xeneca-blanche river - draft stage 2 archaeological ... draft er 2012 august 30th/annex v/st… ·...

DRAFT WOODLAND HERITAGE SERVICES LIMITED

STAGE TWO PROJECT REPORT

STAGE 2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE RESOURCE ASSESSMENT OF A PROPOSED HYDRO DEVELOPMENT ON THE BLANCHE

RIVER, MARTER TOWNSHIP, TIMISKAMING DISTRICT ONTARIO. FIT # F‐000650‐WAT‐130‐301. MNR SITE #2JC16, 2JC17.

Prepared for

XENECA POWER DEVELOPMENT INC. 5160 Younge St., Suite 520,

Toronto, On M2N 6L9

Attention: Ed Laratta p: 416.590.9632 f: 416.590.9955

e: [email protected]

Submitted by WOODLAND HERITAGE SERVICES LIMITED

17 Wellington Street, Box 2529 New Liskeard, Ontario

P0J 1P0

Attention: Dr. John W. Pollock Ph.D, Ryan Primrose, M.A.

Telephone: 705‐647‐8833 Fax: 705‐647‐7026

E‐mail: [email protected] Province of Ontario Archaeological Licence #P016, P208

MTCS PIF # P016‐326‐2011 Our Project # J2011‐26

July 17, 2012

DRAFT July 17, 2011. XENECA POWER DEVELOPMENT INC. 5160 Younge St., Suite 520, Toronto, On M2N 6L9 Attention: Ed Laratta Re: Stage 2 Archaeological and Cultural Heritage Resource Assessment of a Proposed Hydro Development on the Blanche River, Marter Township, Timiskaming District Ontario. FIT # F‐000650‐WAT‐130‐301. MNR Site #2JC16, 2JC17. Please find attached a copy of an Archaeological and Heritage Impact Assessment Report for the above captioned project. Under licence and regulatory requirements, we will be sending additional copies on your behalf to the following offices:

Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport Programs and Services Branch 401 Bay Street, Suite 1700 Toronto, Ontario M7A 0A7

We were pleased to have assisted you with this project and hope to be of continuing service with your future undertakings. Yours truly, WOODLAND HERITAGE SERVICES LIMITED.

_______________________________ John Pollock, Ph.D. JP/rp, Enclosures

Executive Summary DRAFT A Stage 2 archaeological and cultural heritage assessment was carried out for a proposed hydro electric project on the Blanche River in Marter Township, Timiskaming District. The proposed dam location is found upstream of the intersection of the Misema River and the Blanche River (see Figures 1 and 2). The Stage 2 assessment follows an initial Stage 1 Assessment carried out for the same project area, and focused on sub‐surface testing the high potential areas delimited in the Stage 1 study. To date, no archaeological or cultural heritage resources were located in those areas selected for testing as a result of the Stage 1 or Stage 2 work (some further Stage 2 field work remains to be done in August/September 2012). The following recommendations have been made in section 2.6 of this report:

As no archaeological or cultural heritage resources were located through this Stage 2 assessment, it is it is conditionally recommended that Xeneca be allowed to proceed with their plans, as described in Figure 2, to develop this water power resource. If the scope of development changes, additional archaeological or cultural heritage assessment work may be necessary. Additionally, if sub‐surface disturbance is planned to be carried out in any areas outside of those described in Figure 2, additional work may be required.

NB: The above recommendations are conditional to a relatively small amount of field work that remains to be done in August/September 2012 including a Timiskaming First Nation site visit and participation in the completion of the Stage 2 work. If no values are recorded from this, there will be no need for any further Stage 2 or Stage 3 work). As well, the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport will have to review the final report, approve all recommendations and provide an acceptance letter into the Provincial Report data base. Project Personnel John Pollock, P016 ‐ Report Author, Project Director Ryan Primrose, P208 ‐ Report Author, Field Director Larry Harrison ‐ Field Assistant. Mark Bradford ‐ Field Assistant. Acknowledgements Woodland Heritage Services Limited would like to acknowledge the help of Ed Laratta and other Xeneca staff (Xeneca Power) for providing maps, coordinates and background information. Also special thanks to Dean Assinewe (Xeneca Power) for coordinating and arranging for Timiskaming First Nation participation in the archaeological work.

Table Of Contents 1.0 PROJECT BACKGROUND 1.1 Development Context ......................................................................................... 1 1.2 Historical Context ............................................................................................... 2 1.3 Archaeological Context ..................................................................................... 14 2.0. STAGE 2 ASSESSMENT AND BACKGROUND. 2.1 Stage 2 Field Methods ...................................................................................... 15 2.2 Stage 2 Property Survey ................................................................................... 16 2.3 Stage 2 Property Assessment ........................................................................... 17 2.4 Record of Finds ................................................................................................. 18 2.5 Stage 2 Analysis and Conclusions ..................................................................... 18 2.6 Stage 2 Recommendations ............................................................................... 19 2.7 Advice on Compliance with Legislation ............................................................ 19 3.0 FIGURES (MAPS AND IMAGES) ......................................................................... 21‐37 4.0 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................... 38

Stage 2 Archaeological and Cultural Heritage Resource Assessment of a Proposed Hydro Development on the Blanche River, Marter Township, Timiskaming District Ontario. FIT # F‐000650‐WAT‐130‐301. MNR Site #2JC16, 2JC17. MTCS PIF P016‐326‐2011.

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1.0 PROJECT BACKGROUND

This section of the project report provides the context for the archaeological fieldwork. The project background section covers three areas: development context, historical context, and archaeological context.

1.1 Development context

The Stage 2 archaeological and cultural heritage field work and report was required by

the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport (MTCS)in advance of the development of this

hydro power facility and dam. The proposed power project in Marter Township can be

located by referring to Figures 1 and 2.

The archaeological field work was performed in advance of any ground‐disturbing

activities.

The area of disturbance will include road and transmission line corridors, dam, penstock

and powerhouse construction as well as the 24 Ha. of inundation as a result of the dam

construction.

Woodland Heritage Services received permissions to pass on the property and perform

all activities related to archaeological and cultural heritage assessments.

