ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Material Culture and Indigenous Spiritism:the Katamansu Archaeological “Otutu” (Shrine)

Wazi Apoh & Kodzo Gavua

# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Abstract Through the integration of oral history and ethnographic and historicaldata with archaeological evidence, attempts have been made to understand andreconstruct the settlement history of Katamansu, a late eighteenth-century historictown located on the Accra Plains of Ghana. Two seasons of archaeologicalexcavations at the Koowule site of the town yielded some evidence of the 1826Battle of Katamansu, a battle that was fought on the site between the Asante and theGa and their coastal allies of the Gold Coast. The excavations also yielded twospectacular features, whose configuration and content appear to be the remains of ashrine of the Ga people. The features correlate well with ethnographic parallelsdescribed by Margaret Field, an anthropologist, in her research on the religion andmedicine of the Ga in the 1930s. This paper presents the historical and materialevidence of the 1826 battle as well as the analysis of the shrine contents. The shrinefeatures provide insights into an archaeological shrine's mundane materiality. Theyalso expose how local (Neolithic and historic) and European artifacts were recraftedand imbued with medicinal, magical, and spiritual properties to possibly cure andimpress patients and supplicants in shrine ritual practices.

Résumé A travers l’établissement de liens entre l’histoire orale, les donnéesethnographiques et historiques et les témoignages archéologiques, plusieurstentatives ont été menées pour comprendre et rétablir l’histoire du peuplement deKatamansu, ville historique du 18e siècle dernier située dans les plaines d’Accra auGhana. A deux reprises, des fouilles archéologiques ont été entreprises sur le siteKoowule de la ville. Ces fouilles présentent des traces de la bataille de Katamansu,bataille qui a eu lieu entre les Asante et les Ga, alliés de la côtière de Gold Coast.Les fouilles ont également révélé des aspects spectaculaires dont la configuration etles implications montrent qu’il s’agit des vestiges d’un lieu de culte du peuple Ga.

Afr Archaeol RevDOI 10.1007/s10437-010-9078-9

W. Apoh (*) :K. GavuaDepartment of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghanae-mail: wazital@gmail.com

Les caractéristiques sont en parfaite corrélation avec les parallèles ethnographiquesdécrits par l’anthropologiste Margaret Field dans sa recherche sur la religion et lamédecine des Ga dans les années 1930. Notre travail présente les preuves matérielleset historiques de la Bataille de 1826 ainsi que les analyses du contenu du lieu deculte (culte). Les caractéristiques de ce dernier, nous donne une compréhension trèsprofonde du sens premier ou superficiel de cet autel archéologique. Cette rechercheexplique aussi comment des objets locaux et européens (Néolithique et historique)étaient retravaillés et imprimés de propriétés médicinales pour éventuellement guériret impressionner patients et suppliants au cours des pratiques rituelles des cultes àl’autel.

Keywords Ghana . 1826 Battle of Katamansu . Archaeological shrine .

Material culture . Shrine rituals

Introduction

Beaudry et al. (1991: 150) noted that “a common theme connecting interpretations ofthe material record of the past is how people engage the material world in culturalexpressions in the negotiations of daily life.” This statement echoes the significanceof this archaeological study into the connection between material and spiritualpractices manifested in cultural, historical, and archaeological contexts. Materialculture, including artifacts, has been conceived as “the concrete manifestation ofcultural templates” (Paynter 1988: 408) that embraces “all consciously createdelements of human expressions” (Orser 2004: 90). Studies of material culture(Beaudry et al. 1991; Dietler 1990; Mintz 1985; Orser 1994; Paynter 1988) havetended to reveal the function, signs, and meanings embodied in artifacts. Materialculture has been viewed as commodities that were created for use and exchange(Deetz 1977; Miller 1987) and as documents that communicate and convey themeaning of past human activities (Beaudry et al. 1991:153; Noël Hume 1969; Orser2004:110; Thomas 1991). It has been explored as ideas (Shackel 1993) that conveyideological and other symbolic functions (Krampen 1979: 65).

In terms of revealing ideological, ritual, and religious function, material cultureserves as tactile residues of the practices and actions that take place in shrines.Among many others, a shrine is a ritual space. Dawson (2009: vii) is of the view thatshrines “can act as containers in a literal sense for the spirits of ancestors and deitieswho must be regularly placated and petitioned for blessings, requests forintercession, and divine sanction.” In addition to reflecting all the above nuancesor the dynamic nature of material culture, the findings from this research point to theactive role played by shrine material culture in invoking spiritual, emotional, social,physical, and psychological satisfaction for its supplicants. Moreover, the Kata-mansu shrine (called Otutu in Ga language, see Field 1937) materials reveal theenmeshment of local (prehistoric and historic) and European artifacts with medicinaland spiritual properties in divination, propitiation of deities and ancestral spirits, and/or protection against ill-fortune caused by witchcraft and lightning.

The Accra Plains house the homelands of the Dangme and Ga. These are two closelyrelated linguistic/ethnic groups, who form about 9% of the total population of Ghana

Afr Archaeol Rev

(Brammar 1967; Kropp-Dakubu 1976, 1987). Ga is the indigenous language of the Gagroup who live in towns along the coast of Accra. A number of written sourcesspanning the period 1670 until present refer to the Ga of the Accra Plains. Thesesources provide insights into aspects of their subsistence economy, trade, militaryexploits, and ethno-medicinal lifeways in addition to their sociopolitical structuresthrough time (Anquandah 1978; Apaak 1999; Azu 1974; Bredwa-Mensah 1990;Boachie-Ansah 1998; Bruce-Myers 1928; Claridge 1915; Crossland 1989, 2000;DeCorse1993; Field 1937, 1940; Henderson-Quartey 2002; Ozanne 1964; Reindorf1895).

Katamansu (Fig. 1) is one of the late eighteenth-century Ga settlements locatedabout 35 km NNE of Accra (Apoh 2001; Gavua 2000). Its current chief, Nii OtuAkwetey IX, claimed that the original settlers migrated from Nungua, another Gasettlement along the coast of Accra, to their present location in the eighteenth century(Gavua 2000). According to oral accounts of the Katamansu people, the earlysettlement was known as “Ahiam” but was later changed to Katamansu after the 1826war between the Asante and the Ga and their coastal allies. The early settlement servedas a trading post where farm, marine products, and salt from the coastal lagoons, andpossibly European products, were traded with people in the Akuapem Mountains andthe Gold Coast hinterlands (Henderson-Quartey 2002; Reindorf 1895).

By means of a comparative approach and use of multiple lines of evidence—ethnography, historical documents, and analysis of excavated artifacts—insightshave been gleaned into the settlement histories and the material symbolism and

Fig. 1 Map of southern Ghana showing study area

Afr Archaeol Rev

meaning (Lyman and O'Brien 2001; Stahl 1994) behind the Katamansu archaeo-logical shrine features. Katamansu and its immediate environs became thebattleground for the historic 1826 war, which involved a coalition army of the Gaand the Ada, Osudoku, Krobo, Akwamu, Shai, Akuapem, Denkyera, Akim, Agona,Akyem, and a contingent of British, Dutch, and Danish colonial officials andmerchants against an Asante force.

