f tn is...127 buci-glucksmann c. "state, transition and passive revolution" in cramtoi and harxitt...

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F00TN 01IS 1 POSCL D, "State Ideology and Legitimation: The Contemporary South African Case", a paper prepared for the Conference on South Africa and the Comparative Study of Class, Race and National ism 2 HAR1WIG Mand SHARP H, "The State and the Reproduction of Labour Power in South A frica ", p 18 (unpublished mtmeo) ) P0ULAN12AS N, Claaaei in ConHmpoinry Capitalism (New L e ft Books 1979), p 46 4 Ibid p 4b 5 BIOCH C, "The Development of Manufacturing Industrly In South Africa I9J9 - 1969", University of Cape Iown, January 1980, p 142 6 Ibid p IU/ 7 INNLS 0, "Monopoly Capitalism and ImperialIsai In Southern Africa: The Role of the Anglo American Corporation*, University of Sussex PhD, January I9U0 8 Ibid 9 BLOCH G. op e l l , p 118 10 Ibid p 118 11 INNCS 0, op c l t , p 502 12 BIOCH C. op c i t . p 139 I) Ibid p 140 14 Ibid p 140 15 Ibid p 140 16 Ibid p 140 17 KAPLAN 0, ‘ Class Conflict, Capital Accunulatlon and the State: A History of the State in Twentieth Century South Africa*, University of Sussex PhD, Oecember 1977, p 335 18 Ibid p 335 19 Ibid p 335 20 ibid p 337 21 Ibid p 337 22 Ibid p 357 23 BLOCH G, op c l t . Chapter 4 24 0'MLAHA D, "MulUergatc and the Politics of Afrikaner National Isa*, Uovk in i'lvi/ivuu (WIV) , No 22 p 2 25 KAPLAN 0, op c l t , Chapter 9 26 BLOCH G, op c l t , p 222 27 Quoted from MOSS G, ‘ Total Strategy*, Work in Proqrttt, No I I p 4 28 Ibid p 4 29 BLOCH G, op c l t , Chapter 4 30 Ibid p 248 II Ibid p 248 32 Ibid p 141 33 Rand Daily Hail. 9th March 1963 34 HARTWIG M and SHARP R, op c l t , p 16 35 BLOCH G, op c l t , p 247 36 Ibid p 247 37 Rand Daily Hail, 8 th March 1983 ! 38 Hand Daily Mail, 9th March 1983 39 BLOCH G. op c l t , p 250 , 40 Th» Star, 22nd March 1983 41 BLOCH C, op c l t , p 249 42 Ibid p 249 43 SAUL J and GELB S, ‘ The C risis In South A frica: Class Defense and Class Revolution*, Monthly Htvitv, Vol 33 July • Au^st 1981 p 23 44 Ibid p 23 45 Ibid p 23 •' 46 O'MEARA 0 , op c l t , p 4 47 HALL S, ‘ Popular Democratic and Authoritarian Populism* In HUNT A (ed), Marxian and Dtmoaraoy, Lawrence and W lthart, London 1980, p 162 48 O'MEARA 0 , op c l t , p 4 49 Ibid p 4 - ' ' 50 BLOCH G, op c l t . p 241 50a O'MEARA 0 . op c l t , p 4 ’ SI POSEL 0 . op c l t , p 17 62 CILIOMEE H, "Afrikaner P o litic s : How th* System Works" In ADAM H and Gtltoowe H, Tht Hit* and Critit of A RHkan&r Poutr, David Philip, Cap* Town 1979, p 219 ' , ‘ 53 O'MEARA D, op c l t . p 15 54 MOSS G, op c l t * 55 O'MEARA 0 , op Clt 42

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  • F00TN01IS

    1 POSCL D, "State Ideology and Legitimation: The Contemporary South African Case", a paper prepared for the Conference on South Africa and the Comparative Study of C lass, Race and National ism

    2 HAR1WIG M and SHARP H, "The State and the Reproduction of Labour Power in South A frica " , p 18 (unpublished mtmeo)

    ) P0ULAN12AS N, Claaaei in ConHmpoinry Capitalism (New Left Books 1979), p 46

    4 Ibid p 4b

    5 BIOCH C, "The Development of Manufacturing Industrly In South Africa I9J9 - 1969", University of Cape Iown, January 1980, p 142