1.2 Historical context

Cultural Prehistory

Archaeologists generally divide northeastern Ontario's prehistory into the following

generalized temporal/cultural sequences;

Late Palaeo (circa 7,000 ‐ 5000 BC)

Shield Archaic (circa 5,000 ‐ 500 BC)

Middle Woodland (circa 500 BC ‐ AD 1200)

Late Woodland (circa AD 1200 ‐ AD 1600)


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Historic (circa AD 1600 ‐ present)

Shield Archaic‐ 5,000 years ago

The earliest known inhabitants of the northeastern Ontario some 6,000 – 8,000years

ago were the Shield Archaic Peoples. In northern Ontario, this era is comparable to the

Archaic period in southern Ontario in terms of its longevity, representing as it does

some 4,000 years of prehistoric occupation in northern Ontario stretching from the

Manitoba border on the west to the Quebec border on the east. The Shield Archaic

appears to evolve directly out of the preceding Late Paleo‐Indian occupations. The

presence of Shield Archaic quarry/workshop and habitation sites on the Nipissing beach

line, the next glacial lake stage below Minong in the Thunder Bay area, combined with

an emphasis on the same raw materials used in the preceding Paleo‐Indian period and a

similar technology centred on the production of large bifaces and somewhat less refined

lanceolate points, suggests this transition. Following what appears to be the initial

Shield Archaic period characterized by large bifaces and lanceolate points, there is an

apparent proliferation of point styles including various forms of stemmed and notched

points.

The earliest peoples whom archaeologists refer to as the Shield Archaic Tradition, were

big game hunters who lived in the area following the last glacial ice‐age. About 2,000

years ago, these people shifted to an economy of smaller game and fishing which

required smaller tools and a seasonal round to exploit various resources at different

times of the year. Fired clay pottery was added to the material culture at this time by

the people who are called the Laurel Tradition or Middle Woodland Culture. The Laurel

Culture gradually evolved into the late Woodland Blackduck (Ojibway) and Selkirk (Cree)

pottery styles. These people were the ancestors of present day regional cultural/social

groups such as the Mattagami First Nation (Settlement Surveys Ltd. 1995:37).


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Initial Woodland‐Laurel‐ 2,000 years ago

Economically, Laurel Tradition peoples who followed the Shield Archaic Peoples

practised a hunting/gathering subsistence pattern which was similar to the Archaic

patterns. Bands consisted of groups of closely related families and people probably

spent much of the year in extended family groups relying on large and small game and

fish for subsistence. During the summer the band would have camped together on a

large lake or river.

Other than the summer group campsites, Laurel sites are generally small, possibly

reflecting the establishment of a seasonal round which saw the Laurel people break up

into individual families during the fall, winter and spring periods of the year to more

effectively exploit available resources. Laurel site distribution and settlement patterns

differ from the inland site pattern noted for the Archaic period and set the pattern for

settlement in the following Terminal Woodland period. Laurel peoples showed a

preference for large lakes and rivers with preferred campsites on sandy bays, portage

ends, points, peninsulas and locations near waterfalls, below rapids and at river mouths.

These locations served for the establishment of small, seasonal hunting and fishing

camps.

Terminal Woodland Period (Anishnabeg Peoples) 800 years ago

Recent data from northern Ontario suggests a trend toward an increase in population

during the Terminal Woodland period reflected in an increased frequency of sites

recovered during archaeological surveys. This trend seems to be repeated across

northern Ontario and whether this actually represents population increases or a bias in

site recovery remains to be demonstrated.

Archaeological evidence suggests that a seasonal cycle of travelling to resource

exploitation areas may have been well established during this era. Site locations follow

an established pattern with preference given to level places on islands, peninsulas,


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narrow parts of lakes, sandy beaches and portage ends, as well as rapids and waterfalls

on rivers.

With the advent of the fur trade, traditional subsistence and settlement patterns

became somewhat disrupted, with settlements often occurring in the vicinity of fur

trade posts or near the railways especially later in the period.

Early First Nations History

The northern interior shield areas including the southern portions of the Mattagami

River area were inhabited by Anishnabeg (Ojibwa). The northern reaches were the

traditional territory of the Moose Cree. Their first contact with Europeans was with the

Recollects and Jesuit missionaries and other French explorers and traders during the

period 1616 to 1649.

During the middle decades of the fifteenth century there was a series of intertribal

Indian wars for control of the fur trade. These wars involved the Mohawks and other

Iroquoian groups (Mohawk, Onondaga, Oneida, Seneca and Cayuga) south of the Great

Lakes in a conflict against the Huron‐Petun and Neutral in southern Ontario. By 1640, all

attempts at various treaties to allow these southern Iroquois access to the furs of

northern Canada had failed. They were therefore denied access to the extensive trade

of the Nipissings and their associates who were the 'middlemen' of the trade all the way

north to James Bay (Hunt 1940:35,45). In 1648 the Hurons were prospering, but by May

1, 1649 they had completely decimated as a cultural entity, having abandoned their

villages as a result of a March 1st, 1649 attack by a party of 1000 Mohawk and Senecas

on the Huron town of St. Ignace (Hunt 1940:92).

Anishnabeg peoples who were living in northern Ontario also temporarily relocated to

other areas due to the recurring raids of the Iroquois between 1649 and 1660.


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The First Nation Peoples have shared the Mattagami river area for more than three

hundred years with Europeans. However, their history in the area goes back a minimum

of 6,000 years and perhaps several thousand years earlier to the days of the glacial

lakes. The entire area was utilized including small lakes and creeks during this time

period.

The broader territory of the Ojibway‐speaking (Anishnabek) peoples once extended

from the Ottawa valley and southern Ontario around both sides of the upper great lakes

to the western prairies. The Anishnabek or Ojibway are still the largest tribal grouping

north of Mexico (Ritzenthaler 1978:742).

Timiskaming First Nation

Timiskaming First Nation is an Algonquin community situated at the head of Lake

Timiskaming, and adjacent of the municipality of Notre‐Dame‐du‐Nord, (Quebec). The

TFN'S population and infrastructure are both growing at a steady pace. There are about

1,650 members registered to the TFN, about 700 live within the territory and about

1000 across Canada, the United States and throughout the world.

Frank Speck, an American anthropologist spent time with the Timiskaming and

Temagami First Nations just after the turn of the 20th century. The following is his

description of the Timiskaming First Nation from 1915.

FAMILY HUNTING TERRITORIES OF THE TIMISKAMING INDIANS.

INTRODUCTORY.

Among the bands of Algonquins and Ojibwas in northern Ontario visited during the summer of 1913, chiefly in the interests of the Geological Survey of Canada, I spent some weeks with the Indians at the head of Lake Timiskaming, on the boundary between Ontario and the Province of Quebec.

