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WikiLeaks cables: Eritrean poverty andpatriotism under 'unhinged dictator'US ambassador portrays Isaias Afwerki as part menace, part
weirdo and tastes 'aptly named' sewa at lunch with minister
Sim on Tisdal l
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2 010 21 .30 GMT
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Isaias Afwerki, the Erit rean president, is described as 'cruel an d defiant' in th e WikiLeaks cables.
Photograph: Geert Vanden Wijngaert/AP
Eritrea, an impoverished, mostly friendless country located at the wrong end of the Red
Sea, has become synonymous with trouble-making in the Horn of Africa region since it
wrested independence from Ethiopia in 1991 after a bitter 30-year war.
The national capital, Asmara, is an ill-kept, run-down former Italian colonial outpost
where night-time electricity cuts contribute to a sinister, cowed atmosphere. The
repressive policies and appalling human rights abuses of the authoritarian, one-party
government of President Isaias Afwerki Eritrea has never held a national election
mostly keep the population in check.
In a secret diplomatic cable written last year, the then US ambassador to Eritrea, Ronald
McMullen, appears determined to impress upon his private Washington readership just
how awful the situation really is. Weird, dysfunctional Asmara, reminiscent of an Evelyn
Waugh novel, is notorious among western diplomats as a hardship posting. McMullen
seems to be feeling the strain.
"Young Eritreans are fleeing their country in droves, the economy appears to be in a
death spiral, Eritrea's prisons are overflowing, and the country's unhinged dictator
remains cruel and defiant," McMullen writes. "Is the country on the brink of disaster?"
he asks. The ambassador answers his own question with a head- shaking "no".
Gold-mining, Isaias's latest wheeze for rescuing the economy, will not do the trick,McMullen says, any more than will a rumoured cabinet reshuffle. Yet although the
regime is "one bullet away from implosion", Eritreans' strong sense of nationalism and
their capacity to withstand great suffering and deprivation allows Isaias to cling to
power. "Any sudden change in government is likely to be initiated from within the
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US embassy cables: Eritrea - vignettesof a failing stateguardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2 010 21 .30 GMT
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Tuesday, 15 December 2009, 11:1 9
S E C R E T ASMARA 000429
EO 12958 DECL: 12/10/2019
TAGS PGOV, MOPS, SOCI, PREF, ERSUBJECT: ERITREA'S SQUABBLING COLONELS, FLEEING
FOOTBALLERS, FRIGHTENED LIBRARIANS
Classified By: Ambassador Ronald K. McMullen for reason 1.4(d)
S u m m a r y
US ambassador gives three illustrations of how Eritrea's government is failing its people.
They include petty squabbling among military leaders over perks of the job, the
reported defection of the Eritrean national football team, and the mistreatment of
Eritreans who consort with foreigners. Key passage highlighted in yellow.
Read related article
1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Things are getting worse and worse in Eritrea . The regime is
facing mounting international pressure for years of malign behavior in the neighborhood.
Human rights abuses are commonplace and most young Eritreans, along with the
professional class, dream of fleeing the country, even to squalid refugee camps in
Ethiopia or Sudan. The economy continues to sink; exports for 2008 totaled only $14m
and vital hard-currency remittances have fallen to 43% of the 2005 level. "He is sick,"
said one leading Eritrean businessman, referring to President Isaias' mental health. "The
worse things get, the more he tries to take direct control--it doesn't work." The following
three vignettes highlight the current state of affairs in Eritrea. END SUMMARY.
2. (C) THE DEFENSE MINISTER AND THE COLONELS
--------------------------------------------
Defense Minister Sebhat Efrem convoked army colonels in late November for a three-
day conference on professional and career issues. On the second day a serious row
reportedly broke out among the conferees; the acrimony rose so high that General
Sebhat cancelled the rest of the conference and sent the quarreling colonels back to their
units. T he bone of contention? Perceived differences in the quality of the villas (often
confiscated from the original owners) given to the colonels by the regime to maintain
their allegiance.
3. (SBU) SOCCER TEAM 1 - REGIME 0
----------------------------------
Eritreans are mad about soccer. Many dusty streets in Asmara are filled with urchins
kicking an old sock stuffed with rags back and forth between goals made of piled stones.