    6 Ibid p IU/

    7 INNLS 0, "Monopoly Capitalism and ImperialIsai In Southern A frica :The Role of the Anglo American Corporation*, University of Sussex PhD, January I9U0

    8 Ibid

    9 BLOCH G. op e l l , p 118

    10 Ibid p 118

    11 INNCS 0, op c l t , p 502

    12 BIOCH C. op c i t . p 139

    I ) Ibid p 140

    14 Ibid p 140

    15 Ibid p 140

    16 Ibid p 140

    17 KAPLAN 0, ‘ Class C onflic t, Capital Accunulatlon and the State:A History of the State in Twentieth Century South A frica *,University of Sussex PhD, Oecember 1977, p 335

    18 Ibid p 335

    19 Ibid p 335

    20 ibid p 33721 Ibid p 337

    22 Ibid p 357

    23 BLOCH G, op c l t . Chapter 4

    24 0 'MLAHA D, "MulUergatc and the P o litics of Afrikaner National Isa * , Uovk in i'lvi/ivuu (WIV) , No 22 p 2

    25 KAPLAN 0, op c l t , Chapter 9

    26 BLOCH G, op c l t , p 222

    27 Quoted from MOSS G, ‘ Total Strategy*, Work in Proqrttt, No I I p 4

    28 Ibid p 4

    29 BLOCH G, op c l t , Chapter 4

    30 Ibid p 248

    I I Ibid p 248

    32 Ibid p 141

    33 Rand Daily Hail. 9th March 1963

    34 HARTWIG M and SHARP R, op c l t , p 16

    35 BLOCH G, op c l t , p 247

    36 Ibid p 247

    37 Rand Daily Hail, 8 th March 1983 !38 Hand Daily Mail, 9th March 1983

    39 BLOCH G. op c l t , p 250 ,

    40 Th» Star, 22nd March 1983

    41 BLOCH C, op c l t , p 24942 Ibid p 249

    43 SAUL J and GELB S, ‘ The C ris is In South A frica : Class Defense and Class Revolution*, Monthly Htvitv, Vol 33 Ju ly • Au^st 1981 p 23

    44 Ibid p 2345 Ibid p 23 •'

    46 O'MEARA 0, op c l t , p 4

    47 HALL S , ‘ Popular Democratic and Authoritarian Populism* In HUNT A (ed), Marxian and Dtmoaraoy, Lawrence and Wlthart, London 1980, p 162

    48 O'MEARA 0, op c l t , p 4

    49 Ibid p 4 - ' '

    50 BLOCH G, op c l t . p 241

    50a O'MEARA 0. op c l t , p 4’ SI POSEL 0 . op c l t , p 17

    62 CILIOMEE H, "Afrikaner P o lit ic s : How th* System Works" In ADAM Hand Gtltoowe H, Tht Hit* and Critit of A RHkan&r Poutr, David P h ilip , Cap* Town 1979, p 219 ' , ‘

    53 O'MEARA D, op c l t . p 15

    54 MOSS G, op c l t *

    55 O'MEARA 0 , op Clt42

  • 56 CHARNEY C, ‘ Towerds Rupture or S ta s is : An Analysts of 1981 South African General E lection*, African Studies In stitu te , University of tlw Wltwatersrand, August 19B0, p 1

    57 Ibid p 258 Ibid p 259 Ibid p 560 Ibid p 161 Ibid p 1

    62 GRAMSCI A, Selection from Priton Hottbooki edited by HOARE 0 and SMITH G N, Lawrence and Wlshart, London 1978, p 210

    63 Ibid p 211 i •64 BONNER P, ‘ Independent Trade Unions since Hlehshn*, South African

    Labour HutIttin, Vol 8 no 4 , February 1983, p 1665 Ibid p 16

    66 Ibid p 26

    67 Ibid p 26

    68 Ibid p 27

    69 ibid p 2770 Ibid p 28

    71 LODGE T. "The ANC'Resurgence, 1976 - 1981“ In Rtality, Vol 14 no 2, March 1982

    72 Ibid p 7

    73 Ibid p 7

    74 GRAMSCI A, op c l t , p 212

    75 Ibid p 210 - 211

    76 KAPLAN D, 'The South Afrlctn State: The Origins of the R ac ltlly Exclusive Democracy* In Tumigmnt Sooiologitt, Vol 10 no 4 , 1980, p 85