These people are officially known as the Timiskaming band of Algonquins, numbering 241 in 1911, and located at their old headquarters in a village, North Timiskaming, 3 miles above where the Riviere des Quinze empties into Lake Timiskaming. The Timiskaming band has partially taken up farming through contact with French Canadians. Consequently the information obtained here is not of as high a grade as that secured from the Timagami band, which is of the same general type. The general results of my investigations up to this point


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warrant classifying the Timiskaming Indians as a branch of the Algonquin group, itself a subdivision of the Ojibwa. The Timiskaming people have, however, become greatly influenced by contact with the true Ojibwa only a few score miles to the west of them. This has resulted, through contact and intermarriage, in the modification of some fundamental Algonquin characteristics, both in social and material life. The characteristic traits of the Algonquin group appear more genuinely in the Lac des Quinze band, about 25 miles east of the Timiskaming people, and also in the bands at the southern end of Lake Timiskaming, the Mattawa and Kipawa bands. In a general introductory paper which I am trying to prepare on the complicated ethnic affinities of the Algonkian bands to the north, more specific information will be presented on the inter‐relations and areas of culture distribution of the different groups.

Although a collection of ethnological objects was made with accompanying data on material culture, especially decorative art, while visiting the Timiskaming people, this chapter will deal only with some phases of social organization. Timiskaming myths and folk‐lore are published in another paper of this series. The chief object of my visit to this band was the investigation of the hunting territorial divisions which I have found to be so characteristic of all the northern tribes of the Algonkian stock so far visited.1 I subsequently discovered that the Timiskaming Indians did not present so fruitful a field for these researches as the Timagami band of Ojibwa, where the family hunting territorial divisions and totemic clans exist side by side in the same group. For this reason I am referring the main discussion of this dual social classification to the third chapter of this paper, devoted to the Timagami band.

THE ALGONQUIN BANDS.

The Timiskaming Indians may, I feel safe in saying, be definitely classified as a modified branch of the Algonquin group of the Ojibwa (Algonquin being a tribal designation distinct from, but included in, the term Algonkian, which refers to the whole linguistic stock). The modification mentioned is due to a secondary influence of the Ojibwa neighbours on the west and northwest, namely the Timagami and Matachewan bands.

The Timiskaming people call themselves Sagi‐'wan'icena'bi' "Head‐of‐the‐lake people," from their location and ancient village at the head of Lake Timiskaming. Some forty years ago there was a Hudson's Bay post there, and archaeological finds on the point at the hamlet of North Timiskaming indicate an aboriginal headquarters at the same place. The term Timiskaming itself, according to native testimony, is a corruption of Algonquin Temia'gamin) "deep lake". The name of the present headquarters of the band is Oba'djonasa’gin "narrow current at mouth of river," which describes the topography of the village at North Timiskaming. Lake Timiskaming bears the name Oba'djiwana’n sagehi'gan "narrowed‐current lake," referring chiefly to the topography at Ville Marie farther down the lake, where there was also an ancient native headquarters and later a Hudson's Bay post.

The Timiskaming Tnrfi«na regard as belonging to their own dialectic and cultural group: the Lake Abitibi Indians, Abi't'ibi' ani’cena’bi "Blue‐water people"; the Grand Lake Victoria Indians, Ketci‐sa’gin ani'cena’bi "Big‐outlet people"; the Quinze Lake Indians, Ki‐ne’ngani’cena’bi "Long‐sand‐point people"; the River Desert and Maniwaki Indians, Tegazi‐bi’n ani’cena’bi "Hungry‐river people"; the Mattawa Indians, Matawasi‐'bi ani’cena’bi "Mouth‐of‐river people"; and the various bands along the Ottawa river, known as Ktce‐si’bi ani’cena’bi "Big‐river people." This embraces practically the whole of the division classified as Algonquin. Most of these bands, it may be added, possess the same general distinctions in material culture, except that the more northerly bands, of whom the Timiskaming constitute one, had no agriculture, mat‐covered wigwams, porcupine quill work, ash‐splint basketry, and rush matting, as the necessary materials are absent in their latitude.

HUNTING TERRITORIES.

The social units composing the band are the families, which consist of individuals related by descent and blood together with other women married to the men of the family. These families are patronymic, the family


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name providing a surname for the group. Individuals, of course, may have special nicknames derived from some personal characteristic, some deed, or an animal, but the classifying name of identity seems to be the family surname, the nickname being a sort of secondary modifier.

The matter, however, which constitutes the main bond of union and interest in these groups is the family hunting territory, in which all the male members share the right of hunting and fishing. These hunting "lots" or territories (nok‐i‐'wak‐i’ "hunting ground") are more or less fixed tracts of country whose boundaries are determined by certain rivers, ridges, lakes, or other natural landmarks, such as swamps and clumps of cedars or pines. Hunting outside of one's inherited territory was punishable occasionally by death. More often, however, trespass was punished by conjuring against the offender's life or health. Each family, as a rule, had some shaman in its ranks who could be called upon to work malefic influence upon a member of another family who was known to have intruded. In this way we can see how, in the community of old, a much involved system of cross‐conjuring must have grown up, often, as the Indians themselves state, causing more or less of rivalry and feuds between certain families. Sickness in general came to be attributed to these sources, it is claimed. Permission, however, could be obtained by a man to hunt in another's territory. This happened frequently as an exchange of courtesies between families when the game supply of one or the other had become impoverished. These privileges were, nevertheless, only temporary, except in a few cases where they were obtained through marriage. It was customary, for instance, in case a family had a poor season on its own domain, for it to obtain a temporary grant of a certain lake or stream from its neighbour, so as to tide over until a better season. When it was necessary in travelling to pass through another family territory, permission was generally sought at the owner's headquarters before passing on, and if by necessity game had been killed to sustain life, the pelts were carried to the owners or delivered to them by some friend. This gave the proprietors the right in the future to do the same in the territory of their trespassers.

These arrangements were matters of tradition and were remembered in detail by the families concerned. The rights in the hunting territories were inherited paternally. Occasionally, to adjust matters, an old man

would subdivide his district among several sons, thus creating new family groups, though, of course, these would recognize mutual privileges to a certain extent. For the most part, the territories were fairly rigid and permanent. Only a few changes are remembered to have taken place within the range of tradition.

It is interesting to note that the large and attractive islands in Lake Timiskaming were common property, or more properly reserves, to be occupied and hunted on when the families came together in the spring for their social reunion. One of these, known as Chief island, is called Ogi‐ma'mini's'i "Chief island," and was the property of the Mazi'nigi’jik family, from which the band chief was most frequently chosen. Here the chief had a regular camp and many families would, upon occasion, camp around him, using the islands, which teemed with game, for their supplies while at the gathering. The hunts which took place at these times were communal, bands of hunters driving the game from the centre of the island to the shores, where hunters were posted waiting in canoes. Then the meat obtained would become common provender for the assembly.