Senior government and party officials are avid fans of the British Premier League and
sometimes leave official functions early to catch key matches. Despite tight control of the
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domestic media, satellite TV dishes are allowed, probably so folks can watch
international soccer. Impressive numbers of senior regime officials attended the World
Cup pool draw reception thrown by the South Africa embassy last week. The BBC and
diaspora websites are reporting that the entire Eritrean national soccer team defected
after playing in a regional tournament in Kenya. If true, this will be stunning news for
the Eritrean population. Only the coach and an escorting colonel reportedly returned to
Eritrea. (One wonders why, given their likely fate.) Isaias has previously claimed the
CIA was luring Eritrean youth abroad; if the soccer team has in fact defected, he will
undoubted try to twist logic in some way to blame the United States.
4. (C) [Content removed]
----------------------------
Eritreans are fearful of associating with foreigners, as they are often grilled afterwards
by security thugs. XXXXXXXXXXXX
5. (S) COMMENT: The brittle Isaias regime is one pistol shot away from implosion.
However, Isaias is clever, very good at operational security, and two decades younger
than Mugabe. While many in Eritrea long for change, few are in a position to effect it.
END COMMENT.
McMullen
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military," McMullen concludes.
"The Isaias regime is very good at controlling nearly all aspects of Eritrean society,"
McMullen writes, offering comparisons to Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe. "Eritrean
farmers [roughly 80% of the 5.5 million population] have long lived a knife-edged
existence due to marginal rainfall, decades of war and brigandage, and the use of Dark
Age technology. Even before last year's dreadful harvest, Unicef reckoned that 40% of
Eritrean children were malnourished. Despite this, Eritreans remain fiercely patriotic."
A more recent McMullen cable, sent last December, detects no improvements. It begins:
"Things are getting worse and worse in Eritrea. The regime is facing mounting
international pressure for years of malign behaviour in the neighbourhood ... The
economy continues to sink; exports for 2008 totalled only $14m ... 'He is sick,' said one
leading Eritrean businessman, referring to President Isaias's mental health. 'The worse
things get, the more he tries to take direct control it doesn't work.'"
Washington's list of grievances is a long one. The Eritrean government is accused of
secretly arming al-Shabaab Islamist terrorists in Somalia, offering training and support
to militant opposition forces in Ethiopia and Sudan, provoking incidents along its
disputed frontier with Ethiopia, and launching an unprovoked 2008 invasion of Djibouti.
"This man is a lunatic," the Djiboutian foreign minister, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, tells the
Americans, referring to Isaias. Another foreign official tells the regime: "All of Africa is
fed up with you." All this eventually leads, during the course of 2009, to the imposition
of punitive regional and UN sanctions.
The US view of Isaias as part menace, part weirdo is reinforced by Getachew Assefa, the
powerful head of the Ethiopian national intelligence and security service and a leading
member of the Ethiopian ruling party , sworn enemies of Eritrea. Speaking to the US
ambassador in Addis Ababa in June last year, Getachew accuses the Eritrean leader of
harbouring a "grand design" to divide Ethiopia and weaken it through terrorism. But
then he puts Isaias in an entirely different light.
"Getachew remarked that one of Isaias's bodyguards... defected to Ethiopia," the Addis
Ababa cable recounts. "The bodyguard remarked that Isaias was a recluse who spent his
days painting and tinkering with gadgets and carpentry work. Isaias appeared to make
decisions in isolation with no discussion with his advisers. It was difficult to tell how
Isaias would react each day and his moods changed constantly."
Despite its growing isolation and unswervingly awkward behaviour, Eritrea mounted an
unexpected (though short-lived) charm offensive after Barack Obama took office, the
cables reveal. In February 2009, McMullen writes that "senior Eritrean officials in
recent weeks have signalled their interest in re-engaging with the United States". This
has led to an easing of restrictions on the US embassy in Asmara, the ending of "daily
anti-American diatribes in state-owned media", and congratulatory letters to Obama
and Hillary Clinton.
But now a different kind of ordeal awaits McMullen and his unsuspecting spouse.
"Members of Eritrea's 'American Mafia' [senior party members who have lived or
studied in the US] have taken the lead in signalling interest in improved relations," the
cable relates.
