction of the system of political economy - will be useless to push in the producing overconsumption of surplus-value and profits because the continuation of maximum profit will not be anymore the mainspring of the economy. That’s why we say that the only way of going out of the excessive consumption is to change the basis of political economy and to knock down this consumer society in perdition.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Relocation of companies

The relocation is this process by which the monopolistic companies having their "Head office" in the Western metropolises close their factories in their country of origin and close their branches implanted in a vassal country, where salaries increased, to be delocalized in the emerging countries where salaries are less impressive and whose plus-labor (surplus-value) is consequent. This process can segment the industrial production line and bring the distribution of factories on several continents pulsing a new international division of the work. This process is underway for several years, since the transfer of machine-tools, robots and technologies; coupled with the reduction of the cost of transport; associated with the increase of schooling of the salaried workforce assured the increase of productivity in several underdeveloped countries.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Collapse of the industrial base

The whole economic process - bringing the shrinking of markets - the reduction of purchasing power of employees - the surplus of inventories to be destroyed to keep subsidiary the markets - invariably leads to closures of factories, which aggravates more the unemployment to which is added the problem of relocation of Western factories towards the East countries (phenomenon started in the 1970s) - towards the "Communist" China, particularly.

The Western governments, of municipal, provincial, national or multinational level, can’t do anything to prevent these increases of productivity that the monopolistic capitalist companies have long sought, these declines in transport costs and in consequence these transfers of factories and these increases of profits that are just the motor of economy.

We must always remember that the purpose of the functioning of monopolistic capitalist economy is not to provide for the social needs of the dependent populations, but to ensure the expanded reproduction of the economy (the method of production and exchange) leaning on the valorization of capital which requires the production of profits. That’s why we say that the industrial relocation is not the cause of the systemic economic crisis, but a consequence of this crisis of anemic profits.

Embellishing the convoluted austerity

Pay attention to the statistics, that the imperialist States and their research institutes produce and publish about inflation, the rise of prices, the increase on wages, incomes, unemployment, budget deficits and debt of households. Being completely unable to regulate these economic problems the state apparatus adjusts the statistics, modifies the parameters and changes the variables for the calculation of indices and publishes systematically erroneous data on the situation of economy. These convoluted statistics have become tools of propaganda to appease or disorient the anger of the employees. In Quebec recently the Finance Minister postponed one year the achievement of zero deficit (the fiscal balance between income and government spending). To achieve this he has forecast a growth of GDP of Quebec of 3.5% in 2016, which is ridiculous and mendacious. Even the obsequious bourgeois economists could not confirm this nonsense, and several have criticized the Minister thoroughly 81. Please note that in 2001 the National Assembly of Quebec adopted a prescriptive law that obliges the government to reach the balanced budget (deficit zero). This law has never been applied since it was adopted 82.

The same is for a law adopted in the blue Hall (called the Race Hall by the late fascist Premier Maurice Duplessis), which requires the struggle against poverty. Since then, the Police State has not stopped of attacking the poor without doing nothing against poverty. That’s why we affirm that the government budget, will be not in balance before many years - probably not before the anticipated next financial crash.

The debt explodes and the State implodes

Making every effort increased ceaselessly its helps to private companies, to keep them in its backyard; toiling to reduce the tax burdens of multinationals and thus to weaken its income of tax system; reaching the limit of the taxable loads to private individuals, workers, employees, to labor aristocrats and to surcharged petty bourgeois, the State of the rich hurried to borrow and to get into debt on the private bond market. Here is another way by which the State transfers the public money to the private capitalists. The bankers and financiers command the operation upstream and collect the savings downstream. They recommend the government loans, lend at high rates, lower the share of credit of the States and fraudulently manipulate the interest rates on loans, then lend and pocket the refunds burdened with strong interests 83. The sovereign debt of almost all industrialized countries (but also underdeveloped countries) is exorbitant, continue to increase and will never be able to be repaid ... that's for sure.

The capitalist States are living on credit. Terminated the Welfare State and its abundant manna - the crumbs sacrificed to working aristocrats and the pâté destined for accomplice petty bourgeois. The bankrupt States emit currency of junk, reducing the public spending and eliminating the services, this is what they call austerity. They increase their levies on the mass for indirect taxation and push away the state bankruptcy as in Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Spain and soon in many other countries.

Meanwhile, a model of the capitalist economy explains to the bureaucrats of péquiste government that Quebec can do better and run into debt towards bankers and plebeians. The former prime minister and former economist Jacques Parizeau explains that to make look more slender the sovereign debt of Quebec it is enough to change the accounting system, and instead of publishing the debt according to the concept of "raw debt”, or according to the concept of "net debt", he proposes on the contrary to calculate and publish it, according to the concept of the "sum of the accumulated deficit". If in addition, the government avoids as do the United States to use the strict accounting rule of IFRS (International Financial Reporting Standards) and adopts the US accounting convention - more accommodating - for the calculation of income, expenses, real estate and amortizations, he succeeds - on paper at least - in reducing the public debt from 117% to "only" 65% of Quebecois "national" GDP (sic). And this ,without having repaid a penny more to its creditors 84. Meanwhile the provincial public debt is estimated always about 300 billion dollars, but its relative "lightness" allows to hope to be more able to mortgage the future. Any country worldwide can use this accounting sleight turn to borrow more.

The Canadian sovereign raw debt has now reached the astronomical sum of 1.437 trillion dollars (2012). The debt of Quebec reached $ 300 billion, namely the 120% of the provincial GDP (2014). Combined with the federal debt, the public debt rises to about $38,000 by Quebecois with the addition of the personal debt of each individual. Needless to delay, the majority of employees will never be able to repay this public and private debt. The rich who would have the means to repay the State debt escape and expatriate in other countries as was in Germany in 1930, in Russia around 1989, and in Greece, Cyprus, Spain and France. That’s why we say that the Canadian currency will collapse and the government will get rid of its debts by devaluing the Canadian dollar, depreciating in proportion the savings, the pension funds, the commercial papers and the property values of all Canadians. And the same will happen in the United States and in all the countries

where rages the modern imperialism.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Welfare State

After having served for the development of capitalist economy in each Western imperialist countries, the Welfare State survived for a while in the imperialist competition between the Atlantic bloc and the social imperialist Soviet bloc, then between the NATO and the BRICS. The Welfare State yesterday still "generous" of its offerings for social workers, unemployed, NGO, government employees, the grateful aristocrat workers and the helpful petty-bourgeois, today they see to have the role of channeling the largest part of the State income directly to the pockets of billionaires, of the monopolist capital trying to block the trend decline of the average of profit rate, performance, therefore, impossible to be achieved.The Welfare State is now sacrificed, its social programs, what the reformists call their "social gains" are liquidated to release credits to subsidize the private company and pay the pensioners.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The austerity cannot save them

By political and financial measures so called "neoliberal" the State of the rich imperialists favorites the development of its nationalist phalanx of the big family of international capitalists. This State does not want nor can be used to inspect the financial monopolistic capitalists who manages and commands it. The bourgeois government can bite the hand which feeds. The bourgeois national Welfare State of the rich in Canada, France, the United States or in China cannot favor the employees of its own nation without incurring on retaliatory measures on behalf of the multinational bodies of the world imperialist governance. The stage of the so called "national" class struggle to come through its national Welfare State is past - here is the time of the international class struggle against the State of the globalized and world rich imperialists.

All measures and policies of austerity, established by municipalities and governments of industrialized countries, and also by those of underdeveloped countries, to overcome the crisis, have showed to be ineffective, irrelevant, or worse, have never been applied. Worse, often these austerity measures have contributed to worsen the economic, social and national political situation. Other measures suggested by the pseudo-left have never been adopted by the bourgeois governments at the service of the rich and for obvious reasons, because when have been applied, these measures have proved to be catastrophic (Argentina, Iceland, Bolivia).

No left and right reformist economist want admit it, but they do not know how to correct this system of political economy that goes downhill. They do not know even to predict what will happen in the consequences of the application of this or that poultice on this care, or what will happen if any measures of austerity are applied. They can’t do nothing but prolong the agony of this decrepit system.85

For each right reformist proposals of austerity there is a reformist counter-measure so-called "leftist". All these measures have been tried. All have failed, because none attacks the deep causes of the economic systemic crisis, none have yielded the expected results. Or else the employees are duped and the working class adheres to these canard reformists who claim to solve the international and global systemic economic crisis through some tricks of magician against freeloaders and doers, planned by the governors of politicians barkers. Either, the working class resists the austerity measures which are imposed and return these petty bourgeois good talkers, union bureaucrats and big monopolistic capitalists to their hackneyed economic nonsense No country in the world is shielded from the systemic economic crisis, that’s why we assert that there is no national solution to get out of the world systemic economic crisis, to get out of the system of imperialist political economy.

____________________________________________________________

Austerity measures

Tax Tobin on the stock-exchange and financial transactions.- Legislate to forbid the tax havens and counter the tax evasion. - legislate against the speculation on the Stock Exchange and the financial embezzlement. - Increase the taxes and levies of the private individuals. - Reduce the taxes and the fees of companies to assure the recovery. - Increase the prices. - Freeze the prices and salaries. - Reduce the minimum wage- Raise the price lists for public services.-Increase the energy price. - Increase the contributions in the unemployment insurance and reduce the services. - Reduce the quantity of currency available on markets. - Reduce the consumer credit. - Restrict the accessibility to mortgage loans. - Increase the interest rates on loans. - Adopt a law forcing the balanced and fiscal budget. - Compress the pension plans. - Increase the productivity of the employees. - Raise the tariff barriers to protect the national market.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In front of austerity measures

To invoke benefits from austerity measures of left and of right; implore the compassion of the rich so that they apply the austerity policies to get out from the economic chaos. Then, to snivel because the politicians who administer the State power with the permission of the capitalists, can’t do otherwise than they already do, that is, to determine the bankruptcy of State and of impoverished employees. The impregnable laws of the capitalist economy enforce them always more in the global and world systemic crisis and if the monopolistic capitalists could overcome the crisis, they would.do it.

The alternative is to lead, everyone in his workforce, in his social means, in his neighborhood, in his city and in his country the struggle of class resistance against each austerity measure that affects workers, students, unemployed; against the increases of rents and against the expulsions from residences and housing; against the increase of the price lists of electricity; against the increase of the price lists of the public

transportation or other public service; for the increase of subsidies to the social housing; against the gentrifying of working districts; against the stop of mail service and the rises in prices; for the right to post, to demonstrate, to express oneself; reject the propaganda of the bourgeoisie which tries to divide and isolate us and lead the information through social media; refuse to play the informers of fraudsters (the monopolist capitalist billionaires are fraudsters besides being spoilers); refuse the increase of rates for kindergartens; fight the chauvinistic and xenophobic chart of the anti-working exclusion; to strike when the employer undermines our rights and our freedoms, every time violates the collective agreement signed, or who refuses to pay the salary that workers found them reasonable; hold picketing lines to stop the access to the factory to the reactionary strikebreakers "Scabs"; support the working strikes; show our working-employed unit and immigrant workers all the year and on May Day particularly; to oppose the privatization of all public enterprise of all public service; refuse their oil and gas oil pipelines, their line of high-voltage electricity and their nuclear energy of polluting insecurity; oppose the deterioration of public services; denounce the pollution and devastation of the environment and dismiss the mafia politicians and the crooked policemen.