The chief, ogi'ma', was a man chosen for life, generally from the Mazi'nigi’jik family, on account of his strength and wisdom.

Economically these family territories were regulated in a very wise and interesting manner. The game was kept account of very closely, so that the proprietors knew about how abundant each kind of animal was, and hence could regulate the killing so as not to deplete the stock. Beaver were made the object of the most careful "farming," the numbers of occupants, old and young, to each "cabin" being kept count of. In certain districts, moose, or caribou, were protected during one year, in other districts the next year. The killing of game was regulated by each family according to its own rules.

Marriage was a matter determined entirely by the old people of the families. The wife went to her husband's family and lived there. The children then belonged definitely to the father's family, and inherited their hunting rights in the paternal territory. In cases of poor seasons at home it was, however, frequent for the husband to visit his wife's people and hunt, perhaps for several winters, on his father‐in‐law's grounds.


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When the male claimants to a territory became extinct, it was divided up among the relatives in other family groups.

It would have been desirable to obtain some explanations or myths concerning the origins of these bands, but it is safe to state that none now exist, as I questioned the elders of each group and family.

Furthermore, these family divisions are not primarily concerned with animal totemism, which exists here also, although, as will be seen further on, the totemic descent being paternal, there will be a more or less permanent association between the hunting territory bands and certain totems. The main point is, however, that the hunting territory groups have developed by inheritance through individuals, irrespective of totemic communalism, and that the hunting territory names or titles, as we might call them, have also grown out of what originally were personal nicknames. This will appear more clearly in my presentation of the Timagami material. No taboos of diet or killing are found concerning these family groups. They are purely social and economic. Again, as regards the names, it might be added that some can not be definitely translated because of their great antiquity. Moreover, some of them have originated in child's talk, for example Ogu'cen, which is thought to be a child's pronunciation for ogwu’si‐s "son." Personal nicknames are very often derived from such expressions of children learning to talk.

In the above brief resume* I have defined the most important facts that I learned regarding these hunting territories among the Timiskaming people. As the main object of this chapter is not to define or discuss the phenomenon in detail, but to present the data relating specifically to this band, I will add the actual facts secured from members of the different families themselves. It is my hope in the future to fill in the gaps as far as possible, listing geographically the hunting territories and families in the various bands through a large portion of northern Canada.

In the accompanying table, the number in the first column refers to the correspondingly numbered area in the subjoined map of hunting territories; in the second column is given the family designation or title; in the third, its explanation; the fourth gives the totem, to be discussed later; while the fifth column gives the general bounds of the territory.

In the first group, comprising seven families, are the original constituents of the Timiskaming band, so far as is now known. Some have about lost their identity through intermarriage with outsiders.

In the second group of families are given those who have become more or less affiliated with the Timiskaming band, though not originally members of it. Such attachments, due to migration and intermarriage, are always going on in these communities and must be reckoned with in any social study. Some of these families, as is noted, came originally from the Matachewan band of Ojibwas, others have come from Abitibi stock, still others from the Timagami country. The pressure on the Timiskaming territory seems to have been constantly from the west, the result of the continuous northward and eastward drift of Ojibwas from the Lake Huron and Lake Superior regions. This scheme provides us with a concrete and presumably fairly accurate illustration of how territorial encroachments occur among the natives.

TOTEMS. In the third column is given the totem. This represents the clan organization, which is of secondary

importance in the social organization of these Indians. The family territorial groups form a much more active bond of kinship than the clan relationship. For this reason, considering the weakness of the clan institution among the other Algonquins eastward, it would seem natural to attribute the clan system here to the influence of neighbouring Ojibwas, with whom there has been considerable intermarriage.

The clan here is a group with paternal descent and the exo‐gamic regulation. The emblem of the clan is an animal, which is called nto'tem "my kin," the familiar term employed by ethnologists. The totem is simply regarded by these Indians as an emblem of a group of people, related through their fathers, who may be


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encountered even in different tribes. Thus, the Timiskaming and Timagami people of the same totem consider themselves as distant relatives. There are no religious taboos entertained in connexion with the totem, nor is descent traced from it. The idea underlying the totem here seems to be, in brief, the idea of relationship between individuals who have inherited, through their fathers, a certain secondary nationality in the tribe, the emblem of which is the particular animal or totem. As may be inferred from the paternal reckoning in both the totemic and territorial groups, each hunting territory remains permanently in the same totemic group.

In the Timiskaming band are three totems distributed through the families: the Kingfisher, ogi'cki‐ma'nisi; the Caribou, at‐i'k'; the Rattlesnake, cici’kwe. The totems of some of the other families now extjnct in the male line are not known.

Speck, Frank 1915 Family Hunting Territories and Social Life of Various Algonkian Bands of the Ottawa Valley.

Department of Mines, Geological Survey. Ottawa, Government printing bureau.

Beaverhouse First Nation

Beaverhouse First Nation Community is a first nation without reserve land. The

community is part of the Wabun Tribal Council and has an official office in Kirkland Lake.

They are currently seeking status from the Federal Government.

Beaverhouse first nation is located on Beaverhouse Lake and derives its name from a

large outcropping that bears similarity to a beaver’s house. This lake is connected to the

Ottawa River system via the Misema River to the south, and to other waters via Misema

Lake to the North.

Pollock in 1976 wrote “The Culture History of Kirkland Lake District, Northeastern

Ontario”, it was published by the National Museum of Man – Mercury Series [1976]. In

this volume he details the early history of Beaverhouse First Nation (from pages 24, 25).

The Beaverhouse Band. This settlement is at least 100 years old [ca. 1976]. Apparently, some of the original inhabitants came from North Timiskaming, Temagami, Sturgeon Falls and Abitibi Bands. The present population has been reduced to the three permanent dwelling units (names redacted due to FIPPA ) (Colquhoun 1972). An elderly resident, aged 65 years, (name redacted due to FIPPA ) told [Pollock] that his father came to Indian Point on Beaverhouse Lake from the band at Temagami. He built his first cabin at


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the age of fourteen and traded at the Hudson Bay Company until 1928, when he traded in Kirkland Lake. His mother, who was ninety‐two years old in 1972, had lived on Beaverhouse Lake all her adult life. The small cemetery at the settlement had 72 graves in 1972.