"On February 7, the ambassador and his wife were invited to spend the day on the
family farm of Hagos Ghebrehewit, the ruling party's economic director ... Lunch was
served in a rocky gulch beneath a thorny acacia tree. The ambassador and his wife were
treated to grilled sheep innards served with honey and chilli sauce (but no silverware),
washed down with a sour, semi-fermented traditional drink called, aptly, 'sewa'."
In another unforeseen encounter, Eritrea's defence minister, Sebhat Efrem, turns up at
a US reception the first time he has appeared for two years. McMullen smugly notes
that the date is Isaias's birthday, "yet General Sebhat chose to spend the evening
celebrating Groundhog Day".
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McMullen makes plain to his interlocutors that the US is only interested in improved
relations if Eritrea's behaviour changes, starting with an end to "Eritrean support for
Somali extremists". Washington's requirements remain unchanged, and unsatisfied, to
this day.
His cable continues: "One senior official acknowledged limited Eritrean contact with al-
Shabaab but claimed the contact was 'infrequent and indirect'." McMullen replies that by
keeping the company it does, Eritrea puts itself in "a very perilous situation" and he
finishes with a crude warning: "Based on recent history, how do you think we would
react to a major al-Shabaab terrorist attack against the United States?"
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US embassy cables: Eritrea attempts'charm offensive' to woo Obamaguardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2 010 21 .30 GMT
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Monday, 09 February 2009, 14:53
S E C R E T ASMARA 000047
DEPARTMENT FOR AF/EX AND AF/E
EO 12958 DECL: 02/02/2019TAGS PREL, PTER, ECON, ER
SUBJECT: AN ERITREAN OVERTURE TO THE UNIT ED STATES
REF: ASMARA 35
Classified By: Ambassador Ronald K. McMullen for reason 1.4(d)
S u m m a r y
After years of isolation, Eritrea's government tried to re-engage with Washington after
the election of President Barack Obama, with sometimes unpalatable results. But the US
ambassador makes plain that until Eritrea ends its support for Somali terrorists, there
can be no normalisation of bilateral relations. Key passage highlighted in yellow.
Read related article
1. (C) SUMMARY: Senior Eritrean officials in recent weeks have signaled their interest
in re-engaging with the United States in areas of mutual interest. They have done so by
loosening restrictions on Embassy Asmara (REF), by engaging in more diplomatic
interaction with embassy personnel, by ending the daily anti-American diatribes in
state-owned media, by sending congratulatory letters to President Obama and
Secretary Clinton, and by authorizing over $100,000 to support ongoing U.S. medical
volunteer programs such as Physicians for Peace. Senior officials invited the ambassador
and his wife to spend a day on a family farm, the Defense Minister attended a
representational event at the CMR, and Foreign Affairs officials tell us Isaias himself
helped draft a white paper on re-engaging the United States. Post has bluntly told key
officials that Eritrean support for Somali extremists precludes a more normal bilateral
relationship and warned that an al-Shabaab attack against the United States would
trigger a strong and swift American reaction. END SUMMARY.
2. (C) A PICNIC WITH THE "AMERICAN MAFIA"
-----------------------------------------
Members of Eritrea's "American Mafia," senior party and government officials who
speak fluent English and have lived in the United States, have taken the lead in signaling
Eritrea's interest in improved relations. On February 7, for example, the ambassador
and his wife were invited to spend the day on the family farm of Hagos Ghebrehewit, the
ruling party's economic director (and architect of Eritrea's imploding economy). Hagos,
formerly a green card holder, was Eritrea's first ambassador to the United States. Also
present were the minister of health (an American citizen), the current Eritrean
ambassador to the United States, and the party's political director, Yemane Ghebreab.
Lunch was served in a rocky gulch beneath a thorny acacia tree. The ambassador and
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his wife w ere treated to grilled sheep innards served w ith honey a nd chili sauce (but
no silverw are), w ashed down with a sour, semi-fermented traditional drink called,
aptly, "sew a." The other guests chided Hagos, only half jokingly, for his inability to run
an economy, noting that Eritrea's Coca-Cola plant and national brewery were both
shuttered.