This does not belong at all to us proletarians, workers, unemployed, pensioners, students, artisans, social assisted and poor to find solutions to the failure of their economic-political decadent system, system on which we have no grip and that we can never operate differently than in the planned way - that is, to enhance the capital - amass the greatest of dividends and incomes in favor of the rich and thus to ensure the expanded reproduction of monopolist private capital that throws us in the storm. We must build a new method of production - a planned method of production done by the working woman and man for the benefit of the employed man and woman.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Accumulation and concentration of wealth

The 10 % richest of the planet hold the 86 % of the world wealth. The 1 % wealthiest concentrate the 46 % of the global heritage. There is actually a concentration of the wealth in a small number of monopolistic hands 86. In France for example we observe a strong degree of concentration and monopolistic accumulation of the productive capital: "one thousand companies of more than one thousand employees (3,4 million workers) produce about 50 % of the GDP(GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT); while at the bottom of the industrial scale, one million of companies with less than ten employees (3,4 million workers, too) have a precarious existence." 87. The proportions are the same in the United States and in Canada.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The purpose of the method of imperialist production

It seems superfluous to be involved in controversy about the purpose of the system of capitalist political economy. Nevertheless, this question is at the heart of the fundamental contradiction which, like a cancer, eats away the method of modern imperialist production.

Basing on a superficial reading of the classics a clan of exegetes supports that the purpose of the capitalism, including at its imperialist stage, is to hoard and to accumulate the most possible capital. In other words, what would make the billionaires salivate, would be the accumulation in their hands of the biggest conceivable fortune. According to these coryphaei, the application of this law would lead to the accumulation and concentration of the capital in the hands of some privileged persons, private individuals and privileged private companies.

It would seem that the debate is closed and that the Gordian knot is definite. The purpose of the process of imperialist, economic development would be just the accumulation. Consequently, the fundamental dialectical contradiction of the capitalist system should see in confrontation the strengths of accumulation opposing the strengths that are preventing the accumulation of capital and wealth. This main contradiction would lead to the succession of the systemic economic crisis that we know for a long time and, possibly, the collapse of the method of imperialist production unable to accumulate and concentrate more capital.

The economic, financial and banking events contradict nevertheless this postulate. If the purpose of the imperialist system is to accumulate and, if the accumulation and concentration do not weaken, then we should undergo no systemic, economic crisis of the modern imperialism. Certainly, we could observe many social difficulties, a great deal of spite and labor anger, the increase of the poverty, but we should observe no economic crisis of an imperialist system pursuing inexorably its step forward pushed by its venality to accumulate.

Nevertheless, just as the accumulation and concentration of the capital are the most phenomenal of the world history, never the crisis of the system was so deep and severe, finalized to threaten to take the whole scaffold - grant holder, banker, financier - shaky, insecure and decadent.

Many economists, presenting the hypothesis that the imperialist system of accumulation will destroy soon big quantities of resources and means of production: "So that the capital could raise its rate of average profit and resume its process of valuation and accumulation, two complementary conditions owe be gathered beyond the preservation of the financial system : first condition, to destroy a lot of capital, not only under their financial forms, but also under their forms realized to reduce "the surplus" and also to be able to reconstruct a system of production which allows - second condition - to increase the rate of exploitation (pl / Cv ) while to reduce the organic composition of the capital is, today, only a secondary possibility" 88.

In a century (1914-2014), not less than two world wars (1914-1918, 1939-1945) and some multinational wars (on 1950-1953, 1954-1975, 1991-2001 and 2003-2011) in addition of tens of local wars caused immense destructions of resources, productive strengths and means of production, destruction of capital ultimately 89.

Each of these disasters (for the sacrificed workers and the immolated peoples) relaunched the process of valuation and accumulation and stimulated the process of widened reproduction of capital by reducing temporarily its organic composition ( Cc / Cv) and inverting sporadically the downward trend of the profit rates, two vectors which hinder the widened reproduction of capital.

The monopolistic capitalist class is incited to venture into a new labor holocaust in order to destroy a big part of the stored resources, the gathered means of production, the unused productive strengths, as many capital accumulated, but paralyzed (unproductive), to assure the resumption of the process of widened reproduction of capital by doping temporarily the profit rates. Whether they like it or not, the imperialists will have to plunder a big part of humanity if they wish to restart their dying method of production.

Many reformists thinking, like their utopian predecessors and as well as Mrs. Christine Lagarde of the IMF(INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND), that the capitalist social and economic system is an excellent economic regime, but suffering a big torment, which it is perfectly possible to correct, they say. The solution, to relaunch the imperialism in crisis, would be “More distributive justice for more growth" they stutter all in chorus: "the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will continue to press in favor of goods and public services of quality, the priority being the protection and the increase of welfare expenditures to reduce the poverty and the exclusion, assured Christine Lagarde" 90. According to these plutocrats, it is up to the bourgeois democratic State, allegedly positioned above the fray of the class struggle, to assure a better distribution of the fruits of capitalist accumulation. According to these capitalist churchwardens, the Robin Hood of modern times has to steal some deniers to the financiers to give it to the underprivileged persons and distribute more to aggressive petty bourgeois and then we all shall live in Nirvana. Less accumulation and more equity here is the panacea. Obviously, if this "solution" functioned, this would know.

This utopian postulate ensues logically from the previous precept in which the purpose of the capitalist system would be the accumulation and concentration of the capital rather than their reinvestment for a new cycle of widened reproduction. Nevertheless, if there is at present a systemic crisis of the imperialism is not due to a deficiency of the process of accumulation (which goes very well), but to the contingencies of the widened reproduction of the capital. The capital does not know how to engender any more surplus-value in sufficient amount, here is the spring of the endemic and systemic economic crisis.

The systemic economic crisis is not due to the financial excesses of a "neo-liberal" policy but just to a downward trend of the profit rate caused by the organic composition of the capital, more and more unfavorable, which causes a phenomenon of over-accumulation of reserves and goods and the under-consumption of these stored goods; aggravated by a hyper-profusion of unused financial capital, therefore worthless goods, of the dead capital, of the monkey currency.From 2008, beyond the rescue of financial system which States were in the obligation to undertake urgently, it is necessary to examine how the capitalists and their State employees worked to raise the profit rate in the concrete situation of the obsolescent imperialism.

"With the crisis, the laws of market act blindly. The constant capital is depreciated. Ailing companies can be acquired at a low price. The prices of raw materials collapse. The

salaries are flattened under the pressure of a massive unemployment. There are factors favorable to a recovery of the profit rate. Nevertheless, these are limited, because, at the same time as these phenomena occur, the organic composition ( Cc / Cv) remains high because the importance of the fixed capital remains dominating, because the consumption decreases at the same time as the amount of alive work used. A strong destruction of capital marked by debts not paid off, by bankruptcies, by plant closures is evidently much more effective to raise the profit rate" 91. What is the interest to reaffirm the purpose of the method of modern imperialist production? For the Revolutionary Labor Party (PRO) this unavoidable law of the imperialist economy is crucial, because it indicates that there are not so much statistics about the accumulation and concentration of the capital between some fabulously rich hands which we have to observe and analyze carefully to understand the sticking and the imminent collapse of the method of declining imperialist production but just the indices carrying the slowing down and the breathlessness of the process of widened production of the surplus-value and of profits, and the difficulties which it causes not in the accumulation, but in the productive reinvestment of the capital. The political actions and the economic resistance of the Partisans of PRO do not have to lead the workers to complain for obtaining a "fair" redistribution of money, capital and the profits to the advantage of deprived, but to turn to the paralysis of the productive apparatus. Less surplus-value and profits mean less productive capital to reinject in the process of widened reproduction and at the end the inevitable bankruptcy and the inevitable collapse of the whole imperialist system.The communists are not envious about the wealth of billionaires. The communists understand simply that the method of production and the social imperialist system which immortalize this injustice to be stopped of evolving and it turns off furiously in war and torment. It is time we lead it to her grave.

In brief, the method of modern imperialist production cannot to continue to develop according to these axioms, these postulates and these inherent laws of functioning. It is futile to try of reviving or reforming it. This system has engaged for several years in a catastrophic spiral and nobody can survive it. One day will be the moment where will be necessary to give him the coup de grace and to finish the horrible beast, what constitutes the mission of the proletariat.

Chapter five. Class struggle in the political authority

States and imperialist nations The modern imperialism is not especially reduced from the hegemonic policy of a superpower or of another one. The modern imperialism is the method of capitalist production pushed to its extreme limit. Nowadays, every country on earth is subjected to the method of production and to the modern imperialist relationships of production.

Every State apparatus manages and controls a country governed and intgrated into the system of imperialist political economy; either if this State is dominant, economically developed; or if this State is dominated and subjected, but it is always integrated into an imperialist alliance or in another one and to the whole inextricable imbricated interrelations which give to every State its role and its function in the international division of the global and world imperialist work.

The imperialist State gathers the General staff of the national ruling class subjected to the authority of the fragment of bourgeois class which manages ultimately the whole society. In the imperialist society, the financial monopolistic capitalists are hegemonic and manage each fractions of the ruling class. The modern imperialist State is inclined to play the parliamentary democratic option if this electoral play of musical chair never questions the economic, political and ideological functioning of the imperialist society.

In the case in which a political formation would question any founding principle of the capitalist society, the permanent State apparatus - this apparatus of senior officials and officials who are embedded in their post office whereas the ephemeral politicians pass and die – will have determined immediately to return the order, that is to say, to move away the spoilsports of arcane power and restore the "justice of the rich" and the imperialist legality. Every militant worker understands this consciously and that’s why he lets bray the petty-bourgeois flatterers showing their pointless ridiculous ballots. A fundamental law of the method of production and the imperialist relationships of production - a law unwritten and not voted by any assembly-, but which transcends all the charters of the rights and the city freedoms and all the legal rules - stipulates that: the economic power of capitalists and the political power of the bourgeoisie are not threatened nor abolished and failing this they will be restored and imposed with all the weight of the law by the military junta. Being understood, that the army is to the service of the rich even in Egypt, Tunisia, Turkey, Syria and in the United States ! Whatever is the size of the country or the economic power of a bourgeois State, since this State and its ruling class submit the workers to the paid employment and to the private appropriation of the surplus-value, the means of production and exchanges, this capitalist State becomes integrated totally into the world imperialist system, within one of the international alliances, to play a specific role in the process of simple production and widened reproduction, according to the current international division of labor.

From this point of view, Switzerland, Luxembourg, Singapore, Haiti and Canada are convincing examples of this systemic imperialist integration. These are imperialist countries in the same way as the United States, France or China, but, showing an often modest power. The term imperialism does not mean "political powerful of military aggression" as Kautsky claimed, but integration to the globalized and internationalized systemic political economy.