A detailed account of the waters associated with Beaverhouse Lake is available in the 11th volume of the Report of the Bureau of Mines, 1902, “LAKE TEMISCAMING TO THE HEIGHT OF LAND. BY WILLET G. MILLER, 1902.pp. 222‐225”

SPECTACLE AND BEAVER HOUSE LAKES. From Headquarters Lake a rocky portage about 200 yards in length leads northward to another lake which we named Spectacle Lake on account of its shape. The first expanse of this lake strikes N 60* E, the outlet being near the end of the portage. Then there is a narrows 15 or 20 yards long and 10 to 12 feet wide running N 100 E. The north half of the lake beyond this narrows strikes N 300 W. The rock at the end of the portage nearest Headquarters Lake appears to be a brecciated graywacke. The portage goes out of Spectacle Lake from its north shore at a point where there are numerous reeds in the shallow water. It is about half a mile in length and runs north to another lake, which stretches north for a quarter of a mile. The portage enters it in marshy ground. About the middle of the west side of the lake a marshy creek‐like narrows runs east for 200 yards and then enters Misemikowish or Beaver House lake, which is long and narrow and receives its name from the fact that a hill situated on its western shore some miles up from its foot bears a resemblance to a huge beaver house. This lake first stretches north from where we entered it, but has a bay which strikes westward to its foot or outlet. The lake is about 12 miles long and is river‐like in character, bays stretching off on either side of the canoe route. The shores are rocky and picturesque, the rock 'belonging to the greywacke series. Seven or eight miles up the lake a bay stretches out to the eastward just above the Beaver House rock, on the northern shore of which an Indian cabin has been erected. Two or three miles further up the canoe channel, which here strikes to the west, a second cabin is seen on an island in a narrow part of the lake. Immediately north of this cabin, which is surrounded by a garden spot, is an Indian burying ground. The end of the lake lies about two miles above, and another cabin has been erected on its western shore not far from the end. These cabins will serve as landmarks for anyone, unaccompanied by a guide, first visiting the lake. Northwest of the northern end of the lake high sand hills are seen, and a sand plain stretches for some miles west of this part of the lake, the plain being broken here and there by rocky ridges. QUASIS LAKE. A portage about three miles in length runs from the shore of the lake from nearly opposite the graveyard referred to in a westward direction across the sand plain. Most of this area has been burned over and little timber remains. The portage leads to a long narrow bay which extends S 15 W and opens out into a large somewhat circular lake, which we named Quasis Lake. A narrow bay leads off from the east side of this larger bay a short distance north of its mouth. From the foot of the smaller bay a river runs out over a small rapid.Quasis lake is over a mile across and the distance from the inlet, which lies a short distance northeast of the end of the three‐mile portage, to the bottom of its south bay is about two miles and a half. The shores of the lake are sandy in many places with here and there outcrops of graywacke A creek runs into the northwest corner, up which we followed for a short distance, and then took a portage which leads southward to another lake also circular in form, lying west of and close to Quasis Lake, with which it is connected by a narrow channel. Near the outlet of this channel on Quasis Lake we came across an Indian's tent containing all his winter's outfit. A sand plain, denuded of trees by


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successive fires, stretches some miles south of the southern extremity of Quasis Lake. This plain lies at a considerably higher elevation than the surface of the lake. A trail was followed southward which became very indistinct about two miles from the lake on account of numerous caribou trails branching off from it. Some rock exposures were found which were chiefly schistose graywacke. One or two exposures of diorite were, however, met with and jasper conglomerate was found in place about two and one‐half miles south of the lake. PARTRIDGE NEST PORTAGE. At the foot of Beaver House lake is a small rapids. The portage, known as the Partridge Nest, leads past this on the east side. It is only a few yards in length. The rock at the rapids is a slaty graywacke more or less rusted with iron pyrites. About 50 yards east of the portage, on a continuation of the ridge which runs across the rapids some blasting has been done, exposing dolomite with a little iron pyrites in slate. Similar outcrops of small extent carrying a little copper and iron pyrites occur on the shores of Beaver House Lake. Some of these have been staked out as claims. Below the Partridge Nest the canoe route runs across a small pond‐like expansion of the river. From here a portage about 30 yards in length leads out of the western corner of the pond, 100 yards west of the channel of the river. This portage may be easily missed, as the route appears to be down the river. From the end of this portage the route runs 200 yards south, then it bears east of south. No rock is exposed for about a mile and a quarter, then a variety of graywacke" is met with just below a little rapid down which we lowered our canoe. When the water is high this rapid can be run. The number of portages down the river varies according to the height of the water. Hence it will be understood that the portages mentioned in the following description will not all be met with at times of high water. About a mile and a quarter farther down is a portage 100 yards in length which leaves the river on its east bank. Down to this point the banks are muddy, with points of rock here and there. We lowered our canoe over the rapids and did not take the portage. The strike of the rock here is about S 600 W and the dip 80 S. Two hundred yards below is another shallows, but the canoe was got through it without much difficulty. This is about a mile above the outlet of Malone Lake, to which reference has already been made. A half mile farther down is a shallows 100 yards in length over rounded boulders. Within the next quarter mile or so there are two or three other shallows down which the canoe had to be pulled. A quarter mile farther on is an expansion of the river where the outlet of Malone Lake comes in. There is a large bay running up to the outlet of Malone Lake which is almost as large as the lake itself. High sand hills lie not far from the east bank of the river above the outlet of the lake. A quarter mile below this outlet is a portage upwards of one‐third of a mile in length. Along this part of its course the river runs southwest, which is its general trend so far. A rather steep hill has to be climbed at the north end of the portage and there is also a hill near its other end. Diorite is exposed at the south end of the portage, and it is likely that most of the trail is underlain by this rock. The next portage, which is about 300 yards farther down, is 250 yards in length, and leads off from the east side of the river. Coming on down, the river begins to widen and hay marshes appear on either side of the channel. About one mile down an expansion known as Marshy Lake is met with. This lake, as its name indicates, is very shallow, and in low water care has to be taken to follow the channel in order to get deep enough water for canoeing. Near the foot of this lake a point of rock juts out from the east shore, being a variety of hornblende schist. Opposite this is an Indian cabin. Half a mile farther down a spring creek cuts its way through the clay banks on the west shore, the water of which is very clear and cool, unlike that of the river. A half mile


