dr jacqueline stevenson morkss presentation 17 oct 2013
DESCRIPTION
Dr Jacqueline Stevenson MoRKSS presentation 17 Oct 2013 on British Minority Ethnic Attainment in Higher Education. This was at Hallam Union, Sheffield, England. Sheffield Hallam University.TRANSCRIPT
Enhancing the degree attainment of Black and Minority Ethnic students in higher education
Dr Jacqueline StevensonHead of the Centre for Social and Educational ResearchLeeds Metropolitan [email protected]
Overview of the sessionThe National picture
◦Data and possible causes/explanations
The Possible Selves constructThe three research projects
1.Imagining a future2.The HEA research3.Research in two Russell group
universitiesImplications for your own practice
Background and contextThere is a significant gap in degree
attainment between BME and white students as measured by % awarded a 1st or 2:1
66.5% of White students studying first degrees received a 1st or 2:1 hons; 49.2% of BME students; 38.1% of Black students (ECU, 2011)
DfES (2007)controlled for the majority of contributory factors; Being from a minority ethnic group still found to have a statistically significant and negative effect on degree attainment
3
The Attainment GapAlthough attainment is improving across
all groups, the gap has not narrowed significantly over recent years
For UK-domicile qualifiers, the difference between white students who obtained a 1st or 2:1 honours and BME students (the attainment gap) increased from 17.2% in 2003/04 to a peak of 18.8% in 2005/06 and is now at 18.6% in 2009/10 (ECU, 2011)
4
UK-domicile qualifiers by degree class and ethnicity 2009-10 (ECU, 2011)
5
6
One institution
7
Institutional variance to average
8
OU ‘good’ course grades(Prof John Richardson, OU)
9
One institution’s NSS responses by ethnicity 2009-11
Why does it matter?•Black graduates, are x3 more likely to be unemployed within six months of graduation than White.
•80%+ applications for very graduate job; 3/4 of large graduate employers now demand applicants have a minimum of a 2:1.
Causes? (Singh, 2011)
Externally: ◦ significance of gender, disability, social deprivation,
previous family educational experiences of HE, type of institution; home or campus-based
Internally: ◦ racism; time in paid employment; problems of
segregation; low teacher expectations; lack of role models; staff expectations/prejudiced attitudes associated with linguistic competence; students’ expectations; discriminatory practices - TLA and student support; undervaluing/under-challenging BME students
Contribution of the curriculum and forms of pedagogy
But - being from a minority ethnic community is still statistically significant in explaining final attainment. 11
Project oneImages, imaginings and marginalisation: the representation of BME students in HE
The Possible Selves construct Cognitively-based, future-oriented aspect of one‘s self-concept,
‘what they might become, what they would like to become, and what they are afraid of becoming’ (Markus & Nurius, 1986, p. 954).
Generalized states and/or specific roles Highly developed or undeveloped; some aspects may also have
more salience than another. Dependent on social, cultural, economic and historical
backgrounds Informed by gender, class and race. Contingent on whether they are validated/affirmed, or
threatened/ignored The more elaborated the future self, more likely to engender
action but requires focused direction of adopted strategies Actual or ‘true’ possible selves may contradict other important
social identities (Osyerman et al, 2006) e.g. ‘fitting in’. The ‘hoped for’ future may not therefore be the ‘true’ self.
Desire to achieve a particular ‘academic’ possible self alone = insufficient unless linked with plausible strategies, and, in particular, made to feel like a ‘true’ self (Oyserman et al. 2006)
Institutional promises Students uninterested in institutional mission or
internal values Highly influenced by the promises implicit in the way
the university represents itself including:◦ the proportion of the institution's students that (appear
to) come from ‘non-traditional’ backgrounds◦ the ways in which academic success and post-graduate
opportunities are represented
Bennett and Ali-Choudhury (2009)
Focus on one HEI• Website: 224 images: Faculty front
pages ; faculty pages relating to Summer Graduation 2009 (images of students in graduation gowns only)
• Leaflets, prospectuses and information guides: 388 images
• Did not include……
Representation
Academic or non-academic?