Third way of the "non-aligned" According to the revisionist theory of three worlds, continuation of the Khrushchev's revisionist theory of the peaceful coexistence, appendix of the Kautsky's revisionist theory

of hyper-imperialism, an outfit of country would live under the third system of political economy. These countries would be neither socialist nor capitalist-imperialist, but rather "non-aligned" countries living in the Third-.World "not aligned" political economy (sic). The Maoists even claim that these countries would represent the world countryside surrounding the world urban areas distributed in the Western imperialist countries. These sophisms result from the thought of Mao Tse Toung and from the theory of Deng Xiaoping broadcasted in the end of the seventies and again proclaimed by the national popular Assembly of the People's Republic of China met in consultative Conference in Beijing on September 27th 1997 92.

It is important to remember that in 1955 Zhou Enlai ( China), Soekarno ( Indonesia), Nehru (India), Tito (Yugoslavia), Nasser (Egypt) and the prince Norodom Sihanouk (Cambodia) as well as the representatives of 29 countries met in Bandung, Indonesia, to promote this third way, that of the "non-aligned", that of a "third world", in double refusal of the socialist camp and imperialist camp as if there was on Earth a third system of political economy 93. Note that this Indonesian meeting of the "non-aligned" countries arose ten years before the night of "Gestapo". On September 30th, 1965, a million farmers and workers, members of the PKI (Indonesian communist Party) were murdered by the "not aligned" Indonesian army under supervision of the very aligned CIA 94.

Nobody succeeds in describing this new method of production, this new political economy who would be neither an imperialist, nor social imperialist, nor socialist, from the so called "not aligned" countries. What would be the method of production and what would be the relationships of production prevailing in this third world to which the Maoists dreamed a few years before the neoconservative Samuel Huntington presents his theory of the conflict of civilizations separating the sky and the Earth like Georges W. Bush and Osama Ben Ladin, the crusaders on one side and the godless to be killed of the other side and vice versa. Just in the middle of this free-for-all would be held the limbs, oasis beggars too small or too poor to be invited to the table of clichés, unworthy entities of the conflict of civilizations 95.

Now that the Soviet social-imperialism collapsed, the mysticism of non-alignment still has some good years in front of her, since because the XVIth Summit of the so called not aligned countries gathered 120 States in Tehran, in August 2012 96. There was everything in this variegated assembly, except "non-aligned" countries. Egypt, under American guardianship, was next to Saudi Arabia under feudal monarchy also belonging to the American camp. Ivory Coast under French domination was next to the Cameroonian and Malian neo-colony (which will undergo the occupation of ‘Françafrique’, a few months later), and India sitting in front of South Africa, a few days before the armies of these two reactionary countries massacre dozens their underpaid workers 97.

Which of these 120 countries was not or is not anymore governed by the method of production and the relationships of imperialist production? Which of these 120 peoples did not suffer under globalized imperialist domination with the accommodating complicity of his leaders at the same time dominant (locally) and dominated (vis-à-vis their supervisory power)? What remains of this utopian way of "non-aligned - Cultural New World - theory of

three worlds and Clash of civilizations"?. Where are the countries which are not subjected to an imperialist power or which despoils no other capitalist country?

Nowadays, all the countries of globe are subjected to an unique system of political economy. They are all subjected to the laws of the imperialist market that the economist J.K. Galbraith presents in this way: "The market economy is gladly described as an old inheritance. In this particular case, it is a swindle, or more exactly an error commonly accepted. Too many people learn the economy in textbooks which still maintain the dogmas of the competitive production of the properties and services and the capacity to buy freely. In fact, there may be one or a few fairly powerful and persuasive sellers to determine what people buy, eat and drink" 98.

In forty years the economic, ideological and geopolitical horizon cleared up and if the world Is always bipolar, it no longer opposes the system of American imperialism against the system of Soviet social-imperialism, but it opposes henceforth the world of the socialized work, without power, but hopeful, to the world of the private, monopolistic, anarchic, chaotic, omnipotent, decadent and desperate financial capital. Among both, a coterie of minions selling their services either to the French imperialists, to the British imperialists, to the Japanese imperialists, to the American imperialists, to the Russian imperialists, to the Chinese imperialists. Some "labor nationalists" would like that the proletarian class sacrifices his life "to release" these plenipotentiary servants from the yoke of their authoritarian masters.

There is no longer any intermediate stage, any people's democracy, no bourgeois struggle of national liberation, between here and now, and the new society which calls the oppressed and alienated proletarians to go out of hell of the capital, from the yoke of an imperialist alliance or of another 99.

May 1968, the new social contract Now we examine the articulation of the balance of power between each social classes in the three authorities of the class struggle through the examination of the student social crisis in an imperialist nation State at the end of the sixties. These events are important because it were a turning point in the social evolution after the Second World War.

In France, in the Western Europe, in Canada, after the movement of May 68, many opportunist organizations made the reformist report, that the student revolt, arisen just in the middle of a period of imperialist economic and cultural expansion, found their explanations in the upheavals of the ideological and cultural superstructure and not in the transformations of economic infrastructure and the deployment of the contradictions of the modern imperialist relationships of production. The multiplication of university graduates concomitant with the decrease of post offices and jobs in the hypertrophied tertiary superstructure caused this spontaneous anger of the students.

Just to force the avenues of the pyramidal social advancement and obtain their "fair share" of profits from the exploitation of the working class and the despoilment of the neo-colonies that the students of advanced capitalist countries played up their elders during this troubled May 100.

An economic process of adjustment of the industrial infrastructure and the administrative and governmental (tertiary) superstructure, by the relocation of the factories of the United States in direction of Europe and Asia (Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong-Kong, Singapore), as well as a reorganization of the superstructure of exploitation of the neo-colonized countries settled temporarily this paradox and returned a relative prosperity accompanied with the social peace. At that time, some bourgeois economists estimated that the United States industry settled in the Western Europe formed the second world economic power.

The social movements of May 1968 in France, Europe and America ended for a reserved social "peace", result of a new social pact signed between the labor-union bureaucracy and the Councils of Ministers of the western Governments under the collusive eye of organizations and political parties of the plural and disguised left. This social pact will last thirty years (1970-2000) 101.

Subsequently to the economic crises of 2001 and 2008, which did not stop for plundering the economy, the capitalist class of industrialized countries has torn this social pact and thrown, in a joint way, repeated assaults against the workers and the social groups of the Western countries, while reorienting its investments in the direction of emergent Asia and tomorrow in the direction of divergent Africa.

The class of the monopolistic capitalists intensifies and accelerates the process of relocation of the industries with strong coefficient of workforce – significant variable capital (Cv) – to low value-added (because of a low mechanization) and thus to strong absolute surplus-value. We note however that this process of overexploitation of the laborpower reaches its term and requires considerable efforts to be profitable.

It was the same for a part of factories with strong coefficient of constant capital (Cc), innovative, automated and robotized industries which were relocated towards emerging countries. The monopolistic capitalist class of the ascending countries (China, South Korea, India, Taiwan, Indonesia, Iran) took advantage of this movement to become integrated into the dominant imperialism and, as regards China, to carve out a place at the top of the world ranking 102.

To remain on the ground of the objective difficulties which meets the bourgeoisie to reproduce the capital and, with him, the imperialist society, it is necessary to notice the exhaustion of the downward counter-trends for the profit rate which it was able to implement in these last twenty years 103.

We know three main measures implemented by the imperialist States and the monopolistic companies: - The increase of the exploitation rate of labor by the casualization of jobs and conditions

of employment; - The globalization of the business and the industrial production which allowed the segmentation and the outsourcing of production, the expansion of exchanges and business, contributing to the reduction of salaries;

- The hypertrophy of credit which doped the business, in particular by supporting artificially the request in the declining imperialist countries, the main consumers of the planet.

The current crisis, begun in 2008, marks the end of the "beneficial" effects of this counter-trend system which has been called neoliberalism while it had nothing as liberal. This crisis answered the sticking of "Fordism-Taylorism" methods opened in the 1970s showing the limits met by the increase of the relative surplus-value (pl). The monopolistic bourgeoisie answered by an intense offensive to increase the absolute surplus-value and to lower the relative salaries (deducted inflation) and even, in several countries, reduce the absolute salaries. The massive doping of markets by the unbridled credit brought only a temporary remission as well as we can notice by the breathlessness of the financial system.

Concerning the "beneficial" effects of the globalization-internationalization of the imperialist economy, they deplete inexorably The pursuit of the reductions in production costs collides with the wages already extremely low and with the popular uprisings against the poverty, against the imperialism, and against the grave ecological damages which the bourgeoisie begins to take into account sporadically, at least as far as it can be a victim, or worse, as far as these cataclysms have a severe impact on production costs and thus on valuation of capital.

This bleak picture does not mean that the decadent imperialism is going to collapse formerly without the revolutionary class shoots it consciously. It shows only that the implemented means are not enough to relaunch the valuation of capital, hence the commitment of the main imperialist States to save the financial system with thousand billion dollars and to supply in the capital the surplus-value which it demands.

The corporatist State

It is not fortuitous that in developed countries as France and Canada, the State supplies almost half of very modest income of an ordinary proletarian and more for a sub-proletarian. Silently, in the whole imperialist societies we are going towards the transformation of the bourgeois liberal State in corporatist imperialist State. We notice this process by the acceleration of the trend to the taking control by the State of the maintenance and reproduction of labor power 104. The imperialist State assures a growing part of the income of workers, through the benefits of indirect income and even by the direct wage (The State is often the biggest national

employer), eroding these incomes as much as it can make so much both by the degradation of the social-security benefits, the reduction of health and educational services, and by increasing the taxes which pay even the poor people. In France, the basic levy passed to 12,1 % in about twenty years while the employers' contribution "to the financing of the social welfare passed from 44 % of total in 1981 to 37 % in 2006". We could make the same report for all the big imperialist countries worldwide 105.

We are far from the so-called disengagement of the neoliberal State of which the lefts of any sorts fold our ears. It's just the opposite. We saw the extent of commitment of the State of rich as regards the rescue of banks and institutions of the financial sector. We see this now in the restructuring of production relationships and in the taking control of an increasing part of the labor and sub-proletarian income, that is to say in the maintenance and reproduction of labor power.

There is a narrow correlation between the increased intervention of State in the management of the flexibility of employees, the workstation and the task and in the fact that the imperialist State is the representative and agent of the global capital. Today, the interest of every particular capitalist is directly dependent on general conditions of the valuation of capital, which are the State affair, the great financier and the general coordinator. In globalized capital (following the extinction of the personal, family and clan private property of the means of production), corresponds the management globalized by the State of the oligarchies. The link is henceforth organic between the corporatist State and the capitalist monopolistic class as well in the dominant imperialist countries as in the dominated imperialist countries.

The surplus-value is increased by the reduction in the cost of salaries. The State finances this decrease by the reduction in social security contributions and compulsory levies paid by companies, and, on the other hand, by taking care itself to pay a growing part of the workers’ income, income which it compresses at the same time by favoring the precarious work, by decreasing the amount of the social-security benefits and increasing the compulsory levies for the employee.

So the maintenance and reproduction of labor power are more and more assured by the corporatist State, whereas the use of this force and the accumulation of the limited profit in the hands of every particular capitalist. By means of the increase of national debt, the levies and the indirect taxes is finally the working taxpayer who subsidizes the increasing reduction in the salaried labor cost from which the capitalists benefit. This here is not only a height of exploitation and impoverishment, but also an obvious budget deficit for the corporatist State 106.