Two seasons of archaeological expeditions organized in 2000 and 2001 by the authorsand students of the Department of Archaeology, University of Ghana, led to thediscovery and recovery of some evidence of the battle and two shrine-like features at theKoowule site of Katamansu. The ensuing sections assess the historical backdrop andevidence of the battle and presents an analysis of the contents of the excavated shrinefeatures (Otutui, plural) to reveal how local and exotic artifacts were revised, reused,and imbued with medicinal and spiritual properties in shrines (Field 1940). Gahistorical and contemporary cultural or ethnographic practices were explored tointegrate Ga spiritual folklores (Kilson 1971) and material philosophy in theinterpretation of the archaeological shrine features (Baum 1999; Beaudry 1988;Schuyler 1988; Schmidt and Mrozowski 1983:146).

The 1826 Battle of Katamansu and Its Impact

The battle of Katamansu was fought on August 7, 1826 (Claridge 1915; Reindorf1895; Ward 1948). It involved the Ga and their coastal allies against the Asante. Thecause of the battle was linked with a historic feud between the Ga and the Asante,which compelled the Asante King, Nana Osei Yao Akoto, to reclaim his waningreputation. The king set out to punish the Ga for repudiating their alliance with theAsante (Claridge 1915: 385) and for assisting the Fante and the British against themin the battle of 1824 at Cape Coast. In this previous battle, the Asante were defeatedand they retreated from Cape Coast to Kumasi (Reindorf 1895: 193; Ward 1948). Asecond reason for the battle was the desire of the Asante to control the coastal salttrade and engage in direct trading with Europeans on the coast (Henderson-Quartey2002: 307).

Early in August 1826, King Osei Yao Akoto consulted the oracles of twopowerful traditional deities, Odente and Tanno, and led an Asante army of warriorsand their wives and daughters southwards to the battle site at Katamansu (Reindorf1895). According to oral information gathered from the chief and informants ofKatamansu, some Katamansu women on a water-fetching errand sighted a number ofAsante army scouts operating near a seasonal stream in the area and reported theincident to their elders. Other reported sightings and killing of some foraging Asantewarriors made it clear than an invasion was imminent (Reindorf 1895). The Garallied up a large allied coastal army to encounter the Asante and help defend Accra.The Danish Governor at Christiansborg-Accra, Governor Brock, distributed armsand ammunition to all the subjects of the King of Denmark from Christiansborg toAda, Osudoku, Krobo, Akwamu, Shai, Akuapem, and Akyem. Other allied troopsfrom Cape Coast, including the Denkyera, and Agona were involved. A reservecontingent of 60 Royal African Colonial Corps under the British Governor of CapeCoast, Lieutenant Colonel Purdon, also joined the allied forces with the newly

Afr Archaeol Rev

invented Congreve rocket and two brass one-pounder field pieces (Reindorf 1895;Ward 1948). Influential foreign merchants including Mr. Hansen, Mr. Richter, Mr.Bannerman, whose business were being affected by the continuous Asantemaneuvers on the coast, were also involved. They assisted the allies with relevantresources and prepared the members of their households and slaves, numberingabout 500, to form fighting militias (Claridge 1915; Reindorf 1895).

In preparing for the battle, all the rulers and war captains of the alliance weresworn on a fetish by King Taki Kome I, King of Accra (Gamantse), following theGa war ritual of ta hoomo (cooking the war) at a shrine, Sakumotsoshishi(Henderson-Quartey 2002: 308). This ritual involved the prolonged boiling ofinanimate objects in a large earthenware pot until the pot burst, to symbolize thespiritual defeat of the fighting spirit of the Asante warriors. The objects were said torepresent the souls and spirits of the Asante army (Henderson-Quartey 2002: 308).In terms of the number of combatants in the battle, there is conflictingdocumentation on the total number of troops on both sides. Claridge (1915: 389)estimated the total allied strength at 11,380 and 10,000 Asante warriors. Reindorf(1895: 202), on the other hand, suggested 40,000 Asante warriors and 50,000 alliedforces.

Reindorf (1895) notes that a “soldiers’ battle” was fought on the morning ofAugust 7, 1826, at the settlement of Katamansu and surrounding plains to decide thefate of the Gold Coast. The allied line of forces extended about four miles to the eastand west of Katamansu, the center of the battle (Ward 1948; Claridge 1915).According to Reindorf’s account of the battle, the Asante King disguised his swordbearers and dispatched them to spy on the position and formation of the allied army(Reindorf 1895). The report of the sword bearers to the King was, “it is known andacknowledged that the forest belongs to the elephant, likewise we would say that thebuffalo is also on the plain” (ibid). This suggests that the allied forces looked fierceon the battlefield and were ready for the encounter. The two combating forcesclashed on the battlefield initially by firing their muskets at each other, which latertransformed into fierce hand-to-hand combat and the use of knives, axes, andcudgels (Claridge 1915).

At a critical moment, when the issue of the battle dangled in a balance, the reserveparty of the British troops advanced and opened fire with Congreve rockets(Claridge 1915). Under the double attack of the allied forces and the British troops,the center of the Asante army finally gave way (Ward 1948). A loud voice was heardin the Asante line shouting Edom agu o! mu pim kwoe, meaning “the battle is lost;run for it or retreat” (Reindorf 1895: 205). The Asante army took to flight, afterholding their position until late afternoon. A number of the aforementioned scholarssuggested that, of all the battles fought by the Asante since the formation of theirkingdom in the seventeenth century, the battle of Katamansu proved to be the mostfatal. The Asante King lost 60 generals, chiefs, and captains as well as anundisclosed number of warriors and their wives (Henderson-Quartey 2002: 312).The allied forces on the other hand lost five renowned captains and over 1,800warriors were killed, wounded, or missing in action (Reindorf 1895).

According to Reindorf (1895), the Asante left many items on the battlefield intheir flight for survival. These items, including royal badges, state umbrellas, gold-hilted swords, jewels, and chests and pots containing gold dust (Henderson-Quartey

Afr Archaeol Rev

2002), were later plundered by the allied forces and people within the Katamansuarea. This booty probably made many of the Ga and their allies rich. In terms of siteformation processes, bits of these battle accoutrements and human remains may haveeventually become part of the archaeological record on the battle site.