BME Females
BME Males White Males
White Females
Active or Passive
ImplicationsImplications for BME attainmentInstitutional self-deceptionWhat do students and staff
consider to be ‘real’/possible?
Project twoInstitutional case study research for the HEA
ConsiderationsRace/ethnicityBME students not a homogenous group Contested understandings within
institutions of what constitutes a ‘BME student’
BME students also contest definitionsIntersectionality
◦ Gender◦ Religion◦ Familial responsibilities
21
Contribution of the ‘curriculum’EGDA Project (2008) + HEA ‘What works?’
- engagement in the academic sphere vital to high levels of student retention/success
The EGDA final report recommended further research:◦How students experience marking practices, assessment, feedback; student-lecturer and peer interactions; specific support schemes◦How departmental and subject differences might affect attainment variation◦An exploration into course designs and pedagogic activities that could maximise student attainment
22
Methodology11 HEIs purposefully selectedInitial contact with V-Cs;
suggestions for interviewsStaff
◦36 staff and 7 SU representatives ◦Demographics; awareness; explanations; responsibilities; TLA strategies
Students◦22 interviews (14 individual; 8 in small groups); 14 ‘home’ BME students◦Demographics; past, present, future; explanations
23
Key findings: staffStrong commitment to diversity at all levels,
including strategic and operational; proliferation of special interest groups designed to implement issues around diversity
Patchy staff awareness of BME numbers, attainment, staff
Issues ‘discussed’ but many staff not specifically involved
Senior managers, in general, aware of the issues and (some) plans were in place to address
Lecturers, in general, didn’t believe senior managers were aware of the issues; not aware of any institutional strategies
Not all felt BMEs should be singled out (unlike other groups e.g. international, disabled, mature learners)
24
Teaching, learning & assessmentLack of knowledge of TLA strategies that had
affected changeSome staff believed such activity was taking
place (though were unable to provide specific information)
Tensions in some of the Russell Group institutions Issues around who teaches first yearsRecognition of need for diverse forms of
assessment; blind marking received mixed comments
Belonging and ‘fitting in’ frequently raisedStaff training seen as critical; PGCHE courses
addressing issues of diversity in the curriculum
25
Location of ‘the problem’ - staffStudent based
◦ Academic background◦ English language deficits◦ Mode of Access
Societal/institutional/staff based◦ Socioeconomic barriers◦ Systemic racism◦ Rhetoric and political correctness◦ Devaluation of teaching and learning
26
Location of ‘the problem’ - studentsAcademic
◦ Preparedness for learning◦ ‘Appropriate’ academic behaviours◦ Student Support◦ Inter-ethnic relationships/Integration◦ Role models◦ Self-image/Possible futures
Non-academic◦ Intersectionality◦ Families/cultural differences
27
I don’t know, I would say that we don’t get the same grades as white students. I’ve never seen our (sic) students get 2:1s we are... I don’t know why but maybe just my work is but I’m always on the 67 to 68 borderline. I’m not saying that they say because our names are different I wouldn’t say that. Maybe we’re just not clever enough, maybe their work is a better standard than us…Maybe the feedback they get, stuff like that. They go see the tutors a lot more than we do, they e-mail the tutors a lot more than we do so on our hand as well we should be a bit more…proactive
Student 5 (male, 21, Asian Pakistani, 1st generation, HR)
Like everyone else went into labs and they looked at all this equipment and they all knew what they were doing and fiddling around with stuff and I just thought ‘I’ve never seen this before’…. and it’s probably because everyone else was from a quite well funded, you know, private school background…and you feel a bit embarrassed to put your hand up and say ‘I don’t know what the hell this is’ and you just try to pick up as much as you can but, yeah, it is one of the things I found quite difficultStudent 11 (female, Asian Pakistani, 22,1st generation, Physics)
There isn’t a culture of relationship building here…like me, as an example, it should be on my records to say that I was homeless, had no family whatsoever, that should be something that is clear. I should therefore be someone that’s highlighted and looked after in my time here. My lecturers should be calling me in all the time to make sure that I’m alright. I have no support systems at all, like for me my only support systems are my friends, I have no family, no nothing. That doesn’t exist at this uni and the fact that no-one called me into a meeting in my first week here to say ‘hey, I hope you’re well’.Student 14 (male, Black African, 23, 2nd generation, History)