Marx pointed out this in The Capital: "The more the work gains in resources and in power… the more the condition of existence of the employee, the sale of its strength, becomes precarious … It is just this law which establishes a fatal correlation between the accumulation of capital and the accumulation of poverty" 107.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The State under modern imperialism

The State, said Lenin, is a machine intended to maintain the domination of a class on another one. The capitalist State is the board of directors or the general staff of the ruling class - the financial upper middle class. The bourgeois State maintains the domination of the capitalist class on the proletarian class and on all other classes and fraction of classes of the bourgeois society 108. In the conditions of aggravated imperialist crisis, the role of the corporatist and police State is essential, because there is only this State which has the coercive strength to impose to the proletarians and to all the employees the upheavals which will aggravate their living conditions (of reproduction of labor power) and their conditions of exploitation in the work, the stake were to obtain an extortion of additional surplus-value (absolute, relative or extra surplus-value) while the productivity was already advanced at the most.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

From Welfare State to police State

Under the method of modern imperialist production, in global and world phase, the State is in some cases considered as providential, impartial, charitable, interventionist and sometimes is qualified as damned, partial, biased, narrow-minded, repressive and non-interventionist. The State is sometimes stigmatized as "dictatorial" and sometimes as "neo-liberal" - understand that it is then presented as favorable to the deregulation and to the non-intervention in the economic, monetary, stock-exchange, financial affairs of the capitalists. The State is also qualified as interventionist, as stickler in its regulations and socialist in his interventions towards the employees. Nevertheless, it concerns always the same bourgeois State totally checked by the ruling class whose governance is entrusted most of the time to representatives of the lower and middle class.

When the system of political economy is in systemic crisis, increases the rate of profit and surplus-value, becomes a problem which concerns in proportion every capitalist that he is not to be the one that will be eliminated by the inter-capitalist class war, but rather being the one that will keep the best ability to reproduce. This problem concerns the bourgeois State, the General staff of the capitalist class.

The States must, indeed, contribute to reproduce the societies that they organize and thus in bourgeois-imperialist society they have to try to maintain the productive and profitable capital, and to maintain the jobs, unique source of surplus-value and also to support the financial centers where flow the profits of multinationals. The crisis sharpens in this way the inter-imperialist competition carried to a summit of pugnacity at the same time as it favors a greater concentration of the monopolistic capital. The concentration of capital was

not the objective, but the resultant of the exacerbated monopolistic competition and one of its required conditions.

And to win this class war in favor of the capitalists - as long as does not degenerate into military confrontation - the priority is to increase the rate of exploitation of the working class, to modify the old relationships of production, became obsolete, to adapt them to the new conditions of widened reproduction of the capital.

The extraction of the relative surplus-value constitutes a method of exploitation relatively painless, because the increase of surplus-value appears as resulting from the improvement of the machinery, thus from which seems to be the "contribution" of the capital. Furthermore, as these profits of productivity induce a massive production and lower the prices of goods, they can allow, in a phase of economic growth, to abandon some crumbs to the workers and to increase a little their purchasing power reducing their working time 109.

On the other hand, the extraction of absolute surplus-value in which commits the modern monopolistic capitalism is a much more clear form of exploitation; the increase of the extraction of surplus-value (called increase of productivity by the bosses and their accomplices) appears clearly as resulting completely from the contribution of the paid work. The labor working time is lengthened, intensified, made flexible, and, even worse, less remunerated. A greater violence of State will thus be needed to impose the destruction of "social benefits" by persuading that it is necessary to prioritize the relaunching of the employment, what justifies the application of radical measures of exploitation of the proletariat. These transformations of social relationships, for a long time begun, are stressed within the framework of the crisis triggered in 2008.

To reach there, the capitalist State will have to abandon its last democratic rags and become openly mercenary, "neo-liberal" and totalitarian. This process is already in progress. The bourgeois State will also have to play its hegemony to try to weld the people – that will qualify as "nation which wants to reconquer its heritage" - behind him in the battles and wars which will multiply between rival imperialist alliances for the domination and monopolization of the world wealth.

To do it, the State will strive to reveal the competition between monopolistic capitalists as a competition among peoples, or between the dominated sovereign "nations" and the dominant, exploiters and oppressive "nations". The nation and the French people will be called to resist the nation and the dominant German people and to isolate itself behind the borders of the invaded "homeland". The Quebec nation will be invited to separate from the rest of Canada so that the monopolistic Quebec capitalists sign directly free trade agreements with the Canadian, European and American imperialists and monopolize the oil and gas resources.

The American "nation" and American people will be invited to close their borders to immigrants and foreign products while the national industry is incapable to relaunch the production of heavy industrial equipment allowing to produce machines and industrial

robots necessary for the manufacture of goods in series, to meet the needs of the market. In brief, the peoples will be invited to sacrifice themselves for the safety of their "homeland" in danger as the bourgeoisie proposed them many times in past, to each systemic crises of the imperialist method of production.

These terrorist wars among capitalists are already presented as civilizing missions that aim at imposing "human rights" and the capitalist "democracy" 110.

The progressive State is a utopia provided by the prostrate reformist left in order to obscure the labor consciousness in the decisive struggles which will have to lead during the next years. That’s why it is advisable to attack first and foremost by showing where lead all the policies which advocate of reinforcing the State and State intervention.

These appeals to State interventionism and this whining compared with the decay of "Welfare State" had and will have multiple consequences on the class struggle of proletariat. At first, to reinforce the State totalitarianism implies an open and rough repression against the working class, the students and immigrants and here the difficulty is to understand that it is about the bourgeois State, whatever is the party and the faction which rules the government in power.

The reformists of any quality, particularly the petty bourgeois of the "progressive" left, groan about the stingy State which grants them no support, less and less subsidies, always less benefits, while the social programs pass under the gantlet of the “liberticidal" State which pushes the outrage until transfer these saved funds directly in the fobs of billionaires, starved for profits.

The astonished leftists shout as boors against the State which betrayed them. Not at all, the State was "providential" when it came for assuring the expansion of markets and the conquest of new zones of exploitation of labor power to guarantee the vast reproduction of capital. The same State becomes police when it comes to repress the rebel workers and their allies (employees, pensioners, students, immigrants), all resistant to safeguard their purchasing power and their working conditions sacrificed on the altar of the productivity and decimated profit.

The State disengagement of the economic activity and public assistance is completely mythical. On the contrary, we attend in most of the imperialist countries, according to the deepening of the systemic crisis, the taking control by the corporatist State, of the maintenance of the working class and lumpen-proletarians, not to mention the modifications which intervene in the State, legal and media superstructure. All this contributes to build a corporatist and police State apparatus. Where from the antiphon hammered day after day by their sycophants: the only possible variable of adjustment for companies consists in reducing the wage costs by the increase of productivity, what calls a common and drastic solution in all the imperialist countries, rich and less rich, the global reduction of the social and tax costs of the companies, already strongly weakened. Today, in many countries the salaries enter only at the level of 60 % the composition of the household income. This means that 40 % of income of an average or poor household coming from the State. Nevertheless, in absolute these transfers to households are

constantly reduced in addition to undergoing the inflation on prices and the speculation on the currencies. However, the proportions are more important today than at the time of Welfare State (!).

The strengthening of the role of corporatist State in the crisis produces only destructions and disasters not only for the proletarians, but also for the communities and popular groups (employees, immigrants, pensioners, students, beggars). But if the crisis is resolved only by destructions, why do not to choose to destroy the capitalism? We can, and need be no reforms nor other valid solution is possible. It is necessary to understand that what urges the capital to destroy so many resources and wealth, means of production, goods, contains also the conditions of the destruction of capital, the abolition of the private appropriation of the means of production. The systemic crisis reveals how these conditions are mature. It is up to Partisans of Revolutionary Labor Party to work to demonstrate this: what leads to the worst disasters within the framework of a "renovated" capitalism, can lead to create a society of free and emancipated workers.

Class struggle against the corporatist State

The emergence of corporatist State modifies systematically the relationships of production, modifying the state, legal, fiscal, police and media superstructure, all this tending to mix into unique and same totalitarian and police apparatus. It is henceforth against the whole police State that the workers must be formed as class in revolt, and not only, by facing any particular capitalist. The imperative transformation of struggle of the working class from the economic authority towards the political authority nowhere this is not more evident than under the globalized imperialism, supervised by the corporatist and police States.

The Revolutionary Labor Party has to take all the measure of this reality and develop its opposition and uprising policies by taking into account this reactionary dynamics. Therefore, the proletarians have in front of them the capital, less as employers and particular bosses than as global master with the corporatist and police State as a planner and upper organizer of the monopolistic capitalist class. The State is under the blow and under the control of the financial monopolistic capitalist class which becomes the instrument of planning and organization of the repression and exploitation. It is even the evolution of the State imperialist monopolistic system that forces the proletariat, its allies and its party to concentrate all their efforts against the State with the aim of the conquest and ascendancy. And it will be made not certainly by the accumulation of the voting coupons that the bourgeoisie distributes to the deserving voters every five years, and more frequently in times of imminent crisis.

Fragments of the little and middle class annihilated by the big capital which will have bankrupt them, will advance to lead sporadic skirmishes of resistance so that restore them in their condition of capitalist parasites. Maybe the working class can be sympathetic to

these inter-capitalist disputes, but in any case has to enfeoff its her own activities - and its class anti-imperialist war to these episodic clashes.

Mass organization and trade union

Spontaneously the working class leads the class struggle on the economic front, in particular the striking struggle - because the State affects the pension plans; or transfer in multiple ways the weight of the economic crisis on the back of the workers; or allow to increase the prices of essential goods; or speculates on the currencies. The State reduces the services intended for the reproduction of labor-power while the capitalists hold the salaries strictly locked; whereas the minimum wage is maintained at so low level as certain workers are threatened to die in the work as condemned persons; while others accumulate two or three insecure, part-time jobs and badly paid just to make ends meet.

The working class is equipped with mass organizations to manage its class struggles, organizations which the big capital hurried to corrupt, to mislead and to indoctrinate to its service. Many labor unions became organizations of collusion with the bosses - drive belts for servants, responsible for maintaining the class struggle in acceptable ruts by capital. Their tasks are resumed on negotiating the sale price of the labor workforce and the other categories of employees and to identify the militant elements to deliver them to the legal (policemen and professional army) and illegal henchmen (private agencies of mercenaries, thugs, highwaymen, underworlds and security agencies) responsible for repressing the workers and their allies.

The working class does not need to build his Revolutionary Labor Party to bring to a successful conclusion the class struggles on the economic front. The working class leads this war in a spontaneous way and develops instinctively its class consciousness "in itself" - for the defense of its purchasing power and of conditions of reproduction of its labor power (pensions, social services, education, medical care, sports, culture and leisure activities).