3. (C) T HE DEFENSE MINIST ER CELEBRATES GROUNDHOG DAY
--------------------------------------------- -------
Defense Minister Sebhat Efrem attended a reception at the ambassador's residence onFebruary 2. This was the first Post invitation General Sebhat has accepted for almost
two years. He and the ambassador discussed past military to military exchanges,
training, and education. General Sebhat fondly remembers GIs from Kagnew Station
who helped tutor his math and science classes as a young student; he said he hoped
circumstances would permit a resumption of mil-mil relations. February 2 is also
President Isaias' birthday, yet General Sebhat chose to spend the evening celebrating
Groundhog Day at the CMR.
4. (C) TOUGH TALK ON SUPPORTING TERRORISM
-----------------------------------------
Despite the clear signals by party and government officials of their interest in exploring a
less antagonistic bilateral relationship, the ambassador on three occasions in recent
weeks has delivered a very straightforward and simple message: Eritrean support for
Somali extremists obviates closer t ies and Eritrea will be held accountable for any al-
Shabaab attack on the United States. The ambassador shared unclassified information
with key Eritrean authorities (including the detailed NPR report of January 28 on al-
Shabaab's recruitment and training of Minnesotans) to reinforce the seriousness and
urgency of the al-Shabaab threat. One senior official acknowledged limited Eritrean
contact with al-Shabaab, but claimed the contact was "infrequent and indirect." He
added, "If there was anything we could do to prevent a terrorist attack on the United
States, we will do it." The ambassador warned that Eritrea was in a very perilous
situation, as its support for al-Shabaab makes Eritrea at least partially responsible for
al-Shabaab's actions, yet Eritrea does not control it. "Based on recent history, how do
you think we would react to a major al-Shabaab terrorist attack against the United
States?" the ambassador asked. This seems to have driven home the point to our
Eritrean interlocutors.
5. (S) COMMENT
--------------
Eritrea's fundamental interest in re-engaging with the United States is to promote a
"balanced" U.S. approach to its border dispute with Ethiopia. Isaias views everything
through this lens. While we have delivered an unambiguously stark message oncounterterrorism, we are uncertain how this will factor into Isaias' opaque calculations.
Among Eritrean and foreign observers, there is a growing consensus that I saias is
increasingly isolating himself and marginalizing all organs of government and the party.
Can he and will he make a rational cost-benefit analysis on continued support for Somali
extremists? Isaias might listen to the rulers of Libya and Qatar; we leave it to others to
judge whether those messages would necessarily be helpful. Unlike the party, exiled
opposition, or general Eritrean populace, the military's officer corps has the wherewithal
to precipitate a sudden change. We have seen no serious cracks in its loyalty , as the
perceived external threat from Ethiopia trumps all else, but we will step up our efforts to
cultivate cordial relations with key military leaders as circumstances permit. End
Comment.
MCMULLEN
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US embassy cables: Ethiopianintelligence chief gives rare interviewguardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2 010 21 .30 GMT
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Monday, 08 June 2009, 12:33
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 04 ADDIS ABABA 001318
SIPDIS
EO 12958 DECL: 06/07/2019TAGS PGOV, PINR, PREL, KPAO, ET
SUBJECT: UNDERSTANDING THE ETHI OPI AN HARDLINERS
Classified By: Ambassador Donald Yamamoto for reasons 1 .4 (B) and (D).
S u m m a r y
The US ambassador to Addis Ababa discusses bilateral relations, democratic opposition,
and political repression and human rights with one of the country's most powerful, and
most reclusive leaders. The two men also discuss regional issues, including Somalia,
Sudan and Eritrea Ethiopia's old enemy. Key passage highlighted in yellow.
Read related article
SUMMARY
-------
1. (S) In a rare meeting with the elusive head of the Ethiopian National Intelligence and
Security Service (NISS) and main hardliner within the powerful executive committee of
the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) party,
Ambassador and NISS chief Getachew Assefa discussed a wide range of regional and
bilateral issues. Getachew made clear during the four hour private meeting that Ethiopia
sought greater understanding from the U.S. on national security issues vital to Ethiopia,
especially Ethiopia's concerns over domestic insurgent groups like the Oromo Liberation
Front (OLF) and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). He spoke at length aboutformer Addis Ababa May or-elect Berhanu Nega XXXXXXXXXXXX; VOA's biased
reporting; the dangers of former defense minister Seeye Abraha's growing authority
within the opposition; Ethiopia's views on democracy and human rights; Eritrea's role as
a rogue state in the region; and regional issues including the importance of supporting
the Transitional Federal Government and a rapprochement with Alhu Sunna Wal Jama'a
(ASWJ) as the only option for Somalia's survival; and the need for U.S. reconciliation
with Sudan. End Summary.