The positive image of the people of Accra in the Gold Coast and abroad washeightened by the success of the people in defeating the Asante in the battle(Henderson-Quartey 2002). The defeat of the Asante also permitted the English tobecome, for the first time, the owners of the coastal land on which their forts andcastles stood (Claridge 1915). Through the effort of foreign and local merchants,coastal trade was given a boost after the war. The new British representative, CaptainGeorge Maclean, succeeded in restoring peace and restructuring trade relationsbetween British merchants, the coastal states, and the Asante in the 1830s (Metcalf1962; Reynolds 1974). Some coastal states and the British later signed the Bond of1844 to begin the direct British colonization of the Gold Coast. The defeat of theAsante at Katamansu made them more vulnerable to British imperial intrusion intoKumasi, the capital of the Asante kingdom. Eventually, the British colonized theAsante kingdom after further battles between the Asante and British imperial/nativeforces from 1869 to 1874 and in 1900 (Wilks 1975).

Ethnographic Features Associated with the Battle

The geographical extent of the battlefield cannot be determined accurately. However,the total area described by Chief Nii Otu Akwetey IX and surveyed during thearchaeological fieldwork is about 7 km2 (Apoh 2001). According to the chief and hiselders, Pinkwai, the name of the forest into which the Asante fled after losing thebattle and the origin of the name Katamansu are associated with the battle. First, thename Katamansu replaced Ahiam, the previous name of the settlement after the 1826battle, following the failure of the Asante king to fulfill an oath he swore prior to thebattle. He is reported to have sworn to push all the Ga people into the belly ofkamfra, a small flat marine fish (Reindorf 1895). As a mockery of the King and theAsante in reference to the oath which had backfired on the Asante, the people ofAhiam proclaimed in Twi that “Wo ka ntam na wosu ye” (“You swore an oath, yetyou wept”). This statement was later corrupted and subsequently became the name“Katamansu” (Gavua 2000).

The Pinkwai Forest is one of the features on the battlefield that the chief andelders of Katamansu have linked to the battle. It is located about 2 km west of theKatamansu town and may be 1 km2 in area with relatively dense vegetation. Theforest is sacred to the local people but they can enter it after a libation ritual, amidthe firing of gunshots. Although they probably scare away wild animals, thegunshots, according to the chief and other informants, are meant to appease the godsof the forest (Apoh 2001). Informants also claim that without the ritual anyone whoenters the forest would get lost. This rule appears to have contributed to thepreservation of the forest to date (Gavua 2000). There are extant paths in the forestlinking the Akwapim hills to the coast. Along these paths are the remains of eightfeatures that looked like old trenches, which are 20 m apart. Their average length is2.5 m while the breadth and depth are 1 m, respectively. Unconfirmed explanation

Afr Archaeol Rev

given by the chief and his sons indicated that the Ga used the trenches to lay ambushfor the Asante forces during the battle. Pinkwai is the name of the forest derivedfrom “mo pim kwoe” (“retreat” or “run for it”). These are utterances made by thedefeated Asante army while fleeing. The informants claimed the Asante disappearedafter they retreated into the forest (Gavua 2000). Information from the abovebackground narratives is relevant in the analysis of the materiality of the shrinefeatures, especially when they are put into contextual and historical perspectives.

Material Culture and Ideology

Belief in both monotheistic and polytheistic deities is common in African religion.Examinations of how Africans practice religion and express indigenous beliefs todeal with ill-fortune, insecurity, and daily struggle for spiritual and economicsurvival (van Beek 1994; Dawson 2009; Goody 1964, 1972; Insoll 2004; Tait 1961)have revealed how selected material objects are bound up in spiritual expressionsand practice (Baum 1999; Parish 1999, 2000; Shaw 1997; Stahl 2005). Such objectshave been associated with animism (Tylor 1871), ancestor worship (Rattray 1923),divination (Mendosa 1982; Peek 1991; Turner 1975), herbal cures, and witchcraft(Evans-Pritchard 1937).

The notion of context, which is a key element in archaeological analysis, is where“meaning is located and constituted” (Beaudry et al. 1991: 160). Though it is worthnoting that context “anchors all artifacts and other archaeological finds indimensions of time and space,” the primary functional meaning of an artifact maybe “renegotiated and redefined” (Beaudry et al. 1991: 160), especially in anotherutilitarian or symbolic capacity within a “secondary context.” In interpreting thereuse of local (e.g., Stone Age, Iron Age, and historic) and European artifacts (e.g.,ceramics, beads) in an archaeological shrine context, this paper attempts to explorethe nature, internal structure, and relationship between mundane artifacts and theirideological functions within the cultural and historical locale in which they aremanifested (Schiffer 1987). A number of observations have been made on the factthat ritual objects are frequently drawn from an assortment of mundane materials andare imbued with ritual importance through “practice and context” (Walker 1998;Walker and Lucero 2000). The reuse of “mundane” material culture in “symbolic”(Beaudry et al. 1991: 155) and practical contexts such as shrines provides avenuesfor archaeologists to interrogate why such artifacts were favored and what sorts ofideological functions and meanings they convey (Mather 2009).

In some West African societies, shrines feature as loci of ritual activity. Theyvary in importance, scale, and material expression in the channeling of thehuman material world with the natural and spirit world (Lentz 2000; Maier1983). Select examples of shrines from West Africa demonstrate that they becomepopular and unpopular based on their efficacy in meeting the demands ofsupplicants (Dawson 2009; Goody 1957; Insoll 2004; Stahl 2005). Though thereis no standard array of objects or configuration of shrines, each shrine, has specificproperties. They sometimes function as sacred sites for meditation, propitiation ofthe dead, divination, afflicting misfortune on victims, providing spiritual cures, andoffering protection from illness and witchcraft (Stahl 2005). Some common shrines

Afr Archaeol Rev

in the urban centers of Ghana usually consist of “makeshift or spontaneousshrines,” which have been defined as “ephemeral unmediated assemblages ofmemorabilia to mourn loss of human lives at accident sites” (Grider 2001: 3; Senie1999).

There are also more permanent memorials/heritage sites and buried “fetish”shrines, Otutui (Field 1937). In rural communities of Ghana, shrine features includeforked wooden poles with ceramic or brass vessels on them (Goody 1962: 367;Rattray 1923: 51). Private or clan shrines consist of protected anthills andassemblages of mundane material culture around the corners of houses and undersacred trees and rocks (Mather 2003, 2009; Tait 1961: 200). Farmers often putmundane cultural material on their farms to propitiate deities of rain and fertility aswell as to scare and ward off thieves and parasitic birds. The depositional contexts ofthe Katamansu Otutu features and the examination of the object classes reveal ashrine cluster that was probably used in divination, propitiation of deities andancestral spirits, and to offer protection against witchcraft and lightning. Theseprobable reasons have been assigned bearing in mind that “the physical form andobjects used to make a shrine are not always correlated with the function of andspirits associated with the shrine” (Mather 2009: 102). In problematizing the natureof the shrine features for analytical purposes, a number of questions were posed,namely, why and when was this shrine set up? Was it established as a medicinepractitioner's site of business before the 1826 battle or was it set up after the battle?Was it established to exploit the site’s socially perceived spiritual essence? On the

Fig. 2 Metal finds 1 (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

other hand, was it set up and abandoned as a “spontaneous shrine” to commemorateand supplicate the dead warriors in the battle?