If you go on the website of the university there’s a photo at the beginning of like a black guy, with a white girl, and a Chinese guy and you think ‘wow’ but when you get here [the others are all laughing] ...there is some people who kind of mix like that. But if you see a lecture theatre sometimes in tutorials you see the African students sitting together…it [images] shows that everyone kind of chills with each other when they don’t. People get on perhaps but they don’t socialise that much, I don’t think.Student 10 (male, Black Other, 28, 2nd generation, Chemical Engineering)
The moment you racially profile in such a way that you say ‘there are not enough role models’ people feel that there should be more role models and the moment that they feel there aren’t enough role models for them to look up to they then don’t look up to anyone and therefore actually that leads to a failure in their own perceptions and about why black people aren’t doing well enough, ‘oh, I don’t have anyone to look up to, what should I do?’ which isn’t necessarily the case... I think the argument for role models is very annoying because no-one ever talks about white role models Student 14 (male, 23, Black African, 2nd generation, History)
Overall findingsAreas of similarity
◦ Variable awareness of attainment gap/equality
◦ Intersectionality◦ Student support and preparedness◦ Modes of assessment◦ Inter-ethnic integration
Areas of difference ◦ Location and/or cause of ‘the problem’
and responsibilities
33
Project threePossible Selves and degree attainment
The researchResearch questions
◦ How, if at all, do students’ views of their academic and career possible selves differ by ethnic group, and how ‘true’ are these selves?
◦ What differences are there, if at all, in terms of how students conceptualise the possibilities and threats to achieving their hoped for possible selves?
◦ What academic help-seeking strategies are students undertaking to enable them to attain their hoped for, or avoid their feared, possible selves, and do these vary by ethnic group?
◦ Is there a relationship between students’ imagined academic possible selves into the future and their goal focused action in the present?
Method◦ Eight group discussions (70 ‘home/EU’, full-time, undergraduate
students from diverse BME and white backgrounds, studying at two Russell group HEIs).
◦ Asked to describe the level of degree they were aiming for, immediate post-graduate plans, academic and other strategies they were putting in place to achieve their desired outcomes, as well the barriers which might prevent them from attaining their desired possible selves.
Hoped for, feared, ‘true’ possible selves All aiming for 1st or a 2:iGaining a ‘poor’ degree = feared possible selfBlack students
◦ Doubted they could achieve so highly◦ Black male students: internalised negative stereotypes of failure,
underperformance, ‘bad’ behaviour ; ‘performing race’ (Willie, 2003); described selves as ‘lazy’, ‘un-academic’, ‘poor attitudes’
◦ ‘Hoped for’ selves (to achieve high academic results) were competing with their ‘ought to’ selves (to not over-perform and to not stand out academically).
‘I can get a first class, but I just, I can't, I can't manage my time to get a first class. I'm, I'm lazy in that way, yeah. I mean, I can get a 2:1 though, it's just all the time-management’ (Mohammed, Black, Male, 21-23, 1st generation, 3rd year).
‘Like I've already said I'm not really that academic ... rather go out and see the world or something ... It's funny that you can be doing like chemical engineering and not be academic but it's just the way it goes’ (Marcus, Black, Male, 18-20, 2nd generation, 1st year).
Asian and Chinese students Blamed themselves: disconnect between their hoped for
future selves (to be high achievers), their ‘true’ selves (as lacking know-how, or being neglected, and therefore likely to under-perform) and their ‘ought to’ selves (to be seen by others as being high achievers)
But also blamed lecturers - poor academic practices, and ‘lack of care’ threatened achievement of their hoped for possible selves.
‘I’ve got like an incredibly short attention span…I end up losing my temper with it a bit and thinking like ‘oh, I’ll do better on the next one then, and I’ll do better on the next one’ and then by your last one you’ve done **** anyway…I find that I do so much research on something and I don’t know how to explain it really cos I look stupid’ (Layla, Asian, Female, 18-20, 2nd generation, 3rd year).