The Revolutionary Labor Party is necessary to group, systematize, radicalize, but especially clarify the meaning of these scattered, sporadic, located struggles and bring them at an upper level, the level of the political authority, the level where the class is aware of its force “for itself". The class will become so aware of the limits of these economic struggles and of the imperative of overcoming them. Spontaneously, the Montreal and Quebec workers imagined the District Autonomous Popular Assemblies. These popular Assemblies group elements of various social classes. These aim at organizing the popular resistance in the districts. These organizations lead fights for the defense of the democratic rights (rights to demonstrate, to post, to hold meeting, to express, to get organized, freedom to think and even to practice its religion, etc.). These Assemblies organize the resistance against the increases of prices

in public services (transport, electricity, social rents). These assemblies organize the resistance against the demolition of little expensive housing, public buildings - hospitals and CLSC for example, and require the construction of social housing. These APAQ fights against the privatization or the pure and simple elimination of public services (public transportation, drinking water, health services, waste management, service of protection against the fires, the mail service, etc.) and fighting for the obtaining of green spaces, parks, bicycle paths, libraries, day nurseries, schools of closeness and food counters and many thrift stores where the working class must lead persisted resistance struggles to assure the reproduction of its labor power in acceptable conditions 111.

These struggles are directly linked to the struggles of resistance which leads the class on the economic front of the fight on the factory, on building sites, in the port and airports and workplaces in general.

The working class has to invest these organizations of militant struggle, and take the leadership. The class has to impose its class direction so that these mass organizations become at the convenient moment centers of organization of the proletarian uprising. Only the working class is revolutionary up to the end and only this class can and has to assume the leadership of these associations of social and popular fight in conjunction with the economic struggle in the factory as well as in coordination with the struggle on the political front in districts and municipalities. Not to seize the municipal power in the city hall, what would be futile before the proletarian social revolution, but to harden in the practical fight, on the ground, in preparation of the general uprising.

It's the same in the economic struggles for selling their labor power. The workers must imperatively lead and manage their striking struggles of wage claims and for better working conditions, but is not essential nor even advise that the communists seize the formal leadership of the bourgeois trade unions. This task will be achieved the same during the insurrectionary struggle, when the working class will demand a revolutionary leadership to lead it in its final fight. In the meantime, the participation of the activists of PRO in the popular labor-union and social struggles will aim strictly at proving their value in the class struggle, to acquire some useful experience, to identify and to accumulate new revolutionary strengths in anticipation of the uprising.

In spite of what precedes, the Revolutionary Labor Party never has to forget that his historical mission is much more strategic than to manage strikes, demonstrations, occupations or to show solidarity with the spontaneous struggles of the workers. Moreover, the Labor Party cannot show solidarity with the working class because it is integral part of the class - it does not show solidarity with oneself. In the economic sphere of the struggle, the mission of Revolutionary Labor Party is to publicize the local struggle, to feed and channel them towards the uprising by presenting the alternative of total takeover of the corporatist police State apparatus, then to assure the hegemony of the class on the whole expropriated public and private economy, not by the party of "popular masses", but by the party of the proletarian avant-garde. It are not the masses which make

the history, but the social classes, in particular the proletarian class under the modern imperialism.

The State and the media take infinite precautions to smoke out these struggles on the economic front and those who take place in the political authority. Here, one of the first missions of the Labor Party, to demonstrate the inmost organic relation which connects the struggles in the economic authority to those led in the political authority.

The State is presented by the whole clique of leftists as over the social classes - "the State of the public collective property", the just and impartial State, or then, the State unexpectedly compromised and corrupt, diverted from its historic mission by hostile individuals - parliament and government in primis, according to them, to be reconquered by the strength of ballot boxes and the power of the ballot papers in favor of the redressers of wrongs of the “rainbow” left.

Obviously, this homily strongly appreciated by the regimented media is widely diffused. This "has been" holds even "popular Assemblies" and "Summer schools" to allow their catechumens to admire the performances of these cacique leftists 112.

If inadvertently there is the idea of a fraction of the national bourgeoisie, not requested and not co-opted by the upper authorities of internationalized power, to settle as local referee of the interests of the big capital, without having obtained the approval of their financial master, it will be always time, as in the Chile with Allende, Venezuela with Chavez, Bolivia with Morales, Cuba with Castro, Congo with Lumumba, Algeria with Boumediene, Iran with Mossadegh, Ivory Coast with Gbagbo, Libya with Gaddafi and in many other neo-colonized countries in Africa, in Asia and in Latin America, to reverse these unwelcome pretenders by the force of weapons, by the power of democratic bourgeois" ballot boxes, by the commercial and financial embargo, by the infiltration in the State administration and to disgorge these shameless and careless nationalist liberators.

It is not up to Revolutionary Labor Party to organize the war of resistance and to pour the blood of the working class to maintain these nationalist capitalist balloons on the national throne to guarantee their role of agents of the global imperialism for the national business. The Revolutionary Labor Party has to take advantage of these tensions and these multiple conflicts between various capitalist factions to interfere among the parts, to fill up with energy, to accumulate revolutionary strengths ( hardened activists), take some experience in the class struggle and get ready to knock down them and to kick away at the same time the national capitalists (any orientations and any confused factions) and the representatives of the international imperialism, each in their country as contribution to the world antiimperialist struggle.

On the political front of class struggle the most important thing for the bourgeoisie is that never the proletariat is organized and managed for the conquest of State power, condition essential to its ascendancy for the construction of the method of socialist production. This frontline mission of treason, convoluted and risky, is completely devoted to an infinite stream of parties gathered in united fronts of the populist "left".

A political party, whatever it is and in spite of its universal claims, is never the party of a class or of a segment of class. The Revolutionary Labor Party is not an exception to the rule. It is not and cannot be the whole People's Party, nor the party of "popular masses" ; nor the party of the “middle and citizenship” classes. On the contrary, it is the party of the revolutionary avant-garde, representative of the working class. It is the party which militates and works in the interest of the people, because the interest of the people suits perfectly to that of the working class.

To conclude on the absolute necessity of the proletarian character of the Revolutionary Labor Party, we want to specify that an activist of the cause of communism does not have to linger ranting if is the idealism which engenders the dogmatism or the opposite… but, as said Lenin, he has to " make own this idea that the movement of historical dialectic imposes us to think about this fundamental principle of the Marxism wanting that only the political party of the working class, that is the communist party, is capable of grouping, educating and organizing the avant-garde of the proletariat and all the working masses. This avant-garde is only capable of resisting the inevitable petty bourgeois oscillations of these masses, the inevitable traditions and relapses of narrow corporatists or the corporatist prejudices in the proletariat, and to manage all the activities of the whole proletariat, that is manage him politically and by his intermediary, manage all the working masses."113.

Bourgeois democratic elections For the reformist political organizations, who commands the economic infrastructure as the brain commands the body of the citizen.is the political superstructure. Thus, according to leftists and reformists the evolution of the economic infrastructure obeys the decisions of the politicians, theorists, theologians and the wishes of citizens which it is enough to mobilize them in large numbers so that from their individual moral transformation and their personal meditation combined with the power of their "democratic" ballot, they impose their diktats to rifles, warrant officers, state employees (politicians and governmental executives) and to capitalists after all.

This sophism allows then to justify the sermonizing of the "utopian socialists" and the reformists who, patiently, try to convince the unstable and evanescent crowd to adhere to their program which, once applied - when the powerful capitalist class will have entrusted them the governance of parliamentary affairs – is just so catastrophic as that of their predecessors. Left, center or right of the political scene it's all the same, at the end the discouraged worker understands. This visionary proletarian decides then not to move on the occasion of the false elections, not to get involved any more in these electoral masquerades waiting for a day when a real revolutionary labor alternative will appear. It is then the role of the union bureaucrat, the unreliable politician, the catechumen reformist, the mystic leftist, the electoral revisionist to convince him to return to vote.

In the time of imperialism it is no longer appropriate to accredit the legitimacy of the bourgeois democratic process by participating in the elections organized by the capital to

disarm ideologically and politically the working class and make him accept and interiorize the bourgeois legality.

In many countries, the workers understood instinctively – for and against the advice of the petty bourgeoisie, follower of the parliamentary stupidity - that these electoral masquerades were only hypocrisies where the choice of unsubdued can never be understood or accepted. And even though a so called proletarian party seized the parliament of traders, industrial and financial bandits, it would give him no control over the police, the army, the universities, the means of production, marketing and communication, or on the justice system of the rich.

The worker who rejects any participation in the false elections is totally right to understand:

- that it is not in this way that its class will seize the State power and; - that its party will impose the nationalization without compensation of all the means of production, exchange and communication what will never be tolerated by the class of private capitalists.

To the petty bourgeoisie, union bureaucrats and thug reformists who share the bed of the police and his friends, everything was said about the elections of the bourgeoisie. We do not participate by presenting candidates, but we require that they must be maintained as symbol that the financial capitalists maintain their bourgeois democratic front, what they prefer until proved otherwise. During the First and Second World War, the totalitarian fascist States have started to conquer lands belonging to old imperialist metropolises and against the so called "democratic" imperialist States. Contrary to what some analysts claim, the monopolistic capitalist class does not wish these inter-imperialist global wars and tries of avoiding them. These wars are expensive, destroy wealth which belong to the imperialists, kill immense productive strengths, cut fuel supplies, raw materials and check, partially at least, the production of surplus-value and the mechanism of widened reproduction of capital. The monopolistic capitalists do not appreciate these upheavals, but they are forced by the inevitable laws of development of the economy. The monopolistic capitalist class noticed well that after each great world wars and even after the multinational wars contained and dammed as in Korea, in Vietnam and in the Middle East the imperialism emerged weakened sometimes to the point that whole countries would escape its hegemony (USSR, China, Eastern country, Vietnam, Korea, Cuba, Angola, etc.). The international monopolistic capitalist class learnt that the working class could take advantage of each these opportunities of weakening and of these inter-imperialist moments of tearing to seize the power, in one or in some particular countries. Fortunately for her, the inexperienced Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries have never known how to protect these advances of the workers and today everything is to be begun again.

However, the bourgeoisie knows that we observe it and that in the next occasion we shall restart and this time, richer for the past experiences, the communists will do better and we look forward successful the building of the socialist society.

Chapter six. Class struggle in the ideological authority

Fight on the ideological front

Classes and segments of class appear on the political scene to protest against the deterioration of their working and living conditions. The Greens, the eco-socialists, the anti-globalization activists, the rigid neo-liberals, the desperate "town civil society", the agitated Trotskyists, the overexcited anarchists, the pessimistic revisionists, the hysteric socialist nationalists, their jihadist-Islamist friends, the chauvinistic nationalists, all have hold the hands to perform their mission to misguide the working class so that never rises from the economic struggle towards the political struggle, then ideological, so that the proletarians never put the question of the revolution and the radical reversal of capital.

To schematize boorishly we can say that the class struggle begins in the economic authority, propagates in the political authority and invades in the ideological authority and this process gets tangled and continues indefatigably. It begins always on economic bases - on the production and exchange of the livelihoods of the contemporary human race. It is not to sin as "economism" to affirm this 114.

From the reversal of socialism in USSR, the working class has little presence in the political authority of the class struggle. So that this change may be possible, it is imperative to lead the class war on the ideological front. Because it is exactly on this theoretical – scientific.- ideological front that the bourgeoisie was initially focused its efforts to discredit and dismiss the Socialist labor alternative.