Archaeological Evidence of the Battle

Excavated data comprise artifacts, though limited, that provide tangible informationabout the battle. The direct and circumstantial evidence found are in the form ofarmaments and other cultural materials that were probably used in the one-day battleof 1826. Although ethnohistoric accounts indicate that, until the early 1980s, therewere human physical remains and other assorted cultural remains littering thebattlefield of Katamansu, the two seasons of archaeological work did not yield anyhuman physical remains. A few fragmented human skulls and limb bones, and gunparts that were probably associated with the war, are in the possession of the chief ofKatamansu. Grazing and sand-mining activities, as well as intense plowing andcultivation, could have contributed to poor preservation of human physical finds onthe Katamansu battlefield. The activities of traffickers in human parts for ritualscannot be ruled out, as their activities are still common in Ghana.

Fig. 3 Metal finds 2 (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

Two important small finds (Fig. 2, d) may be linked to the use of muskets orCongreve rocket arms during the war. One of the finds is a lead ball that weighed30.4 g while the other piece of lead measured 5 mm in diameter and 4 mm inthickness and weighs 0.8 g. These finds could be musket balls discharged from burstshrapnel or from Congreve rocket shells. Two excavated iron axe-heads (Fig. 3, f andg) with cutting edges could have been hafted on wooden shafts and used as battle axesin the war. A number of excavated cultural remains also offer some circumstantialevidence of the battle. These include a silver whistle (Fig. 2, b) which is believed tohave been part of a Ga war captain’s paraphernalia. The sound from such a whistlewas probably used strategically in the war to conduct the activities of warriors. In theethnographic context, the leaders of various parading youth groups, or Asafocompanies, among the Ga of the James Town area of Accra, use such whistles. Theyrevealed that some whistle sounds are coded messages, which are understood by thegroup members. In the past, war captains blew coded whistle sounds for warriors tochange their strategy or attack formation, thereby confusing the enemy in the process.However, the association of the whistle with the shrine features also suggests its reusein ritual context. Among the metal finds are two cuprous shell casings (Fig. 2, k, l),which were probably ejected from a shotgun or a hunting rifle.

The Shrine Otutu Features

Excavation of four 2×2 m units at the Katamansu–Koowule site in 1999 yielded twospectacular features (Fig. 4). These finds necessitated continuity in excavation at thesite during the 2000 field school season. In 1999, a grid of eight 2×2 m units waslaid over the site and four of the units, KW1, KW3a, KW5, and KW6a, wereselected for excavation. The excavation was executed in 10-cm arbitrary verticalintervals. Distinctive features were also excavated separately. The excavated soil was

Fig. 4 A sketch of the shrine features at KW3a and KW6a units (not to scale)

Afr Archaeol Rev

screened through a quarter-inch mesh, and soil samples were collected and floated inwater for microfaunal and botanical data. The locations of distinctive artifacts werepiece-plotted to get accurate provenience information and to establish therelationship between associated artifacts in a level.

In the process of work in the KW3a unit, we discovered a feature that looked likethe remains of a shrine of the indigenous religion at about 10 cm below surface(Gavua 2000). Since it projected into KW6a, it became necessary for us to excavatethat unit as well. We found and excavated a second feature, which was similar to thefirst in configuration and content, in this unit spreading into KW5. We did furtherarchaeological investigations at the Koowule site during the 2000 field school seasonby excavating two 2×2 m pits: KW3b and KW6b, which formed extensions ofKW3a and KW6a. Although no complete feature was found, items recovered appearto have been associated with the shrine features. A statistical summary of finds ispresented in Table 1 below.

Shrine Feature 1

This feature (Fig. 4) consisted of a wide, shallow bowl measuring 24 cm in diameter,placed on top of a ring of seven large snail shells (Gavua 2000). Beneath the bowlwere two premolars of a cow, the carapace of a tortoise, a spread of mica fragments,and several cowry shells. Adjacent to the western end of the bowl was a completeSchnapps gin bottle with its rim pointing southwards to touch a large bottle of thesame kind placed upwards. A round hammer stone was found southwest of thisbottle. In association with the bowl and the other materials were stone pebbles,polished stone axe-heads, various types of seashells, and pieces of scrap sheet-metal.Scattered quantities of calcium carbonate, charcoal, and iron spikes were alsoassociated with the feature (ibid).

Shrine Feature 2

This second feature (Fig. 4) was found in KW6a unit at about 70 cm northeast of thefirst feature. Though similar in orientation and content as feature 1, there werenotable variations in feature 2, especially in the size of the top bowl and some of theassociated materials. The bowl was 31 cm in diameter. On its western end was alarge bottle of Schnapps gin facing southwards in the direction of the other bottles infeature one. A nineteenth century British stoneware jar was discovered at thesouthern edge of the feature. Under the bowl was an assortment of items, includingcowry shells, polished stone axe-heads, a cow bone, an 1895 British silver coin, anda concentration of charcoal. It appeared the charcoal pieces were first spread on thefloor before the bowl and other materials were placed on top of them. Fragments ofmica (183 g) and chunks of calcium carbonate (chalk; 333.8 g) were also associatedwith the feature. Nine polished stone axe-heads enclosed the charcoal and the ring ofsnail shells on which the bowl was placed. An extension of feature 2 into KW5produced ceramic finds, a brass bowl with a rotten calabash inside it, a brass padlockwith a key inserted into it, a coil of copper wire, and cowry shells. A spread of micasamples, pieces of scrap metal, perforated stone beads, and a relatively small, clearglass bottle with the inscription “REVIERE” on its body (Fig. 8, c) were also found.

Afr Archaeol Rev

Tab

le1

Num

erical

summaryof

findsfrom

Katam

ansu

shrine

features

Units

Pottery

Imported

ceramics

Bones

Beads

Metals

Glassware

Cow

ries

Mollusca

Pipes

Stone

artifacts

Total

KW3a

100

135

111

1725

302

1421

8

KW3b

338

46

1929

8612

420

–3

629

KW5

212

101

33

5013

38–

233

2

KW6a

478

17

27

2336

–12

143

KW6b

107

3–

–1

911

51

113

8

Totalfind

s80

438

1330

4616

919

612

93

32

Afr Archaeol Rev

Discussion

Bower (1986) notes that we cannot meaningfully describe the behavior of ancientpeople, nor understand why they acted the way they did without knowing theircultural identity and their location in time and space. In interpreting the multiplemeanings created in the shaping of the world of artifacts, Beaudry et al. (1991: 152)have advocated for the blending of an interpretive approach with the materiality andthe context of the data. Pursuing an interpretive approach therefore must involve theconsideration of the substantive functional and ideological (secular and/orcosmological) roles of the artifacts and the detailed construction of the historicaland cultural context of artifacts. The aforementioned assertions form the basis of thediscussion and interpretation of the Katamansu finds.