12

below this a rock which appears to be biotite syenite was found in place on the west bank. About live or six miles farther down the next rock exposure was seen which is similar in appearance to that last referred to. It outcrops not far above low water level. A few hundred yards below this again the river breaks through a rocky ridge. The rock in this ridge is more or less laminated, the matrix being apparently hornblende schist or flaser gabbro. It holds angular inclusions of both light and dark colored material and is penetrated by quartz stringers. A little galena in association with quartz is found here on the west side of the river. A quarter of a mile down stream a rock which has the appearance of fine‐grained greenstone is exposed at the river's edge, and outcrops of similar material are found here and there for some distance below. JEAN PETIT RAPIDS. We visited a moose "lick," which lies about a mile and a half west of the next portage. Moose, and a few red deer, visit this spot in great numbers, judging from the paths worn in the soil which lead to it. The attraction seems to be saline water, which oozes out of low ground at certain seasons of the year. At the time of our visit the water had dried up. The "lick" lies at the edge of a rocky ridge west of a small, marshy lake. The portage referred to is known as the Jean Petit. One quarter mile west of the portage is a mining claim of the same name. The deposit consists of four or five feet of calcite, with some quartz, carrying a small quantity of copper pyrites. In the vicinity of the deposit the rock is much shattered. It is worthy of note that there is much calcite, along with quartz, as vein matter in the whole of that part of the district we visited. The Jean Petit rapids are small, and a portage runs along both banks. That on the west is the more level. It being low water when we came down the river, we portaged our outfit and took the canoe down stream to near the foot of the rapids, where we made a short lift over. The portage past the next rapid is along the east bank, and is about forty yards in length, being a little shorter than the Jean Petit. Specimens of rock taken here may be either a variety of graywacke or crushed diorite, more likely the latter. The rock contains greenish yellow crystal‐like forms. It is three or four miles to the next portage or shallows, the trail being along the east bank. This portage is a long one, and is rough and brushy, being little better than a moose trail. We let our canoe down the rapids, which are shallow and flow over rounded boulders. The rock on both ends of the portage appears to be graywacke. The next portage below during low water is within a mile of the one just described. It is about a mile and a quarter in length, and is rough and brushy. We headed the canoe down he rapids here and portaged our outfit. A little work was done some years ago on a mining claim which lies up the hill west of the lower end of the portage. The deposit consists of a quartz vein four or five feet wide, with stringers running off into the rock. The quartz is said to contain a small amount of gold. The rock on this side of the river near the shore is dioritic in character. Higher up the hill it is more schistose and graywacke‐like in appearance. It may be added that this portage has different landing places on its southern end. During high water the distance that it is necessary to portage is less than at the time of our visit, when the water was low. It took us about fifty minutes to walk the whole length of the portage. SAND HILL PORTAGE. It is about ten miles down stream from this portage to the Sand Hill portage, which is also sometimes called the Jean Petit. The Sand Hill is immediately above the junction of what is called the north branch of the Blanche and the branch we came down. Between the portage last described and the Sand Hill we had to lift our canoe over a number of shallow places. Diorite and graywacke outcrops alternate along this part of the river. A rock forming a shoal runs out into the


13

stream about two miles above the Sand Hill. It is a variety of graywacke. Then there is a similar shoal of smooth rock a mile farther down, which is dioritic in character. The rocks along this part of the stream are in many places covered with a heavy layer of soil, like much of the country farther up. The Sand Hill portage is so named on account of the upper end of the portage formerly used running up a high, steep hill of sand, which lies a short distance in from the water's edge. A landing place has more recently been made a short distance farther up stream by which the ascent of the hill is more gradual. Sand hills thirty feet high or more line the river for half a mile or so above the portage. The sand rests on clay, which outcrops at the water's edge and for some distance above. The clay is distinctly bedded, the layers being from half an inch to one inch in thickness. After ascending the hill at the upper end of the portage the trail runs across a level sand plain, which is sparsely wooded, and lies at a considerable height above most of the surrounding country. On a clear day a fine view can be had from the trail for a distance of some miles around. The portage is over half a mile in length, and at its lower end the trail descends steeply down a clay hill towards the river. At this point the water flows over a rocky ridge, forming a falls of considerable height [80 foot falls] . The rock at the falls and at the landing place is smooth and well polished, the glacial striae having a direction N 100 or 150 E This rock when broken is seen to be considerably decomposed, and has the appearance of a diorite or gabbro. The next portage is about one mile below the Sand Hill. Then there is another a couple of miles down, which is followed by a third about two hundred yards farther on. We didn’t take the usual portage, but pulled our canoe down, the water being low. On the first portage below the Sand Hill the rock is similar in character to that described at the latter. On the next two the rock resembles the more decomposed parts of the Sand Hill rock, but is fine grained There are no more exposures of rock from this point down to the first rapid we encountered coming up stream, a short distance' below where we turned up the Abitibi branch. Clay banks rise to a height of twenty feet or more along parts of the river's course, and land slides are quite numerous. There is a good current all the way down this part of the river A township map covers that part of the river on which the Sand Hill portage is situated, and for two or three miles above it. Up stream beyond this, however, there is no map of any kind of the river or surrounding country. The map shows the portage to be on lot 10 in the fourth concession of the township of Marter. A settler's cabin has been erected at the point where the south branch joins the main stream, lot 8 in the first concession of Marter. A short distance farther down on the north bank is an Indian's hut.


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1.3 Archaeological context

1.3.1 Before initiation of fieldwork, the site files and catalogued reports at Woodland

Heritage Services Ltd. and/or the offices of the Archaeological Data Coordinator,

Ministry of Culture were checked to determine if any pre contact or historic

archaeological sites had been previously recorded either in or near the study area.

ClGx‐1 is located within 5 kilometres of the study area. This site is associated with the

portage for the “80 Foot Falls,” and is located on the Misema River.

1.3.2. Current Land Use(S), Field Conditions, Soils And Topography

The lands directly associated with the property in question current do not appear to be

used for a particular purpose other than as a recreation area or canoe route.

The soils around the study area range from a clay – coarse grained deltaic deposit in the

southern part of the study area to Glaciolacustrine Fine‐Textured Deposits (OGS Map

2661, Figure 3).

The entire study area us underlain by Granodiorite gneiss of the Round Lake Pluton

(OGS Map 2043: Catherine and Marter Townships, Figure 4).

The topography is characterised by deeply incised valleys principally the result of

mechanical erosion of the surficial geology by way of the Blanche River. This

permanent watercourse has been transporting material from the former lacustrine plain

and deltaic deposit causing both a greater incision into the plain as well as influencing

the lateral movement of the watercourse itself (Figures 5‐26).

1.3.3. Field Work Schedule

The field work was carried out in October 2011 ( additional work planned for August‐

September 2012).