The monopolistic capitalist class already knows all and so that never its inflexible enemy, the working class, is expropriated and is separate from the power, it was necessary for him to commit the class struggle in support of the political front - in the ideological authority, that is to say, at a level of information and communications, on the front of the revolutionary theory, the scientific economic analysis, the understanding of the reasons of alienation and exploitation of the working class and its allies, the other employees. Without revolutionary theory there is no revolutionary party and no revolution.

This is the mission of the leftist intellectuals and the "progressive" petty-bourgeois with the task to compromise the labor movement and to parade the little respect that they have for the scientific socialism, the theory of revolution, the Marxist-Leninist methodology, always ready to revile the "narrow-minded" activist, distributing cheerfully the anathema of

"dogmatic" towards whoever defends the principles of the Marxism-Leninism which these prigs would want to swallow to the rank of old-fashion tools.

Unfortunately, the political and economic experiences of these revolutions were seized us by the infiltrated agents of the bourgeoisie. If today so much work remains to be made to reconstruct real revolutionary political parties, however, on the theoretical and ideological plan the integrity of competences and scientific knowledges bequeathed by the revolutionary theorists are within our reach. Many Partisans does not imagine the importance of this inheritance which constitutes at present the decisive factor for the progress of the socialist revolution 115.

This scientific knowledge allows us to observe, analyze, understand and foresee the evolution of the method of modern imperialist production. No economist, politician or bourgeois intellectual has such a scientific weapon. That’s why they roam here and there by pontificating about the future of Euro and the enrichment by the speculation on the currency. They speculate about the collapse of dollar and the disorganized explosion of credit or more about the implosion of the gargantuan sovereign debt. They ramble on about the benevolent banking system and about the catastrophic public finances. They analyze about the industry and economy in failure without understanding anything, without explaining anything, without foreseeing nothing else but the "recovery" which never comes. Some petty-bourgeois economists, so called progressive, implore the underling policies so that they do more compared to the past where has operated nothing and to help the private companies so that these can to come out the economy from the systemic crisis 116.

Of pseudo concepts which the eclectic idealists consider as "spontaneous", "creative", "original", "unpublished", "not dogmatic" and "not conformist", and even as “guides for the action " abound in their disturbed brain. This hotchpotch is enthusiastically resumed and spread by the media in the pay and they contaminate the thought of the activists of all the social classes, including the thought of the partisans of labor movement. That’s why the class struggle on the theoretical and ideological front is always so incisive and decisive.

This fight on the ideological front of the class struggle, the Revolutionary Labor Party begins first against all the organizations and revisionist, opportunist and reformist trends. The demarcation must be clear and obvious between all these bourgeois trends and the Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution, the unique guide for the action of Revolutionary Labor Party. Without victory of the Marxist-Leninist theory is impossible to hope for the victory of socialist revolution.

It is task of Partisan to seize this inheritance of theoretical loyalty and to study and, especially, to apply it concretely to the concrete situation of every resistant environment. Be careful, however, before trying to invent new theoretical precepts, allegedly creative, or to try to prevent the hundred-year-old scientific socialism in order to adjust any unique and singular situation. The Eurocommunism, the Maoism, the Titism have all demonstrated the dangerousness of the nationalist chauvinistic theses. Make sure not to involve in the swamp of the opportunism and reformism of the pseudo-revolutionary intellectuals and of many of their sycophants. Beware of the pedantic, ignorant and crypto-fascist literature.

To all those who wish to contribute for the conquest of State power under the hegemony of the proletariat, is requested to be afraid of deviating an inch from the teachings hardly

acquired by the revolutionary experience of our fathers of the Commune (1871), the October Bolshevik Revolution (1917) and the Liberation (1945). So that the class struggle in the economic, political and ideological authorities evolves each in a different rhythm, but in a concomitant and corresponding way, it is essential that the activists impose the democratic centralism and the dictatorship of proletariat at first in the Labor Party, then after the conquest of power on the whole proletariat State, and on the legal, police and military power as well as in the institutions of the economic power, then on the stewardships of the ideological authority.

The "people" is constituted by a mixture of classes and segments of classes such as the poor peasantry (only in neo-colonized countries, because there is no residue of the poor peasantry in Western imperialist regime), the craftsmen, the not monopolistic small shopkeepers, the labor aristocracy better paid and being able cheerfully to get into debt, the pedant petty bourgeoisie, a particularly confused class segment, mixture that the bourgeois ideologues call deceitfully the "middle class". From its social practice the petty bourgeoisie is an inexhaustible source of ideas, theories, idealistic - mystic - metaphysical - utopian - reactionaries - counter-revolutionaries concepts and it supplies, wave after wave, the contingents of idealistic soldiers whom the capital recruits in its relentless struggle against the army of dialectical materialistic class of proletariat 117.

The Revolutionary Labor Party organizes and manages the working class to which is grafted according to the particular situation component of people. However, the ideological and political directions of the struggle never have to be incumbent or be abandoned upon one or another of these allied components and they have to remain solidly in the hands of the proletarian revolutionary organization.

The revisionist over-determinism

The uneven, combined and out of step development of class struggle in the three economic - political - Ideological authorities will have as consequence that after the seizure of power by the working class at the political then economic level, the consciousness of the proletariat and of his allies will be printed by ideas, concepts, theories, idealistic, anti-scientific, narcissistic, individualistic, religious and counter-revolutionary prejudices derived directly from hundred years of social, economic, political and ideological bourgeois practices (education, formation, research, information, communication, leisure activities, arts and culture) and from thousands of years of religious proselytism. These ideas inherited from past, will not disappear as if by magic at the same time as will extinguish the bourgeois right, the private property of resources and means of production, exchanges and communication, at the same time as will arise the end of the private expropriation of the labor surplus-value.

It will take time, new social praxis, mew relationships of production derived from a new method of socialist production, before the mentalities, the customs, the ideas, the class consciousness, collective and individual, are totally transformed to adapt itself to the new method of socialist production. During this slow collective and individual transformation the

results of the bourgeois mystic and venal individualistic social relationships will be pithy, obsessive and always presents in the consciousness of people coming from the past.

The proletariat power will assure the democracy and the right of expression and representation for the people with full right of revocation of the elected representatives who would not defend the collectives and individual socialist rights. But the bourgeoisie will have no authorization to plot for overthrowing the socialist power 118.

Contrary to Kautsky, Antonio Gramsci, and Louis Althusser and paragons of the proletarian cultural Big Revolution -, we don’t believe that the ideological sphere "over-determines" the economic authority of the class struggle; nor that the ideological and cultural sphere of the struggle knows a development totally independent from the economic authority. The reversal of the capitalist power will not be made at first at the cultural and ideological level to extend then in the political then economic scaffold. These are idealistic, reformist, anti-materialistic and anti-dialectical conceptions 119.

Kautsky, the father of the "over-determinism" of the political and ideological authority over the economic authority, described the hyper-imperialist system not as a stage of the evolution of the method of capitalist production, but as emanation of a voluntarist policy supported by the capitalist politicians: "The imperialism is a product of the highly evolved industrial capitalism. It consists in the trend which has every industrial capitalist nation to monopolize or to subject agrarian regions always bigger, whatever are the nations which populate them.".

The exegetes of Kautsky, Gramsci, Mao-Tse-Toung and of the Big proletarian Cultural Revolution in Canada were much more explicit by specifying that "The cultural domination of Canada by the American imperialism is total (…) We underlined that because of the intensification of the contradiction between the American imperialists, their lackeys, and the Canadian people, at cultural level, the contradiction in the economic sphere that was relegated, temporarily, to a secondary position. Consequently, the petty bourgeois persons, especially the students in the universities, would are the first ones to rise up (…) the student masses are oppressed by the imperialist culture and their revolt finds its origin in the imperialist expansion." 120.

The ideas of people come to them from their praxis, their class activities, their activities of production of goods and services necessary for their livelihoods. The ideas are the reflection in the brain of things which surround us and of activities which we lead. The revolutionary working class managed by his revolutionary political party, being inspired by the revolutionary scientific theory, will upset the economic and political world which surrounds us so that new ideas, concepts, principles arise from this new concrete reality and appear obviously in the observation, analysis, scientific understanding and can spread among the class at first and among the whole people subsequently.

We agree, however, that the changes of mentality, the moral, intellectual and social transformations have their own temporality and change more slowly than the economic, political, legal or military vectors.

The socialist company will have to evolve and turns over time before the hegemony of new ideas. This process of decontamination of the ideas - theories - of the bourgeois ideology - will be long, boring and dangerous. These are contradictions within the working class and within the people that we shall have to solve on a base not opposing with the aid of time, explanations and persuasion.

Chapter seven Our aim, the Socialism

The working class in power

As period of transition between the imperialist society mistreating daily the workers, submitting them for the greater part to tortures of an overwork, to the dangers of murderous construction sites, the mines and the contaminated and polluted factories; to the threat of the unemployment constantly; the socialism, society got rid of the exploitation and to lead to Communism, will be not possible the economy of a certain degree of repression against the remainders of the monopolistic capitalist class (deprived of their properties, but hidden in the anteroom waiting for heir revenge); against also the big financial capital, his henchmen and his petty bourgeois accomplices hoping to do well, and to be sold for not a lot.

The bourgeois society "democratic for the rich" knows well this problem and these practices of concentration against the working militants and their partisans. Crush you, workers-students-employees and you will be bled dry, clobbered without being clobbered. If you resist, you will be bled dry and clobbered "democratically". In other words, under the imperialism in crisis, the border is tenuous between the "democratic" tone of "you can go on", and the fascist tone of "shut up ".

Much later their expropriation without compensation, the old exploiters will continue to feed their resentment and their dream on returning to power and to foment plots to overthrow the new proletarian socialist economic and political order (it is enough to observe this anti-labor vindictive policy, which is applied in ex-Soviet Union, in Russia, in Ukraine, in all the east ex-countries and in China). Whatever the socialist State is, from the point of view of the rich, comparable to a "dictatorship of proletariat" is completely comprehensible. For the great majority of workers, students and employees - who previously were exploited and despoiled -, the socialism will be synonym of freedom and renewed right: insurance to be able to work without never knowing the torments of unemployment or the precarious job.Extension of the labor democracy in the management of company.Right of exercising a direct control (including post-electoral) over all the elected representatives managing the State apparatus (national, regional and municipal); since the state employees up to business administrators, as well as administrators of the justice,

police and army who will organize the repression of the plots contrived by the reminiscences of the bourgeoisie. So that the worker enjoys freedoms, the bourgeoisie will see its freedom restricted the time this parasitic class will be purified of its totalitarian ideology.

This mechanism, certainly, as it was in USSR and in Albania during the decades of socialist power, will be the cause of a continual tension within the State apparatus that the bourgeoisie has demonized and slandered, frightened of being faced one day. A real labor democracy can’t be the economy of the vigilance and permanent cleaning of the government apparatus and its legal, police and military directions. There are no other means to prevent the formation of a new ruling class and a new exploiting class within a steering apparatus so powerful that will be the socialist State, holder of the economic and political power, the true independence being vis-à-vis all the capitalists.

Repeal the profit

This proletarian vigilance at all times is required for those who want to preserve the benefits resulting from the new social order! The socialism puts an end to the competition between workers for the employment and the salaries by putting an end to the competition for the production of goods and services and allows the birth of a new ideology based on the certainty of not working for fattening a class of parasites, but to work for his well-being and that of his community in an economy not anarchic, but planned. In the socialist society, the right to work is the first right, the most fundamental.