‘As a final resort ask the lecturer…It’s not because they’re not friendly, a lot of them are and they’re quite approachable, some of them, I don’t know, it’s just a bit awkward and sometimes like if you don’t know it and they’ve already covered it in a lecture then you know that’s your fault’ (Sapna, Asian, Female, 21-23, 2nd generation, 3rd year).
‘I get the feeling like some of the lecturers just don't care, d'you know what I mean, especially like the PhD ones just have to do, have to do a module or whatever, but the ones who do care are like really helpful and, erm, they don't just like read the lecture notes out, but they try to teach you so, erm, yeah, if they could care a little more that would be helpful’ (Jiao, Chinese, Female, 21-23, 2nd generation, 2nd year).
White students• Much greater congruence between their hoped for, true
and ‘ought to’ selves;• Possessed a strong belief in own academic abilities; rarely
considered that they might be ‘lacking’• Had internalised notions of their entitlement to be in HE:
so more willing to express their dissatisfaction and demand redress.
‘It’s very generic. It’s vague, it’s not constructive and the marking criteria I mean for example I put some very good ideas in my essay and they just didn’t take them into account’ (Deborah, White, Female, 21-23, 2nd generation, 1st year).
‘I’ve got a personal tutor and the one I’ve got now which I really don’t like the one I’ve got now but it’s too late to change so I had an issue with him like the other week and I emailed him to tell him that I didn’t like the way that he’d handled something and then I saw him yesterday and he apologised ‘cos he realised what he’d done was wrong’ (Lauren, White, Female, 18-20, 1st generation, 1st year).
‘I’ve been trying to contact a lecturer this week, I sent him one email last Wednesday and got no reply, sent him a slightly ruder one on Monday and he replied to me Monday night saying ‘I can see you tomorrow morning’’ (Simon, White, Male, 18-20, 2nd generation, 2nd year).
Possible selves and goal focused actions in the present
Need for a ‘road map’ connecting present to future (Oyserman et al., 2004).
Some similarities across ethnic groups (independent reading, peer group study/consultations, use of online communities)
But also differences between ‘road maps’.◦ White students: most strategic, purposeful; drawing on all forms of
support, including from their lecturers; did not see any power asymmetries between selves and lecturers, or feel likely to face any hostility if challenging lecturing practices; connects to feelings of entitlement
◦ BME students: reluctance to consult lecturers: acquired habit (possibly begun in school) of being self-reliant, consulting only with those ‘the same as them’, avoiding being seen as ‘academic’ and/or previous experiences of being rebuffed; had devised specific coping strategies to ensure that meeting with their lecturers was unnecessary.
◦ However, the White students were drawing on these multiple strategies AND spending significant time talking to lecturers. Consequently appeared to be placing selves in a more advantageous academic position than BME students.
Differences in action ‘If you speak to the lecturers, then like, when they
see you, like, in lectures, they try and ask you questions, I don't really like, wanna be like pushed out into the crowd, I just wanna blend in. I'd rather they just did it and no one know. Go and do my business, and then leave after… I just don't use lecturers’ (Lennie, Black, Male, 21-23, 1st generation, 2nd year).
‘I would just walk into their office to see them because they’re all in the same building and you can just get their office number and I’d quite happily drop by if I needed any help… They seem grateful though when you go to them and they say ‘where do you think you’ve got this equation from?’ because it means that they’ve not explained it to the class well enough’ (Emily, White, Female, 21-23, 1st generation, 3rd year).
ImplicationsFindings small scale and tentative but appear
to be differences by ethnic group in terms of:◦ how true the students’ possible selves are◦ how they conceptualise the possibilities and threats to
achieving their hoped for possible selves◦ the academic help-seeking strategies they are
undertaking to attain their hoped for possible selves◦ the possible link between students’ imagined
academic possible selves, their goal focused actions in the present and their subsequent degree attainment.
Apparent lack of congruence between hoped for and true selves may be informing, and limiting, academic help-seeking strategies; suggests there may be link with degree attainment.
So what does all of this mean for your own institutional practice?Where do we go from here?