TOWARD A BETT ER UNDERSTANDING
-----------------------------
2. (S) T hrough the arrangements of former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, Irv Hicks,
Ambassador met with Ethiopia's national intelligence chief, Getachew Assefa, for a four
hour private meeting on June 4. Getachew , noted for his eccentric behavior and
elusiveness, explained to the Ambassador that he w elcomes greater dialogue w ith the
U.S. Embassy, but underscored the importance of deeper U.S. understanding of
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Ethiopia's security concerns. Characterizing the U.S. relationship as sound and
expressing appreciation for the cooperation with the U.S. on special projects on
counterterrorism, Getachew emphasized that Ethiopia shares U.S. v iews on high value
targets (HVT) like Robow and al-Turki as threats to regional stability. But domestic
insurgent groups, like the OLF and ONLF, should also be treated as terrorists because
they have safe haven camps in extremist-held areas in Somalia and receive support and
assistance from the very same HVTs that the U.S. and Ethiopia are trying to neutralize.
Such support makes the ONLF and OLF accomplices with international terrorist groups,
Getachew argued. Just as Ethiopia would not meet with domestic U.S. insurgent groups,
referring to individuals and groups who would conduct bombings of U.S. government
offices, abortion clinics and advocates of racial and gender hate, Ethiopia would not want
U.S. officials to meet with Ethiopia's domestic insurgents who bomb and kill Ethiopian
officials and citizens.
3. (S) Getachew added that the GOE does conduct talks with the ONLF and OLF and
there are groups, like the Ethiopian elders, who reach out to the membership in an effort
to end the v iolence. Getachew stressed that this is an Ethiopian process by Ethiopians
and should remain an Ethiopian-led, Ethiopian-directed and Ethiopian-coordinated
process. Ambassador made clear that the U.S. Administration does not meet with the
ONLF and that the U.S. is in close consultations with Ethiopian authorities on their views
on the ONLF and OLF, and that the U.S. supports the work of the Ethiopian Elders toend the violence. Getachew noted the visit to European Capitals and Washington of
ONLF senior leaders and said they met with staffers in the U.S. Vice President's office.
The Ambassador said that we had no evidence that a meeting took place with the Vice
President's staff and stressed that the State Department did not meet with the ONLF
group. Further, the U.S. military no longer meets with alleged ONLF supporters in the
volatile Ogaden region of eastern Ethiopia because of security concerns. The
Ambassador stressed that such meetings in the past was for force protection of U.S.
military civil affairs team working in the dangerous Ogaden region near Somalia, but in
the last few years there has been no contact. The Ambassador added that there should
be closer discussion between he U.S. and Ethiopia on this issue.
U.S. GIVES EXTREMISTS A VOICE AND LEGITIMACY
--------------------------------------------
ADDIS ABAB 00001318 002 OF 004
4. (S) Getachew complained pointedly that Voice of America (VOA) is biased and gives a
platform for extremist elements. XXXXXXXXXXXX
5. (S) Getachew also discussed the VOA reports covering former State Department
official Greg Stanton of Genocide Watch, who charged Prime Minister Meles of crimes
against humanity as a result of Ethiopia's incursion into Somalia in 2006. Getachew
complained that VOA Amharic reporting was biased and not even handed. He did note
that VOA English was fine. VOA Amharic service does not interview Ethiopian officials
who can refute "false assertions" espoused in the VOA interviews. Getachew praised
Germany's Deutsche Wella serv ice for its balanced and yet hard hitting reporting.
Getachew underscored that if the GOE is doing something wrong or does not have the
support of the people, news services have an obligation to highlight such problems.
Getachew said VOA, however, seeks to report only what is anti-government or lend
support for the opposition. Getachew concluded that the U.S.G., because of VOA
Amharic service is an official arm of the U.S.G., lacks neutrality in its support for the
opposition and this undercuts relations between the two countries. The Ambassador
replied that VOA is a very independent media and the U.S.G. does not have oversight
and control over the content of the reporting.