Under socialism, the production and access to goods and services will no longer be determined by the requirement of producing at the lowest cost in order to accumulate more and more profits to be reinvested in a new cycle of valuation of the private capital; or still by the requirement of facing the fierce competition of private entrepreneurs, because they will have all expropriated. The national economy will be protected by tariff barriers prohibiting the dumping of foreign goods. The exchange with foreign countries will be based on reciprocity and freely accepted mutual benefits.

The access to goods and services will be determined by socialist planning and the increase of labor productivity so that everyone can meet his needs and the needs of his family. Need for common consumer goods, extension of free care health, education, training and transport. Access for all to a decent and free housing. Access for leisure activities, sports and for the moral and cultural enrichment for all those who will participate in the general economy of society, while "the idle will stay somewhere else".

Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, the wage-earner will disappear little by little. He will remain for a time as "supplement" to buy seeds for his garden, paint for its housing, clothes for his children, books for good times. For all goods and services which will be not free, the socialist state of the proletariat will set low prices for the food, clothing, energy, cultural consumption and leisure activities. Ultimately, the socialism will abolish the golden calf that is money, "this universal matchmaker" (Karl Marx, Manuscripts 1844). The socialism does not abolish the limited private property, however, no mean of production and exchange just like the big means of communication will be private capitalists.

The Socialist society will be the society of workers. Place point for the scammer, the spoiler, the parasite. Obviously, all this scares the expropriators of surplus-value, the predators of profits the spoilers of dividends! In other words, the law of economic and social development will be no longer the race for maximum profits and for unproductive reinvestment for a new cycle of economic revaluation for the advantage of a minority of parasites. The fundamental law of the planned socialist economic development will tend irrevocably and ultimately towards the principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need".

The rejection of the laws of maximum profit, maximum accumulation and expanded reinvestment will determine that it will be no longer necessary to sacrifice the environment and destroy irreparably the nutritional Homeland (nutritional, obviously, thanks to the working job) in the unique concern of enriching a coterie of degraded plutocrats. The workers and the people have no interest in destroying the planet, cradle of their survival and their extended reproduction. Only the socialism can save the humanity threatened by the search for destructive profit and for the anarchic reproduction of the spoiler parasite capital.

The proletarian alternative

The institution and defense of the method of production and of the socialist regime of planned political economy are daily battles where the proletariat and its avant-garde unfortunately have suffered setbacks. In the old archaic feudal Europe, the bourgeoisie fought more than two centuries before shooting down the feudal aristocratic oppressive regime and to be replaced by the capitalist-bourgeois system. It is comprehensible that the workers need to accumulate forces and experience before succeeding in replacing radically and totally the decadent bourgeois oppressive regime by a regime which will abolish any form of exploitation of man by man.

A few decades ago the proletarians and workers of the whole world have certainly suffered a major setback with the restoration of capitalism in USSR and Albania.Therefore, there is no alternative to socialism. The reformist myths who try to forge a capitalism with human face, or to impose a new world economic order, myths widely replaced by the bourgeois media at disposal and by all the little “left” groups, have only the aim to deceive the proletariat class and divert the allies of workers from the revolutionary socialist way. This third way is only a decoy advanced by the petty bourgeois disappointed from capitalism and unable to overcome their fear of revolutionary violence, their submission to the bourgeois parliamentary, to reformism, to the alleged peaceful path to socialism, their fear of losing their little benefits of officials of the bourgeoisie that will lose in any case.

There is no third way, and there will be no new world economic order, still less non-aligned ways. Just like there are only two opposing classes: the exploiters and the exploited, there are only the abolition of the exploitation or the perpetuation of the salaried slavery. When the proletarian uprising, managed by the proletarian party will burst, will rally those who will want it; in the meantime, the proletariat must keep as far as possible from the impudence and scheming of the big, middle and lower middle class proud to army the capital to disorientate and liquidate the revolutionary movement and to stray from the Revolutionary Labor Party towards the swamp of reformism, the class compromise and the

collaboration between the exploiter, the robber and the exploited. The method of capitalist production has had its day and it's time that returns the keys of the workers' cities to his owners, the proletarians.

In the Manifesto of Communist Party, Marx and Engels were clear and precise about the historical mission of the proletariat party: "The Communists refuse to mask their opinions and intentions. They proclaim openly that their aims can be reached only by the violent reversal of all the past social order.May the ruling classes tremble in front of a Communist revolution ! The proletarians have nothing to lose but only their chains. They have a world to win”.

NOTES

1 Praxis is all the practices from which the man transforms the nature and the world, which commits it in the social structure that determine the relations of production at a given stage of history. Source: http://www.cnrtl.fr/definition/Praxis.

2 K. Marx (1859) Contribution to the criticism of political economy.

3 F. Engels (1892) Utopian Socialism and scientific socialism. http://marxisme.fr/download/Engels_Socialisme_ utopique_et_socialisme_scientifique.pdf

4 K. Marx, F. Engels (1845) The German ideology.

5 K. Marx, F. Engels (1845) The German ideology. http://classiques.uqac.ca//classiques/Engels_Marx/ideologie_allemande/Ideologie_allemande.pdf

6 ROCML (13.02.2013 ) About the watchword of nationalization. http://rocml.org/a-propos-du-mot-dordre-de-nationalisation/

7 ROCML (13.02.2013 ) About the watchword of nationalization. http://rocml.org/a-propos-du-mot-dordre-de-nationalisation/

8 K. Marx, F. Engels (1848) Manifesto of Communist Party, Digital Edition. P. 5. http://classiques.uqac.ca/classiques/Engels_Marx/manifeste_communiste/Manifeste_communiste.pdf

9 K. Marx (1847) Poverty of Philosophy. [http://www.marxists.org/francais/marx/works/1847/06/km18470615.h tm].

10 Seigneurial tenure. [http://www.francoidentitaire.ca/quebec/text/T3230.htm].

11 The pension is an income resulting from an estate, or an income earned from an investment. A dividend is the share of profit distributed between the various shareholders of a company. The benefit is the gain pocketed by the storekeeper. The profit, according to the bourgeois economists, is a variable, uncertain but expected remuneration, the risk taken by the holder of an investment. The profit comes from the surplus-value, this part of the working day of unpaid worker that expropriates the capitalist owner of the means of production.

12 http://www.ledevoir.com/economie/actualites-economiques/375995/4-milliards-par-annee-pour-une-rente- longevite?utm_source=infolettre-2013-04-18&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=infolettre-quotidienne and http://www.politicoglobe.com/2012/11/amelioration-des-regimes-de-retraite/

13 T. Thomas (2009) The crisis. Which one? And after? P. 106. http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-politique-du-capital-dans-la-crise/

14 [http://www.lesaffaires.com/classements/les-500/liste].

15 R. Tremblay (1.03.1997) The Business. P. 6.

16 [http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_d'entreprises_canadiennes]

17 Le Figaro (17/09/2013) 46,5 million poor people in the United States.

18 Reuters (17/09/2013) US poverty rises despite economic recovery.

19 New York Times.com (07.11.2013) Cut in Food Stamps Forces Hard Choices on Poor.

20 https://www.credit-suisse.com/ch/fr/news-and-expertise/research/credit-suisse-research-institute/publications.html

21 http://www.economist.com/content/global_debt_clock and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portail:ONU

22 http://www.ledevoir.com/economie/actualites-economiques/378357/0-5-de-la-population-accapare-35-des-avoirs?utm_source=infolettre-2013-05 16&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=infolettre-quotidienne

23 [http://les7duquebec.org/7-au-front/faisons-payer-les-riches/].

24 [http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/121207/dq121207cfra.h tm].

25 [http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fortune_Global_500 _ (2012)].

26 [http://www.ccsd.ca/index.php/fr/].

27 G. Filoche (February, 2012) The so-called middle classes. http://www.marianne.net/gerardfiloche/Il-n-y-a-pas-de-classe-moyenne-ni-des-classes-moyennes_a33.html

28 http://www.mondialisation.ca/usa-10-chiffres-qui-disent-tout/5310915 and http://www.congresdutravail.ca/centre-daction/ensemble-pour-un-monde-plus-juste/salaires-d-cents

29 In the bourgeois economy, the tertiary sector, among the three economic sectors of national accounting, is defined by exclusion of the other two sectors: it includes all economic activities which are not part of the primary sector or secondary sector. It is about the sector which produces services. The primary sector includes the activities related to the extraction of natural resources or the direct exploitation, soil, subsoil and water, i.e. the agriculture in the broadest sense, the mines and extraction of fossil fuels (without the second transformation), the fisheries (without transformation of resource), the forestry (without the transformation of the resource in finished product), the hunting and the trapdoor. The secondary sector includes all the activities of transformation of the raw material, i.e. the manufacturing industry, the construction and the transport of all kinds. h ttp://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secteur_tertiaire

30 Stagflation is the price inflation associated with the stagnation or even a decline of the production and accumulation of capital, that is to say, of the profitable reinvestment (widened reproduction).

31 T. Thomas (2009) The crisis. Which one? And after? P. 75. http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-politique du-capital-dans-la-crisis/

32 http://centpapiers.com/regard-sur-les-usa-les-pauvres-et-la-dictature-des-marches/ and http://www.mondialisation.ca/usa-10-chiffres-qui-disent-tout/5310915

33 [http://www.agoravox.fr/tribune-libre/article/la-petite-bourgeoisie-de-kennedy-a-102285].

34 http://www.pauvrete.org/seuildepauvrete.html

35 [Error! Invalid Reference of hypertext link.].

36 http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2013/09/19/black-day-for-eiin-july/

37 http://www.iris-recherche.qc.ca/blogue/quest-c e-que-le-taux-de-chomage

38 M. Aglietta and L. Berrebi (2007) Disorders in the world capitalism. Odile Jacob. Paris.

http://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/desordres-dans-le-capitalisme-mondial-par-michel-aglietta-et-laurent-berrebi_ fr_art_210_24974.html

39 T. Thomas (2009) The crisis. Which one? And after ? Pages 84-85. http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-politique-du-capital-dans-la-crise/

40 J. Aubron. N. Ménigon. J.-M. Rouillan. R. Schleicher (2001) Precarious proletarian, notes and reflections on the new class subject. Paris. Acratie.

41 http://www.agoravox.fr/actualites/economie/article/industria liser-la-grece-et-l-111497.

42 K. Marx The Capital. I, 2. P. 93.

43 Criticism of fundamental Theses of the program project of I.C., June, 1928, chap. III. P. 7.

44 R. Bibeau (2012) Imperialism and national question. http://www.robertbibeau.ca/imperialisme.pdf

45 [http://servirlepeuple.over-blog.com/article-declaration-unitaire-des-maoistes-de- l-etat-fran-ais-1197279 74.html].

46 V. Lenin (1969) On the national policy and the proletarian internationalism. Editions by the Agency Novosti. Moscow. P. 40.

47 J. Stalin (1979) The Marxism and the national question. Editions 8 Nëntori. Tirana. P. 53.

48 V. Lenin (1969) On the national policy and the proletarian internationalism. Editions by the Agency Novosti. Moscow. P. 42.