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1.3.4. Past Fieldwork

Past fieldwork has been carried out by Woodland Heritage Services on the Misema River

and Beaverhouse Lake with participation from the Beaverhouse First Nation.

1.3.5. Physical features affecting fieldwork strategy ,decisions or the identification of

artifacts or cultural features.

None encountered.

2.0 STAGE 2 BACKGROUND AND ASSESSMENT

2.1 Stage 2 Field methods

2.1.1 Assessment background

Areas of archaeological potential were identified through the Stage 1 Assessment and

were tested using sub‐surface means during the Stage 2 component. The areas

identified as not having archaeological potential due to steep slopes or permanently

saturated soils were documented through photographs and GPS coordinates. The

weather conditions at the time of the fieldwork was conducive to the identification of

archaeological resourses.

Photographs and GPS waypoints were used to document the overall conditions and

areas tested area.

2.1.2 Areas of Disturbance

i. a map depicting the exact limits of the area

Figures 1 and 2 depict the exact limits of the areas facing disturbance.


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ii. documentation describing how the limit of the area was determined during the survey

and confirming that the area included enough overlap to ensure that all adjacent

impacted lands were surveyed.

Communication with Ed Laratta and Xeneca staff & consultants provided the locations

of those areas to be impacted and the limits of the overall development.

2.2 Stage 2 Property Survey – As relevant, provide detailed and explicit descriptions:

a. of how each standard was addressed for property survey generally

A visual inspection was carried out for the entire area facing disturbance confirming the

areas of archaeological potential and documented those areas that did not meet the

minimum conditions of archaeological potential.

b. of how each standard was addressed for pedestrian survey and test pit survey

The standards were addressed completely for the test pit survey for those areas felt to

demonstrate archaeological potential.

c. to address any differences in approach for areas possessing different conditions

Several areas tested through the Stage 2 fieldwork component suggest the lateral

migration of the river channel as well as the seasonal erosional scouring and deposition

events created by the spring Freshet. This was evidenced in the field by the scrub (osier

dogwood / alder / vascular weeds) vegetation that can withstand the effects of ice

scouring and temporary inundation. In this areas test pitting revealed completely

homogenous silt soils with no stone recovered. This did not change for many of the

areas that were tested. Additionally, evidence of extensive and deep erosion /

deposition zones were noted throughout the study area between the rapids and the

chute. It is suspected that this river has in the past moved laterally between the

boundaries of the incised valley.


17

It is suggested that although these riverbank associated flood plain areas are proximal

to navigable water, the probability of them containing archaeological resources remains

low due to erosion and deposition factors explained above. Subsurface testing in many

locations between the two bedrock controlled areas did not reveal any artifacts, or

stone and were identically homogenous in their soil profile & composition. Some areas

were wet to permanently saturated.

As a result of this finding of flood plain disturbance, sub‐surface testing focussed on

areas of bedrock controlled terrain – the rapids to the north and the chute to the south.

d. of how each standard was addressed where alternative methods acceptable through

Guidelines or Special Conditions were used.

Not applicable.

2.3 Stage 2 Property Assessment – Provide estimates of the percentage of each of the

following:

2.3.1 The Property Surveyed, by Coverage and Survey Interval

Sub‐surface testing was carried out in all areas (100%) of archaeological potential at a 5

metre grid with test pits dug to a minimum of 30 cm in diameter, at a depth reaching

rock or mineral soil and with all soils screened through a 6mm. hardware mesh screen.

The areas tested bordered the Blanche River and were associated with level terrain.

The highest archaeological potential was found associated with the rapids to the

northwest and the chute to the south, both of which were bedrock controlled. The

areas of silt & clay between these two areas appear to be the result of floodplain

deposition and were wet to permanently saturated.


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2.3.2 The Property not Surveyed because there were Areas of no Archaeological

Potential

Some areas lacked archaeological potential due to the presence of steep slopes or

permanently saturated soils.

2.4 Record of finds

2.4.1 Inventory of field documentation.

Photographs were taken of the study area landforms and vegetation.

Photographs were taken of the areas to be impacted.

Areas were noted on maps of all the areas to be impacted.

GPS coordinates were taken using a Garmin 60 CSX with an error rated (with

WAAS) to +/‐ 5 metres on average. All coordinates are in UTM 17T NAD 83.

No archaeological or cultural heritage resources were located through the Stage 2 field

testing or reconnaissance. One portage trail around the third set of rapids was located.

The age of this portage is undetermined and it may not be an ancient trail as a local

sources reports that groups of campers on canoe trips have travelled the Blanche in the

past 25 years. Details will be provided on this possible portage in the final report.

2.5 Stage 2 Analysis and Conclusions

Although archaeological potential was identified and those areas were tested using sub‐

surface means, no archaeological or cultural heritage resources were located. This

could be for several reasons: 1) the distance between the chute and rapids (area of

inundation) is short and early travellers along the river would have chosen to camp at

other locations rather than in the middle of a section of short portages; 2) the Blanche

(in this area) may have been less used for travel than the Misema, Larder or Lac des


19

Quinze route, all of which are easier travelling; 3) once present archaeological resources

could have been destroyed by the ice scouring, erosion or seasonal flooding of the river.

2.6 Stage 2 Recommendations

DRAFT As no archaeological or cultural heritage resources were located through this Stage 2

assessment to date, it is conditionally recommended that Xeneca be allowed to proceed

with their plans, as described in Figure 2, to develop this water power resource. If the

scope of development changes, additional archaeological or cultural heritage

assessment work may be necessary. Additionally, if sub‐surface disturbance is planned

to be carried out in any areas outside of those described in Figure 2, additional work

may be required.

NB:

(the above recommendations are conditional to a relatively small amount of field work

that remains to be done in August/September 2012 including a Timiskaming First Nation

site visit and participation in the completion of the Stage 2 work. If no values are

recorded from this, there will be no need for any further Stage 2 or Stage 3 work). As well, the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport will have to review the final report,

approve all recommendations and provide an acceptance letter into the Provincial

Report data base.