6. (S) XXXXXXXXXXXX
THE OPPOSITION
--------------
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7. (S) Getachew commented on Ethiopia's opposition leadership underscoring that he
wishes to see a vibrant opposition movement, but currently, the NGO community and
foreign missions support the opposition blindly without critical analysis.
XXXXXXXXXXXX
ADDIS ABAB 00001318 003 OF 004
8. (S) XXXXXXXXXXXX
DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS
--------------------------
9. (S) Getachew echoed common themes advocated by the ruling EPRDF party stalwarts
from the Prime Minister to the party faithful. He stressed that the EPRDF supports
democracy and that it is the goal for the ruling party to eventually give way to other
parties of common vision in fighting poverty and a commitment to support the process of
democratization. Getachew said he would support opposition parties if they have a
better message to help Ethiopia overcome poverty, improve health care and education,
and raise the standard of living of the Ethiopian people. He added that the U.S. and
others should look at Ethiopia's democracy efforts and human rights record as a work in
progress. It will take time but Ethiopia is moving in the r ight direction that will make
Ethiopia a democratic state.
FOREIGN POLICY: ERITREA, SOMALIA, AND SUDAN
-------------------------------------------
10. (S) Getachew described Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki as "no martyr," who
sought to survive and establish himself as the predominate leader in the Horn of Africa.
Ethiopia stands in the way of Isaias' grand design and it is his goal to divide Ethiopia and
weaken it through terrorism. Getachew remarked that one of Isaias' bodyguards was in
Dubai and then defected to Ethiopia. The bodyguard remarked that Isaias was a recluse
who spent his days painting and tinkering with gadgets and carpentry work. Isaias
appeared to make decisions in isolation with no discussion with his advisors. It wasdifficult to tell how Isaias would react each day and his moods changed constantly.
Getachew added that Eritrea trains over 30 rebel groups at Camp Sawa near the Sudan
border and graduates are infiltrated into Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia to enhance
instability and target Ethiopian interests. Getachew expressed dismay with Kenya in
allowing Eritrean intel officers and military trainers who support al-Shabaab in Somalia,
to bribe their way out of Kenya and return to Eritrea. He explained the activities of
Abraha Kassa, Eritrea's elusive intel chief who directs Eritrea's Somalia operations.
11. (S) On Somalia, Getachew said the only way to support stability was through support
for the ASWJ which attracts a wide range of support from all the clans, especially those
groups in conflict with each other. The ASWJ has been effective in countering al-
Shabaab and is ideologically committed to Sufism and the defense of Islam against the
extremist salafists which form al-Shabaab. Getachew said the U.S. can best help by
supporting the ASWJ and TFG to cooperate, to pay salaries of TFG troops and support
the IGAD and African Union which are seeking to sanction Eritrea, implement a no fly
zone, and close ports used by extremist elements.
12. (S) On Sudan, Getachew urged the U.S. to engage Bashir and the Sudanese
leadership. Sudan, more than Somalia, poses the greatest threat to regional security and
stability, Getachew argued. The prospects for a civil war which destabilizes the region
would be devastating. The only country that would benefit would be Eritrea.
COMMENT
-------
13. (S) It is interesting that Getachew's description of President Isaias mirrors
Getachew's own character, as well.