49 R. Bibeau (2012) Imperialism and national question. http://www.robertbibeau.ca/imperialisme.pdf

50 R. Bibeau (2013) Islamist Fundamentalism vis-a vis nationalist chauvinism. [http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/integrisme-islamiste-vis-à-vis-chauvinisme-nationaliste/].

51 V. Lenin ( 1902 ) What's to be done? http://www.marxists.org/francais/lenin/works/1902/02/1902/0200.htm

52 G. Filoche (February, 2012) The so-called middle classes http://www.marianne.net/gerardfiloche/Il-n-y-a-pas-de-classe-moyenne-nides-classes-moyennes_a33.html].

53 K. Marx (1859) Contribution to the criticism of political economy.

54 V. Gouysse (2013) The social classes under imperialism. http://marxisme.fr/imperialisme_et_classes_sociales.htm

55 V. Gouysse (2011) 2010-2011: The awakening of dragon is accelerating ! P. 141.

56 http://www.mondialisation.ca/usa-10-chiffres-q ui-disent-tout/5310915

57 [http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/crash]

58 S. Huntington (1997) The shock of civilizations. [http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Huntington].

59 [http://www.la-croix.com/Actualite/France/Une-usine-d-aluminium-de-Mauri enne-reprise-par-un-groupe-allemand-2013-07-13-985863].

60 [http://www.radio-canada.ca/regions/mauricie 2013/08/07/005-shawinigan-alcan-usine.shtml].

61 http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-crise-economique-mondiale-et-lausterite-premiere-partie/

62 http://www.latribune.fr/actualites/economie/international/ 20140124t rib000811681/qui-sont-ces-85-milliardaires-dont-la-fortune-equivaut-a-celle-de-la-moitie-de-l-humanite.html

63 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paradis_fiscal*Liste_grise

64 World Trade Organization (WTO) http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Accord_g%C3 % A9n%C3%A9ral_sur_les_tarifs_douaniers_et_le_commerce and http://www.actionplan.gc.ca/fr/nouvelles/ceta-aecg/canada-conclut-accord--commercial-historique-lunion

65 All will have understood that the hiccups of these partisan of Quebec sovereignty to separate Quebec from the rest of Canada in order to set up supposedly borders and tariff barriers around an imperialist Quebec, totally integrated into the supra-continental commercial alliances, constitute a rearguard reactionary battle without any interest for the internationalized Quebec and Canadian working class. http://www.legrandsoir.info/montages-financier-des-entreprises-quand-les-etats-perdent-le-controle.html

66 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_d'organisations_internationales

67 http://www.lapresse.ca/actualites/national/201304/04/01-4637782-paradis-fiscaux-46-quebecois-sont-mis-en-cause.php*Scene_1 and http://www.rts.ch/video/info/journal-19h30/480 0517-offshore-leaks-l-analyse-de-myret-zaki-redactrice-en-chef-adjointe-du-magazinebilan.html

68 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paradis_fiscal

69 P.Lafargue (1880). The right for lazinesshttp://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Le_Droit _%C3%A0_la_paresse

70 http//www.iris-recherche.qc.ca/blogue/les-taux-dimposition-des-entreprises-au- quebec

71 The family of billionaires Bombardier-Beaudoin, by the intervention of their holding ‘Le Groupe Beaudier’, will receive 350 million dollars in aid from Quebec State to build a cement factory to Port-Daniel in Gaspésie, Canada. http://affaires.lapresse.ca/economie/quebec/20 1401/29/01-4733452-quebec-injectera-350-millions-a-port-da niel.php

72 http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/surabondance-de-capitaux-toxiques-dans-les-pays-imperialistes/

73 The estimated market losses varies enormously from an economist to another, index of anarchy that reigns http://fr.wikipedia.org / wiki / crisis _ %C3%A9conomique_mondiale_des_ann%C3%A9es_2008_et_suivante

74 The ‘titrisation’ (securitization in English) is a financial technique which consists in transferring to investors so-called financial assets such as debts (for example invoices issued unpaid, or current loans), by transforming these debts, from passage through a society ad hoc, into financial securities issued on the stock market. The sulfurous financial product is sold to the stock-market speculators as the ‘Caisse de Dépôt et de Placement’ du Québec’ which possessed billions of dollars of risky values. Source: http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/securitization

75 http://blogs.mediapart.fr/blog/marie-anne-kraf t/280309/bilan-financier-mondial-et-lecons-de-la-crise

76 É. Toussaint (2014) How banks and governments destroy the safeguards. http://www.legrandsoir.info/comment-les-banques-et-les-gouvernants-detruisent-les-garde-fous.html

77 http://affaires.lapresse.ca/economie/etats-uni / 201401 / 08 / 01-4726826-e-u-le-credit-a-la-consommation-ralentit-sa-hausse.php

78 http://www.inegalites.fr/spip.php?article381

79 http://www.statcan.gc.ca/tables-tableaux/sum-som/l02/cst01/fin20-fra.htm

80 http://www.radio-canada.ca/nouvelles/Economie/2013/12/13/002-endettement-dette-canadiens.shtml

81 http://argent.canoe.ca/nouvelles/quebec-reporte-lequilibre-budgetaire-28112013

82http://www2.publicationsduquebec.gouv.qc.ca/dynamicSearch/telecharge.php?type=2&file=/E_12_00001/E12_00001.html

83 http:// www.les7duquebec .com/trouvailles/le-plus-grand- scandale-de-manipulation-de- prix-de-tous-les-temps/

84 http://www.les7duquebec.com/actualites-des-7/jacques-parizeau-de-la-rhetorique-au-sophisme/

85 R. Bibeau (2014) http://www.les7duquebec.com/actualites-des-7/le-manifeste-des-economistes-progressistes-contre-lausterite/

86 http://www.marianne.net/gerardfiloche/Il-n-y-a-pas-de-classe-moyenne-ni-des-classes- moyennes_a33.html

87 T. Thomas (2009) Crisis. Which one? And after? Page 75. http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-politique-du-capital-dans-la-crise.

Crash is coming: http://publications-ago-ra.fr/pack/ssw3b/?=code=ESSWP803&a=3&o=38&s=74&u=59913&1= 614&r=MC&g=0

88 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_de_Cor%C3% A9e and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerres_de_Yougoslavie and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_du_Vi%C3%A At_Nam and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_d'Irak

89 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_de_Cor%C3% A9e and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerres_de_Yougoslavie and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_du_Vi%C3%A At_Nam and http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_d'Irak

90 http://www.ledevoir.com/economie/actualites-economiques / 378357/0-5-de-la-population-accapare-35-des-avoirs?utm_source=infolettre-2013-05-16&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=infolettre-quotidienne

91 T. Thomas (2009) Crisis. Which one? And after? Pages 69. http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-politique-du-capital-dans-la-crise

92 The Deng Xiaoping’s Theory ( 1997 ) http://french.china.org.cn/archive2006/txt/2003-02/12/content_2059515.htm and The President Mao’s Theory on the division in three worlds. (1977) http://editions-proletariennes. org/Dochml/presse/brochures/Pcc/t3m/t3m.htm

93 About the Bandung Conference. http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conf%C3%A9rence_de_Bandung

94 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indon%C3%A9sie*La _p.C3. A9riode_Soeharto

95 http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Huntington

96 http://www.alterinfo.net/Affluence-record-a-Teheran-et-defaite-des-USA-UE-au-sommet-des-non-alignes_a80818 .html

97 http://www.afriqueexpansion.com/depeches-afp/5 189-afriq%20uedu-sud-le-travail-reprend-a-marikana-tension-dans - dautres-mines.html

98 J.K.Galbraith http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Kenneth_Galbraith

99 BRICS is an acronym representing the alliance of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.

100 [http://les7duquebec.org/7-au-front/mai-2008-le-printemps-devoye-2e-partie/].

101 [http://les7duquebec.org/7-au-front/du-printemps-occidental-mai-68-au-printemps-devoye-mai-2008/].

102 R. Bibeau (2013) From Western spring to abused spring. http://les7duquebec.org/7-au-front/du-printemps-occidental -may-68-au-printemps-devoye-mai-2008/

103 Explained by Marx (C. III, chapter 14), they give the answer to this question. The problem, he notes, is not so much to explain why the profit rate tends to fall, but why this reduction "was not more important or faster" C., III, 1. P. 245.

104 Obviously this management already existed in domains such as education, health, housing, etc. See T. Thomas (2002) The State and the Capital, Paris, Albatroz.

105 We can add that this also plays for young, and especially for large agricultural capitalists: "a French farmer receives on average annual 20.000 euros of aid, but 9,4 % receive more than 50.000 euros and divide up 34 % of the envelope… the subsidies represent half of 71.000 euros in gross operating profit of an average farm". Ibid. So the worker pays his food twice: once through tax and once when he buys it.

106 R. Bibeau (2014) The hostages of Hydro-Québec and Alcoa. http://www.les7duquebec.com/non-classe/les-ota ges-dhydro-quebec-et-dalcoa/

107 K. Marx (1975) C. I, 3. P. 87-88.

108 [http://www.agoravox.fr/news/economie/article/le-declin-de-l-imperia lisme-132267].

109 During the post-war years various factors played in favor of the working class. So it is the weakening of bourgeoisie after the fascist period which divided its forces - torn between the pseudo-democratic option and the openly fascist option - opposition which benefited to the working and popular organizations, advantage that the various forms of reformism took care to exchange and to liquidate. There was also the desire of bourgeoisie to eliminate the influence of communism. We retain however that "the Welfare State" concerned only some advanced imperialist countries (thirty Western States at the most, Japan as part of the area of Western economic organization).

110 T. Thomas (2009) Crisis. Which one? And after? Pages 79-89. http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/la-politique-du-capital-dans-la-crise/ and http://www.legrandsoir.info/oui-la-guerre-c-est-la-france-imperialiste.h tml.

111 http://apa-montreal.info/, https://www.facebook.com/groups/apa.montreal/

112 [http://www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/les-orp helins-de-maoen-congers/].

113 V. Lenin (1921) Preliminary Draft Resolution at The Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party on the Syndicalist and Anarchist Deviations In Our Party. Complete Works. Moscow.

114 V. Lenin (1902) What's to be done? Http://marxiste.fr/lenine/que.pdf

115 We find the digital library of classic works of communism on Internet at the following address: http://marxisme.fr/

116 Http: // www.les7duquebec.com/actualites-des-7/le-manifeste-des-economistes-progressistes-contre-lausterite /

117 G. Filoche (February, 2012) The so-called middle classes [http: // www.marianne.net / gerardfiloche/].

118 R. Bibeau. V. Gouysse (2013). The socialism, only alternative to capitalism . [Http: // www.les7duquebec.com/7-au-front/le-socialisme-seule-alternative–au-capitalism/].

119 On Louis Althusser and his structuralist work http: // fr.wikipedia.org / wiki / Louis_Althusser.

120 PCC ( ML) ( 1970 ) Political Relationship. Editions Norman Bethune. Montreal. P.18. 120 [http://polpresse.blogspot.fr/2013/06/le-socialisme-seule-alternative-au.html].