The assorted cultural materials found in the Katamansu shrine context could bedescribed as the ritual accoutrements of an indigenous African religious priest. Thisis because the contents and configurations of the excavated features show closeresemblance to ethnographic examples of shrines at Katamansu and other Gasettlements. Moreover, the items mentioned by Field (1937) as the paraphernalia of a“medicine man’s” kit, namely, “padlocks, keys, organic herbs, animals, brass andiron objects,” do show some close resemblance to the contents excavated. Herdescription of an Otutu (Field 1937) is also worth taking note of in the interpretationof the excavated features. Some of the Otutui, which protect against lightning,always have “bits of copper, brass, iron, Neolithic hoes {or Late Stone Age axe-heads}, eggs, herbs, coins, cowries and a live animal such as a goat buried beneaththem” (Field 1937).

Some of the Katamansu shrine materials provide information on how materialculture is revised and reused in a secondary functional context. Thirty-two stoneartifacts (Figs. 5 and 6) recovered from the shrine context include sphericalgrinding stones (n=7), near-rounded sandstone pebbles (n=7), and ground-stoneaxe-heads (n=16). Microscopic examination revealed that the raw material of theaxe-heads was predominantly calc-chlorite schist or greenstone, “a form of fine-grainedmetamorphic rock with a high compressive strength, mostly from the Upper Birimianformations of the central and western forest areas of Ghana” (Ozanne 1962). Thepolished axe-heads have ground and polished sides and beveled cutting edges. Thestone axe-heads associated with the shrine features provide insight into their secondaryusage as shrine ritual artifacts. This is contrary to their primary function as fossilguides for identifying Ghana’s pioneer farmers in the Neolithic or Late Stone Ageperiod (Anquandah 1982).

The secondary context in which the stone axe-heads were found proves thenumerous expositions on their usage in contemporary times. Some scholars havedocumented that these axe-heads were exploited for their assumed medicinal andmagical properties (Field 1940; Ozanne 1962; Rattray 1923; Reade 1874; Shaw1944; Wild 1927). They have pointed out that, having invested the “thunderbolts” or“God axes” (Nyu ηmo te/Nyame Akuma) with supernatural origins, most followersand priests of indigenous religions and herbalists assign them with various medicinaland magical properties. Some of the stones were ground and mixed with water andother concoctions and given out to cure cough and digestive ailments (Wild 1927).They were also sometimes fastened against the body to cure diseases (Rattray 1923:

Afr Archaeol Rev

323). In some cases, they were built into the swish walls of huts to ward offlightning and spirits (Shaw 1944). Stone axe-heads and stone beads were used asmedicinal materials for anointing royal children in Accra (Ozanne 1962).Furthermore, ethnographic investigations at shrines at Peki-Dzake (Ghana, Nutor2010) and Katamansu revealed that the polished stone axe-heads, which are viewedas male spiritual curative objects, are most times placed in pots of water (see Fig. 7)with perforated stone beads, which are also regarded as female spiritual curativeobjects. This assumed medicinal/spiritual water is used in bathing and curing victimsof epilepsy (Apoh 1997). Thus, the three perforated stone beads (Fig. 6) found in theshrine context might have been used in a ritual context to reap their supposedsupernatural cures.

Shards of glass (n=169) from bottles, window glass, plates, and drinking glasseswere among the objects recovered from the shrine context. These shards andpartially complete vessels were in various shades of colors, such as white, brown,green, dark green, and amber (Fig. 8). Some of them bore embossments of J.H.HENKES, I.A.I. NOLET, FALCON BRAND, SCHNAPPS AROMATICO, and

Fig. 5 Neolithic stone axe-heads (photo by W. Apoh)

Fig. 6 Stone bead finds (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

SCHIEDAM SCHNAPP. These embossed designs suggest that they primarilyfunctioned as receptacles for alcohol. Alcohol (especially imported) is one of thepreferred means of payment in most Ga shrines. Some of the drinks are usuallypoured in shrines as libation to deities. The colors, shapes, two-piece mold seams,pontil marks, embossed designs, and sheared/hand-applied lip treatment on most ofthe bottles date them to approximately 1810–1860 (Kendrick 1966: 25–30;Mckearin and Wilson 1978). Other glass vessels associated with the shrine featuresmight have originally contained condiments, ink, medication, and perfumes.Analysis of the maker’s mark and embossed labels on the patent/proprietarymedicine bottles, inkwells, and vials dates them approximately to 1820 and beyond(Crellin and Scott 1970, 1972; Noël Hume 1969: 72–76).

The shrine features also suggest the appropriation and use of imported items suchas clocks, brass bowls, padlock (probably used to lock victims spiritually), ceramics,iron implements, and other locally produced cultural materials in ritual contexts. Theplacement of such mundane objects in a medicine man’s compound perhaps servedas part of the “medicine” and was probably made part of the assemblage to reassureand impress visitors and patients about the powers of deities (Field 1937). Amongthe imported items recovered among the shrine features were two brass vessels. Thebigger vessel, a bowl (Fig. 9, a), has a splayed rim with the external diametermeasuring 19.5 cm. Its internal upper diameter measures 15 cm, while the interiorbottom diameter is 12 cm. It has an interior depth of 8 cm. The bowl is nearlycomplete except for some missing fragments and visible cracks. The remains of acalabash were found inside this bowl. The smaller vessel (Fig. 9, b) also has splayedrims with an external rim diameter of 13 cm and an interior upper diameter of10.5 cm, which tapers to 8 cm in the interior bottom area. It has an internal depth of4 cm and visible cracks on it.

The use of eggs is indispensable in contemporary shrine rituals as eggs serve asfood for the gods and other spiritual mediums (Apoh 2001). The circumstantialarchaeological evidence of the usage of eggs in the Katamansu shrine is seen in thereaction of ammonia with the brass vessels. Prof. Brinch Madson, a conservatorfrom the School of Conservation Studies in Denmark, examined the vessels andremarked that their partial disintegration was a result of reaction with ammonia in

Fig. 7 A pot containing perforated stone beads, coins, and water (photo by Kodzo Gavua)

Afr Archaeol Rev

the soil. He agreed with the suggestion that the ammonia was probably produced dueto the usage of eggs at the site (personal communication 2001).

The Katamansu shrine assemblage produced five complete local pottery vesselsand 799 pottery shards. The variety of vessel forms identified was distributed intotwo main categories, namely jars (n=115) and bowls (n=21) and an indeterminatenumber of shards. The jars had long, vertical rims (Fig. 10) or short everted rimswith globular bodies and rounded bases. Three varieties of bowls (popularly calledKa in Ga language) with round, flat, and footed bases were identified in theassemblage (Fig. 11). Four types of impressed decorations were identified on theouter surfaces of some of the jars and on the interior of the bowls. These includechannels, grooves, striations, and punctate impressions.