ADDIS ABAB 00001318 004 OF 004
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Getachew avoids speaking with foreigners and few foreigners really know him. He is not
well liked within his own agency for decisions he makes in isolation which, at times, make
little sense and are not discussed in consensus with his staff. His apparent hot temper
and reclusive habits hav e made it difficult for his staff to gauge his moods and
understand his thought process. The Prime Minister himself and other EPRDF leaders
have remarked to the Ambassador that it is difficult to talk with Getachew and to meet
with him, but that his loyalty to the EPRDF is never in question. Despite his poor
reputation, Getachew is regarded as a strong EPRDF hardliner and commands
considerable authority and influence within the powerful EPRDF executive committee
which lays down the policy for the ruling party and the government. While relations with
NISS officials below Getachew's rank are extremely cordial and, depending on the unit,
very close, the Ambassador has met with Getachew only twice in the past three years,
and other Embassy staff have also met with little success in engaging him. Even visiting
senior U.S. intel officers have not been successful in meeting Getachew. Ambassador will
pursue future meetings with Getachew but he will never be a close contact. End
Comment. YAMAMOTO
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US embassy cables: Djibouti in talks todefuse Eritrea crisisguardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2 010 21 .30 GMT
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Sunday, 20 April 2008, 17:11
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 DJIBOUTI 000380
SIPDIS
SIPDISDEPARTMENT FOR AF, AF/E, AND INR/AA
CJTF-HOA FOR POLAD
LONDON, PARIS, ROME FOR AFRICA-WATCHER
EO 12958 DECL: 04/20/2032
TAGS PREL, MOPS, PBTS, DJ, ER, ET
SUBJECT: DJIBOUTI F M REPORTS T ALKS UNDERWAY WI TH ERIT REA TO
DEFUSE BORDER INCIDENT
REF: A. DJIBOUTI 378 B. DJIBOUTI 377
Classified By: ERIC WONG, CHARGE D'AFFAIRES, A.I.
S u m m a r y
Senior Djibouti government officials sought meetings with Eritrean military leadersfollowing the occupation of Djiboutian territory by Eritrean troops. But foreign minister
Mahmoud Ali Youssouf is sceptical about the intentions of Eritrean president Isaias
Afwerki. Key passage highlighted in yellow.
Read related article
1. (S) SUMMARY. On April 20, senior Djiboutian officials--including Djibouti's defense
minister, intelligence chief, and deputy CHOD--were involved in talks with Eritrean
military officials in an attempt to defuse tensions arising from Eritrea's establishment of
a military outpost on disputed territory at Ras Doumeira, along the Bab al Mandab
strait. According to Djibouti's foreign minister, the GODJ sought to use "quiet
diplomacy" to press Eritrea, although it believed that Eritrean President Isaias was
unpredictable, as ev idenced by Eritrea's 1994 attack on a Djiboutian outpost at the same
area. Foreign Minister Youssouf reports that Isaias opposes Djiboutian efforts to broker
discussions between Somalia's T ransitional Federal Government (T FG) and the Alliance
for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), and that Isaias also suspects that routine U.S.
military exercises in Djibouti are aimed at gathering intelligence for Ethiopia. Youssouf
said Djibouti would welcome participating in the International Contact Group on Somalia,
and planned to meet with visiting UN SRSG for Somalia Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah later in
the week. END SUMMARY.
2. (S) On April 20, Charge and GRPO met with Djiboutian Foreign Minister Mahmoud
Ali Youssouf to discuss the GODJ's April 17 complaint that Eritrea had established amilitary outpost on Djiboutian territory at Doumeira (ref A). Charge and GRPO were
accompanied by two representatives of the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa
(CJTF-HOA): Embassy Djibouti Country Coordination Element (CCE) CDR James
Dickie, and CJTF-HOA Director of Intelligence (CJ-2) CAPT Kevin Frank.
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FRENCH IMAGERY SHOWS STRUCTURE ON DISPUTED TERRITORY
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3. (S) FM Youssouf presented low-resolution color photographs of Ras Doumeira dated
the afternoon of April 17, which he said had been provided by French authorities. The
photos show a manned structure and sev eral trucks at the base of a mountain; according
to FM Youssouf, the structure is an Eritrean military post constructed recently on "no
man's land" along the easternmost portion of the border between Djibouti and Eritrea,along the Bab al Mandab strait.
4. (S) While Eritrean forces had "pulled back" on the evening of April 19, FM Youssouf
expressed concern that an estimated 3,000 Eritrean troops were along the Eritrean
border with Djibouti, concentrated along three axes: from Eritrea to the Djiboutian
border towns of Daddato, Sidiha Menguela, and Bissidourou. In addition to the post at
Ras Doumeira, Eritrean forces had also recently built a coastal road from the port of
Assab to Doumeira, and had begun to reclaim the waterfront, in an apparent attempt to
construct some sort of port facility, he said.