2.7 Advice on compliance with legislation

Advice on compliance with legislation is not part of the archaeological record. However, for the benefit of the proponent and approval authority in the land use planning and development process, the report must include the following standard statements:

a. This report is submitted to the Minister of Culture as a condition of licensing in

accordance with Part VI of the Ontario Heritage Act, R.S.O. 1990, c 0.18. The report is

reviewed to ensure that the licensed consultant archaeologist has met the terms and


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conditions of their archaeological licence, and that the archaeological fieldwork and

report recommendations ensure the conservation, protection and preservation of the

cultural heritage of Ontario.

b. Should previously undocumented archaeological resources be discovered, they may

be a new archaeological site and therefore subject to Section 48 (1) of the Ontario

Heritage Act. The proponent or person discovering the archaeological resources must

cease alteration of the site immediately and engage a licensed consultant archaeologist

to carry out archaeological fieldwork, in compliance with sec. 48 (1) of the Ontario

Heritage Act.

c. The Cemeteries Act requires that any person discovering human remains must notify

the police or coroner and the Registrar of cemeteries, Ministry of Small Business and

Consumer Services.

*Reports recommending further archaeological fieldwork or protection for one or more

archaeological sites must include the following standard statement: ‘Archaeological

sites recommended for further archaeological fieldwork or protection remain subject to

Section 48 (1) of the Ontario Heritage Act. and may not be altered, or have artifacts

removed, except by a person holding an archaeological licence’.

3.0 Figures (Maps and Images) On following pages.


21


22

Figure 1. Project Location Map.


23

Figure 2. Development map (from Xeneca) showing areas of inundation.


24

Figure 3. Surficial geology of the study area.


25

Figure 4. Bedrock geology of the study area.


26

Figure 5. Photograph location map “A”.


27

Figure 6. Photograph “A” looking at the train bridge.

Figure 7. Photograph “B”. Note the scrub vegetation along the banks.


28

Figure 8. Photograph “C” showing the second set of rapids.

Figure 9. Photograph “D” showing the second set of rapids.


29

Figure 10. Photograph “E” showing the bottom of the second set of rapids.

Figure 11. Photograph “F” looking at an exposed shoal.


30

Figure 12. Photograph “G” showing the bottom of the third set of rapids.


31

Figure 13. Photograph location map “B”.


32

Figure 14. Photograph “H” looking at an exposed shoal.

Figure 15. Photograph “I” looking down the shoal.


33

Figure 16. Photograph “J” looking at an area tested on the right.

Figure 17. Photograph “K” showing the homogenous silt & clay of the floodplain.


34

Figure 18. Photograph “L” showing the scrub vegetation of an area tested.

Figure 19. Photograph “M” looking at an area tested on the left.


35

Figure 20. Photograph “N” showing an area tested.

Figure 21. Photograph “O” showing another area tested on the right.


36

Figure 22. Photograph “P” showing an area tested.

Figure 23. Photograph “Q” of a scoured curve in the river.


37

Figure 23. Photograph “R” of evidence of ice scouring.

Figure 24. Photograph “S” looking across from the top of the chute.


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Figure 25. Photograph “T” looking down the top of the chute.

Figure 26. Photograph “U” looking across the bottom of the chute.


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4.0 References Arthurs 1983 Spirits of the Pictured Waters, The Archaeology of the Missinabi River

Valley. Heritage Branch, Ministry of Citizenship and Culture. Canada n.d. The James Bay Treaty, Treaty No. 9. Publication # Q.S.‐0577‐000‐EE‐A‐1 on

file at Settlement Surveys Ltd.

Dean, W.G. 1957 Human Geography of the Lower Albany Basin, Geographical Bulletins.

Department of Mines and Technical Surveys, Geographical Branch, Vol. 10 pp 54‐75.

Hunt, George T. 1940 The Wars of the Iroquois. The University of Wisconsin Press. Pollock, John W. 1975 Algonquian Culture Development and Archaeological Sequences in

Northeastern Ontario. Canadian Archaeological Association, Bulletin 7:1‐53. 1976 Mammamattawa ‐ Fur Trading Site, an Archaeological Inspection and Assessment. Ministry of Culture and Recreation. 1976b The Culture History of Kirkland Lake District, Northeastern Ontario. National

Museum of Man, Mercury Series, Archaeological Survey of Canada, Paper 54. 1984 A Technological Analysis of Lake Abitibi Bifaces. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis,

Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta. 1994 Lake Abitibi Model Forest, Cultural Heritage Project. In the Fifth Annual

Archaeological Report, Ontario. Volume 5 (New Series 1994) pp. 50‐56. Settlement Surveys Ltd. (Dr. John W. Pollock) 1986 Archaeological Resources Overview Assessment, The Moose River Drainage

Area with special reference to the Matagami River Basin. Prepared for Environmental Studies and Assessment Department, Ontario Hydro.

1986 Heritage Resources Study Mattagami River Environmental Assessment.

Prepared for Environmental Studies and Assessment Department, Ontario Hydro.


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1989 Preliminary Report, Archaeological/Historical Assessment of the Yellow Falls Hydro Electric Development. Paper on file with Settlement Surveys Ltd.

1990a Heritage Resources Impact Assessment ‐ Proposed Long Sault Rapids Dam,

Abitibi River. Prepared for NR Power & Energy Corporation (sections by James Morrison).

1990b Archaeological Assessment of Proposed Cottage Lots on Little Abitibi Lake. Prepared for MNR Cochrane District on file at District office.

1995 Archaeological and Heritage Resources Assessment Study, Construction

Monitoring, Shekak River Small Hydro Project . Prepared for Nagagami ‐ Algonquin Power Corporation Inc.

1995 Archaeological and Historical Sites Cultural Heritage Project. Prepared for the Elk Lake Community Forest, Elk Lake, Ontario.

1995a Preliminary and final reports, Lake Abitibi Model Forest Cultural Heritage

Project, 1995. Unpublished report on file at Settlement Surveys Ltd. (Sections by James Morrison).

1995b Archaeological and Historical Sites, Cultural Heritage Project, Elk Lake

Community Forest, 1995, prepared for the Elk Lake Community Forest, Elk Lake, Ontario (licence 94‐065).

Skinner, Alanson 1912 Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux. Anthropological

Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IX, Part 1. Speck, Frank G. 1915 Family Hunting Territories and Social Life of Various Algonkian Bands of the Ottawa Valley. Geological Survey of Canada, Memoir 70. Ottawa Treaty Nine 1905‐05 The James Bay Treaty: Treaty Number Nine 1905‐06, with Adhesions in 1929

and 1930. Ottawa: Queen=s Printer.

Woodland Heritage Services Limited (Dr. John W. Pollock) 2001 FedNor GPS/GIS Cultural Heritage Sites Project, Timiskaming Forest

Management Unit ( with the Elk Lake Community Forest) Vidal‐Anderson


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1849 AReport of Commissioners A. Vidal and T. G. Anderson on a visit to Indians 5 December 1849.@ Archives of Ontario. Irving Papers. MU 1464. 26/31/04

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