Fig. 9 Excavated brass vessels (photo by W. Apoh)

Fig. 8 Bottle finds (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

The placement of two local bowls on top of shells of Archachatina spp. inassociation with other objects of the shrine complex suggests a secondary functionof bowls in shrines. Primarily, this variety of bowls serves in communal eating andin the grating of soup-making condiments (Bredwa-Mensah 1990). The two bowlsmight have functioned in the preparation of concoctions or in the serving of food asimportant components of the shrine rituals. They could also have contained “holy”water for therapeutic and spiritual purposes.

The chunks of chalk found in association with the bowls were probably used inshrine rituals. It is common for priests and priestesses of the indigenous religionamong the Ga and other Ghanaian societies to smear their bodies and the bodies ofsome shrine objects with such chalk mixtures when they perform their rituals (Apoh2001). The shrine owners could have collected the fragments of mica fromelsewhere and added them to the shrine assemblage for various esthetic, medicinal,and magical reasons.

It is, nonetheless, difficult to interpret the shrine features as having beenassociated with the Battle of Katamansu. This is because it is possible that the shrinewas constructed before the war or was a postwar development. The followingdiscussions illustrate these views. The distribution pattern of foreign material culturein a local context is a reliable indication of exchange. The dates of manufacture,origin, and geographic scatter of such nonlocal material culture can be used inreconstructing trade networks, and more importantly cross-dates, for associatedmaterials on a site (Bower 1986). One obvious fact about the Katamansu shrine isthe discovery of an 1895 British coin (Fig. 2, e) in association with the shrinefeatures. This coin provides a postwar date when its year of manufacture is used incross-dating the associated assemblage of cultural materials in the 10–20 cm level ofKW3a. The coin itself provides evidence of local encounter with the British through

Fig. 10 Vertical rim jar (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

trade interactions. The introduction of British currency in Ghana in the latenineteenth century did facilitate economic monetary activity, caused disuse of golddust currency, and considerably devalued the cowry currency in use (Grier 1981). Itis possible, however, that the shrine had been in existence long before the coin wasintroduced there.

The total find of 38 imported ceramics comprised earthenware (n=35) andstoneware shards (n=3). One complete nineteenth-century British brown/pinkstoneware jar (South 1977) was part of the assemblage (Fig. 12). The earthenwarespecimens are in varieties of techniques of decoration and colors (Fig. 13). Theirattributes include transfer prints (C), cut-sponge stamp (A), annular-banded lines(B), and hand-painted floral (A) decorative techniques on white and pearl wares.Chronologically, they ranged from early nineteenth century to early twentiethcentury (Noel Hume 1969; South 1977). It is worth pointing out that, although someof the ceramic finds predate the 1826 battle, the deduction of a mean date for theceramics may not peg down the exact date of the construction of the shrine. Further,the ethnographic study of shrines in the study area show that the accumulation ofmundane materials in shrines by their owners are not static but continuous. Thus it islikely that the ceramics were part of the set up from the onset, or a later addition tothe shrine accoutrement after it had been established.

Different kinds of beads (n=30) were excavated from the shrine context (Fig. 14).They include stone and shell beads as well as local and imported plastic and glassbeads in monochrome and polychromes. Generally, the use of glass beads is timetransgressive but they do serve as “guide” fossils in dating sites as well as providinginformation on long-distance trading networks (Shaw 1961; York 1972: 110). Thefirst date of manufacture of the Prosser mold kinds of beads was in the 1840s(Francis 1993: 16), and the new synthetic plastic kinds were first developed in the1850s (Dubin 1987: 109; Francis 1993). Thus, the plastic bead finds provide post-Katamansu battle dates for the associated shrine material culture. The other importedglass beads, even though they are difficult to date absolutely, could have beenintroduced through European trade with the coastal people of the Ghana. Locallyproduced powdered glass beads found in the Katamansu assemblage also give apositive indicator of local trade networking. These kinds of powdered glass beads

Fig. 11 Bowl forms A and B (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

are mostly produced in Dabaa and Asamang in the Asante Region and among theKrobo of southeastern Ghana (Francis 1993).

In the faunal category, 13 fragments of vertebrate bone (Fig. 15) and 129 fragmentsof snail and marine shells (Fig. 16) were associated with the shrine features. The

Fig. 12 British stoneware vessel (photo by W. Apoh)

Fig. 13 Imported ceramic finds (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

identified vertebrate bone fragments represent various categories of animal remains,which were probably used as food or as offerings at the shrine. Some include cattle(Bos), sheep/goat, bovid (deer), tortoise, and dog. The lower jaw fragment of a bovid(Fig. 15, g) found in the shrine context has two circular perforations, which suggestthat the fragment was probably strung and worn as a pendant.

The invertebrate finds were made up cowry shells (n=196) belonging to the classgastropod, identified as Cypraea moneta and Cypraea annulus. The rest of themolluscan invertebrates was made up of Arca senilis (n=59; shellfish) belonging tomarine, lagoon, and estuarine environments. The relatively large numbers of thesefinds indicate the popularity of such shells in the Katamansu area. The other shells(n=70) were identified as belonging to two types of terrestrial snails namelyAchatina achatina (n=19) and Archachatina spp. (n=51). The high preponderanceof the Archachatina spp. over the other suggests that this kind of giant land snail wasfavored for food and for other special purposes in shrine contexts.

York (1972) suggested that the use of cowry shells as money in the past and theirdiffusion over time and space could serve as guide fossils in dating sites. Just likeglass beads, the utilitarian function of cowries is also time transgressive and thusposes difficulty in their usage to date sites. Aside from the possible use of cowries atKatamansu as currency before and after the war of 1826, it is also important to viewthe cowries as playing other functional roles. The symbolic roles of cowries in theethnographic context among the Ga and other groups of people of the Accra Plainscould be correlated with the excavated ones. Generally, cowries are used currently asbeads for body adornment, for bride price payments, and for funeral offerings. Inaddition, the excavated samples from the shrine context prove that cowries areindispensable assets in the regalia and rituals of shrines of the indigenous African(Ga) religion.

Fig. 14 Glass and shell bead finds (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

Fig. 16 Invertebrate finds (photo by W. Apoh)

Fig. 15 Vertebrate finds (photo by W. Apoh)

Afr Archaeol Rev

Conclusion

This study throws light on the 1826 battle and shrine material culture of Katamansu.The analysis of the archaeological finds in addition to the ethnographic, historical,and oral-historical information on Katamansu provides interesting insights into thecultural entanglements in this settlement in the past. The ethnographic andarchaeological material culture studied confirms some aspects of the historicalwritten records regarding the 1826 battle of Katamansu. The findings also indicatethat the people of Katamansu had local and international interactions throughcommercial exchanges and networking.