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MIL-MIL T ALKS UNDERWAY WITH ERITREA
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5. (S) In response to this "belligerent act," Youssouf said the GODJ had strengthened its
military presence at its base at Moulhoule (15 km south of Doumeira). In addition, the
GODJ had dispatched a delegation on the morning of April 20 to Moulhoule, in order to
discuss the incursion with Eritrean officials. According to FM Youssouf, GODJ
representatives included Deputy Chief of the Djiboutian Armed Forces Brigadier General
Zakaria Cheick Ibrahim, National Security Service (NSS) Director Hassan Said Khaireh,
and Defense Minister Ogoureh Kiffleh Ahmed. FM Youssouf said he had also been in
direct contact personally with the Eritrean Navy Commander, Major General Karikare
Ahmed Mohammed, whom he believed had some influence on Eritrean President Isaias.
FM Y oussouf also planned to engage the secretary-general of Eritrea's foreign ministry,
who was expected to transit Djibouti airport (from Dubai) on the evening of April 20.
6. (S) To satisfy the GODJ's concerns, Eritrean forces needed to withdraw at least 1 km
away from the demarcated border at
DJIBOUTI 00000380 002 OF 002
Mt. Doumeira, Youssouf said; adding that international law required pulling back to 5
km from the border.
7. (S) FM Youssouf noted that the GODJ sought to utilize "quiet diplomacy" to defuse
the situation, and had not yet issued any public statements on the recent Eritrean
incursion. However, he noted that the 1 994 incident, which had involved an exchange of
gunfire between Eritrean and Djiboutian forces at Ras Doumeira, reached a denouement
only when Djibouti protested to the United Nations, the Arab League, and the African
Union. Djibouti subsequently demarcated the border, while Eritrea issued a map with
altered boundaries for propaganda purposes.
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ISAIAS "A LUNATIC"; SUSPICIOUS OF ETHIOPIA AND THE U.S.
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8. (S) The Eritrean government (GSE) was "very unpredictable," Youssouf said. He
underscored that Eritrean troops had previously attacked a Djiboutian outpost at Ras
Doumeira in 1994, at the same time that the Eritrean foreign minister was visiting the
capital of Djibouti. Thus, according to Youssouf, Isaias had blindsided his own foreign
minister. "This man is a lunatic," opined Youssouf, adding, "you can't pick your
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neighbors." Youssouf noted the scarcity of food and consumer goods in Eritrea, caused
by its "monopolistic, communist" state. As "waves of refugees" already crossed Djibouti's
porous borders from Somalia, Djibouti could ill afford additional refugees from conflict
between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
9. (S) Y oussouf said President Isaias had complained, at the last EU-Africa summit in
Lisbon, that there was "no terrorism in Djibouti." Isaias was deeply suspicious of
Djiboutian cooperation with the United States, claiming even to have information on
USG renditions involving Djibouti, Youssouf said. More recently, GSE officials had
expressed concern about both U.S. military exercises in Djibouti and also allegedEthiopian plans to attack Assab from Bure and to definitively remove I saias from power.
The GSE had asserted that recent U.S. military exercises in northern Djibouti (ref A)
were not intended to combat terror, but rather were intended to collect information for
Ethiopia, Youssouf said. Youssouf highlighted that the GODJ was "happy" with the U.S.
presence in Djibouti, and would continue to support the United States.
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ERITREA OPPOSED TO DJIBOUTIAN-BROKERED SOMALIA TALKS
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10. (S) Recent business talks relating to the possible construction of a massive bridge
linking Yemen to Djibouti had heightened GSE interest in Doumeira. The GSE opposed
Djibouti's ongoing efforts to broker discussions between Somalia's Transitional Federal
Government (TFG) and the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) (ref B),
Youssouf said, as the GSE sought to keep Ethiopia preoccupied in Somalia, and thus to
fracture the Ethiopian military into 3-4 fronts. Youssouf said Djibouti would welcome
participating in the International Contact Group on Somalia, and planned to meet with
visiting UN SRSG for Somalia Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah later in the week.
11. (S) COMMENT. FM Youssouf noted that no public statements from the USG were
needed yet, as Djibouti sought to press Eritrea through "quiet diplomacy." Should these
talks fail, however, the international community will have to weigh what actions, if any,
would be effective in reversing the Eritrean incursion. The recent withdrawal of UN
peacekeeping forces from the Temporary Security Zone, following more than two years
of increasing restrictions on the UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), highlight
the GSE's intransigence in the face of international pressure. END COMMENT. WONG
14.12.2010 US embassy cables: Djibouti in talks t