The shrine features in the Koowule units of Katamansu inform the nature of anarchaeological shrine's mundane contents and the reuse of material culture in ritualactivities. The content and configuration of the features correlate well withethnographic evidence documented in the 1930s (Field 1937) and which are similarto the material culture of contemporary medicine men and priests of the indigenousreligion within and around the research area. The material culture from the siteprovides tangible indications that the shrine was active after the battle, although itsfoundations probably predated 1826. The shrine was probably multifunctional andengaged in warding off ill-fortune in the Katamansu area as well as providing cures,legal and spiritual guidance, and assurance to its congregation. In spite of whateverits early functions were, the shrine probably served as a medium for harnessing thespirits of fallen warriors and other metaphysical entities on the site. In order tocleanse the battlefield and help families deal with their loss, fragments of thematerial remains of warriors on the battlefield could have been used as mediumsthrough which priests of the indigenous religion communicated with spirits of thedead, deities, and other entities. Such items could have become part of thearchaeological record after the shrine was disused.

The shrine material cultural remains do not provide enough tangible evidence toestablish when the shrine was first set up and whether or not it was functioningbefore or during the battle of 1826. However, the limited excavated artifacts,including imported and local ceramics, bottles, and beads, and other circumstantialevidence suggest the shrine’s prewar existence. Oral tradition and ethnographicinformation gathered from Katamansu suggest that shrines and their custodians werepopularly consulted before Christianity took root in the Accra plains in thenineteenth century. Moreover, priests of the indigenous religion were spiritual andpolitical leaders in most communities in the Accra Plains before and after the arrivalof Europeans. The priests played active roles in fortifying warriors before battle,among many other functions. For example, the Asante King, in keeping withtradition, consulted with the shrines of Dente and Tanno, powerful deities of theAsante before embarking on the Katamansu war (Reindorf 1895). Likewise, theKing of the Ga consulted oracles at Sakumotsoshishi where all the kings, rulers,chiefs, and war captains of the alliance were sworn on a fetish amid the ta hoomoritual (Henderson-Quartey 2002: 308).

The active popularity of shrines and deities in the sociocultural and political lifeof people of the Gold Coast in the nineteenth century suggests the possibility that theKatamansu shrine was active before, during, and after the war. This demonstratescontinuity of indigenous ideological and cosmological practices of the past to the

Afr Archaeol Rev

present, in spite of the impact of globalized Islamic and Christian religiousideologies on local cultures in Ghana (Apoh 1997; Insoll 2004). All kinds ofmaterial culture—be it mundane or quotidian—can indeed serve ideological,religious, and spiritual functions in a shrine ritual context besides their primaryfunctions (Insoll 2004). The findings from this archaeological, historical, andethnographic investigation of Katamansu could serve as a sound foundation andreference point, as well as a model for assessing archaeological shrines that may befound on the Accra plains.

References

Anquandah, J. (1978). The Accra Plains archaeological and historical report on 1976/77 field work.Nyame Akuma, 12, 24–27.

Anquandah, J. (1982). Rediscovering Ghana’s past. UK: Longman.Apaak, A. (1999). Change in the Western Accra Plains during the Late Iron Age (1500–1700): An

archaeological analysis of Okai Koi-Ayawaso Pottery. Unpublished M. Phil. Thesis, University ofBergen, Norway.

Apoh, W. (1997). Cement sculpturing and religious activities at Kpando Marian Grottoes of the VoltaRegion of Ghana. Unpublished B.A. Long Essay, University Of Ghana.

Apoh, W. (2001). An archaeology of Katamansu. Unpublished M. Phil. Thesis, University of Ghana.Azu, D. G. (1974). The Ga family and social change. Leiden: Afrika-Studiecentrum.Baum, R. (1999). Shrines of the slave trade. Diola religion and society in precolonial Senegambia.

Oxford: Oxford University Press.Beaudry, M. C. (1988). Documentary archaeology in the New World. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.Beaudry, M. C., Cook, L., & Mrozowski, S. (1991). Artifact and active voices: Material culture as social

discourse. In R. McGuire & R. Paynter (Eds.), The archaeology of inequality (pp. 150–191). Oxford:Basil Blackwell.

Boachie-Ansah, J. (1998). Preliminary Report on Excavations at Wodoku, East Legon, Accra, Ghana.West African Journal of Archaeology, 61, 130–155.

Bower, J. (1986). In Search of the Past: An introduction to Archaeology. Chicago, USA.Brammar H. (1967). Soils of the Accra plains. Memoir, no. 3.Bredwa-Mensah, Y. (1990). An archaeological investigation conducted at Okai Koi Hill (Ayawaso) and its

significance for Iron Age archaeology in Ghana. Unpublished M. Phil. Thesis, University of Ghana.Bruce-Myers, J. M. (1928). The origin of the gas. Journal of the African Society, 27, 69.Claridge, W. W. (1915). A history of the Gold Coast and Ashant (Vol. 1). London: John Murray.Crellin, J. K., & Scott, J. R. (1970). Pharmaceutical History and its sources in the Wellcome Collections

III. Fluid medicines, Prescription reform and Posology 1700–1900. Medical History, 14(2), 132–153.Crellin, J. K., & Scott, J. R. (1972). Glass and British Pharmacy 1600-1900. Museum Catalogue II, The

Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine. London.Crossland, L. B. (1989). Recent archaeological research in the Western Accra Plains: Ghana. Nyame

Akuma, 32, 9–12.Crossland L. B. (2000). A genealogical record of John William Hansen and his descendants. Unpublished

manuscript, Department of Archaeology, University of Ghana.Dawson, A. (2009). Introduction. In A. Dawson (Ed.), Shrines in Africa. Calgary: University of Calgary

Press.DeCorse, C. R. (1993). The Danes on the Gold Coast: Culture change and the European presence. African

Archaeological Review, 11, 149–173.Deetz, J. (1977). In small things forgotten: The archaeology of everyday life in early America. New York:

Anchor Books.Dietler, M. (1990). Driven by drink: The role of drinking in the political economy and the case of early

Iron Age France. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 9, 352–406.Dubin, L. S. (1987). The history of beads. New York: Abrams.Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1937). Witchcraft, oracles and magic among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon.

Afr Archaeol Rev

Field, M. J. (1937). Religion and medicine of the Ga people. London: The Crown Agents for the Colonies.Field, M. J. (1940). Social organization of the Ga people. London: Crown Agents for the Colonies.Francis, P. J. (1993). Where beads are loved: Ghana, West Africa (Beads and people series, Vol. 2). Lake

Placid: Lapis Route.Gavua, K. (2000). Archaeology of the Katamansu battle field, Ghana: A preliminary report. A paper

presented at the Cambridge Conference of the Society of Africanist ArchaeologistsGoody, J. (1957). Anomie in Ashanti? Africa, 27(3), 356–363.Goody, J. (1962). Death property and the ancestors. A study of mortuary customs of the Lodagaa of West

Africa. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Goody, J. (1964). The Mande and the Akan hinterland. In J. Vansina, R. Mauny, & L. V. Thomas (Eds.),

The historian in tropical Africa (pp. 192–218). London: Oxford University Press.Goody, J. (1972). The myth of the Bagre. Oxford: Clarendon.Grider, S. (2001) Spontaneous shrines: A modern response to tragedy and disaster, New Directions in

Folklore, Issue 5.Grier, B. (1981). Underdevelopment, modes of production and the state in colonial Ghana. African Studies

Review, 24(1), 1–25.Henderson-Quartey, D. (2002). The Ga of Ghana: History & culture of a West African people. London:

Book-in-Hand.Insoll, T. (2004). Archaeology, ritual, religion. USA: Routledge.Kendrick, G. (1966). The antique bottle collector. Sparks: Western.Kilson, M. (1971). Kpele Lala, Ga Religious Songs and Symbols. Harvard University Press.Krampen, M. (1979). Survey of the current work on the semiology of objects. In S. Seymour Chatman, U.

Eco, & J. Klinkenburg (Eds.), A semiotic landscape: Proceedings of the First Congress of theInternational Association for Semiotic Studies (pp. 158–168). The Hague: Mouton. June 1974.

Kropp-Dakubu, M. E. (1976). Linguistic prehistoric and historical Reconstruction of the Ga-DangbeMigrations. Transactions of Historical Society of Ghana, 13.

Kropp-Dakubu, M. E. (1987). The Dangme language. New York: Macmillan.Lentz, C. (2000). Of hunters, goats and earth-shrines; settlement histories and the politics of oral tradition

in Northern Ghana. History in Africa, 27, 193–214.Lyman, R. L., & O'Brien, M. (2001). The direct historical approach, analogical reasoning and theory in

Americanist archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 8, 303–342.Maier, D. (1983). Priests and power. The case of the Dente Shrine in nineteenth-century Ghana.

Bloomington: Indiana University Press.Mather, C. (2003). Shrines and the domestication of landscape. Journal of Anthropological Research, 59,

23–45.Mather, C. (2009). Shrines and compound abandonment: Ethnoarchaeological observations in Northern

Ghana. In A. Dawson (Ed.), Shrines in Africa. Calgary: University of Calgary Press.Mckearin, H., & Wilson, K. (1978). American bottles and flasks and their ancestry. New York: Crown.Mendosa, E. (1982). The politics of divination. A processual view of reactions to illness and deviance

among the Sisala of Northern Ghana. Berkeley: University of California Press.Metcalf, G. E. (1962). Maclean of the Gold Coast—The life and time of George Maclean 1801–1847.

London: Oxford University Press.Miller, D. (1987). Material culture and mass consumption. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.Mintz, S. W. (1985). Sweetness and power: The place of sugar in modern history. New York: Penguin

Books.Noël Hume, I. (1969). A guide to artifacts of colonial America. New York: Alfred A. Knorf.Nutor, B. (2010). An archaeology of indigenous religion at Dzake-Peki, Volta Region. Unpublished M.

Phil. Thesis, University of Ghana.Orser, C. (1994). Towards a global historical archaeology: An example from Brazil. Historical

Archaeology, 28(1), 522.Orser, C. (2004). Historical archaeology (2nd ed.). Pearson: Prentice Hall.Ozanne, P. C. (1962). Notes on the early historic archaeology of Accra. Transactions of the Historic

Society of Ghana, 6, 51–70.Ozanne, P. C. (1964). Notes on the later prehistory of Accra. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria,

3, 3–23.Parish, J. (1999). The dynamics of witchcraft and indigenous shrines among the Akan. Africa, 69(3), 426–

447.Parish, J. (2000). From the body to the wallet: Conceptualizing Akan witchcraft at home and abroad.

Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 6(3), 487–500.

Afr Archaeol Rev

Paynter, R. (1988). Steps to an archaeology of capitalism: Material change and class analysis. In M. Leone& P. Porter (Eds.), The Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States(pp. 407–433). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Peek, P. (1991). African divination systems: Ways of knowing. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.Rattray, R. (1923). Ashanti. Oxford: Clarendon.Reade, W. (1874). The story of the Ashanti campaign. London: Smith, Elder, & Co.Reindorf, C. C. (1895). The history of the Gold Coast and Asante. Basel: Basel Book Mission Depot.Reynolds, E. (1974). Trade and economic change on the Gold Coast 1807–1874. London: Longman.Schiffer, M. (1987). Formation processes of the archaeological record. Albuquerque: University of New

Mexico Press.Schmidt, P., & Mrozowski, S. (1983). History, smugglers, change, and shipwrecks. In R. Gould (Ed.),

Shipwreck anthropology (pp. 143–171). Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.Schuyler, R. (1988). Archaeological remains, documents, and anthropology: A call for a new culture

history. Historical Archaeology, 22(1), 36–42.Senie, H. (1999). Morning in protest: Spontaneous memorials and sacralization of public space. Harvard

Design Magazine, Fall, 23–27.Shackel, P. (1993). A historical archaeology of personal discipline and material culture in the

Chesapeake. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.Shaw, T. (1944). Reports on excavations carried out in the cave known as ‘Bosumpra’ at Abetifi, Kwahu,

Gold Coast Colony. In Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, vol. XShaw, T. (1961). Excavation at Dawu. Bungay: Thomas Nelson.Shaw, R. (1997). The production of witchcraft/witchcraft as production: Memory, modernity, and the slave

trade in Sierra Leone. American Ethnologist, 24(4), 856–876.South, S. (1977). Method and theory in historical archaeology. New York: Academic.Stahl, A. (1994). Change and continuity in the Banda Area, Ghana: The direct historical approach. Journal

of Field Archaeology, 21, 181–203.Stahl, A. (2005). The dynamics of ritual in Banda, Ghana. An exploratory essay. Paper Presented at SAR

Short Seminar on “The Archaeology of Ritual, Memory, and Materiality,” February 16–18Tait, D. (1961). The Konkomba of Northern Ghana. London: Oxford University Press.Thomas, N. (1991). Entangled objects; exchange, material culture, and colonialism in the Pacific.

Harvard: Harvard University Press.Turner, V. (1975). Dramas, fields, and symbolic action in human society. New York: Cornell University

Press.Tylor, E. (1871/1958). Primitive Culture. London: John Murray.van Beek, W. (1994). The innocent sorcerer: Coping with evil in two African societies (Kapsiki &

Dogon). In T. Blakely, W. van Beek, & D. Thomson (Eds.), Religion in Africa: Experience andexpression (pp. 196–228). London: James Currey.

Walker, W. (1998). Where are the witches of prehistory? Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 5(3), 245–308.

Walker, W., & Lucero, L. (2000). The depositional history of ritual and power. In M. Dobres & J. Robb(Eds.), Agency in archaeology (pp. 130–147). New York: Routledge.

Ward, F. (1948). A history of the Gold Coast. London: Bradford & Dickens.Wild, R. P. (1927). Stone artifacts of the Gold Coast and Ashanti. Gold Coast Review, 3(2), 24–39.Wilks, I. (1975). Asante in the nineteenth century. The structure and evolution of a political order.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.York, R. N. (1972). Cowries as type-fossils in Ghanaian archaeology. West African Journal of

Archaeology, 3, 1–189.

Afr Archaeol Rev