    77 Ibid p 85

    77a KAPLAN D, ‘ Class C on flic t, Capital Accumulation and the State: AHistory of the State in Twentieth Century South A frica*, University or Sussex PhD, December 1977, p 344

    78 Ibid p 352

    79 POULANT7AS N, Statt Four Sooialiim, New Left Books 1978, p 245

    80 KAPLAN D, (a rt ic le ’ The South African State . . . * ) op c l t , p 94

    81 O’MEARA D, op c l t , p 17

    82 RIEKERT D and MARAIS D, Constitutional Ptotlopmtnt of South Afrioa, Macmillan South A frica , 1981, p 46

    83 O'MEARA 0, op c l t , p 17

    43

    84 RIEKERT D and MARAIS D, op c l t , p 45

    85 O'MEARA 0 , op c l t , p 17 ,

    06 O'MEARA 0 , op c l t , p 1787 POSEL D, op c l t , p 20. I t must be strongly emphasised that the

    crucial question Is not the social origin of the personnel of the sta te , since th is is only the effect of the institutional changes.

    88 RIEKERT D and MARAIS D, op c l t , p 4789 Ibid p 4790 Ibid p 4891 O'MEARA D, op d t , p 18

    92 POULANTZAS N, op c l t , p 224

    93 Ibid p 22694 P0SEI D, op c l t , p 21

    95 POULANTZAS N. op c l t , p 22996 SAM. J and GELR S. op c l t , p 36

    97 POSEL D, op c l t , p 22

    98 pi ret Report of Conttitutional Comritf of th* rvidtnt '• Counoil (P C 3/1982) 0AP J705.J5.563, p 13 para 3.21

    99 Ibid p 18, pera 3.20

    100 Ibid p 35, para 6.14

    101 Ibid p 65, para 7.11

    102 rht Star, 23rd November 1983

    103 Th» Star, Noven*er 1983

    104 rht Star, NovenAer 1983105 Hand Daily Mail. 26th May 1982

    106 Finanoial Mail, J1 Deeeefcer 1982

    107 CHARNEY C, ‘ Constitutional Proposals' In Work in rrogrmnt, No 24"p 12

    108 Ibid p 12109 "Guidelines for a New Constitutional Dispensation" (Extract from a

    ' speech by the Prime M inister, at Bloemfontein on 31 July 1987) p 20

    110 Fint Ptport of Conititutional Conmittf of th» PnttiilSnt’t ruunoil,

    op c l t , p 1 1 0 >

    111 POULANTZAS It, op c l t , p 228

    112 OLIVIER N J J , “The Second Report of the Constitutional Coewlttee of the President's Council of the Adaptation of Constitutional Structure* In South A frica : Provisional Coments*, November 1987, p 15

    111 Ibid p 14

    114 Prime M inister's speech, op c l t , p 2144

  • /■v

    115 OLIVIER N J J , op C l t , p 20

    116 Ibid p 70

    117 Ibid p 20

    118 KAPLAN D, quoted from a r t ic le , op c l t , p 93

    119 Ibid p 93

    120 Ib id p 93

    121 Rand Daily Hail, 31 March 1983

    122 Hand Daily Hail, 31 March 1983

    123 Tht Star, 24 February 1983

    124 JESSOP B . The Capitalitt Statt, Martin Robertson, Oxford 1982, p 22

    125 Ibid p 230

    126 MOUFFEE C , "Hegemony and Ideology In Gramscl" In MOUFFEE CHANTEL (ed) Cramtoi and Marxist Theory, p 182. The concept of “ transformation"

    . describes more adequately than the concept of "co-option" the h is to r ic a l tendency of the South A frican S ta te . Co-option tends to Imply that "nothing changes", whereas we are dealing here with the "enlarge ment of the s ta te " . Furthermore, th is concept has been used Ind is

    crim inate ly by opposed theoretical frameworks.

    127 BUCI-GLUCKSMANN C. "S ta te , T ransition and Passive Revolution" In Cramtoi and Harxitt Thtory, Routledge and Kegan Pau l, London, p 219

    128 Rand Daily Hail, 23 November 1982

    129 Tht Star, 23 March 1983130 JESSOP B . op c l t , p 2*4

    131 Sunday Timtt, 27 March 19B3

    132 Sunday Timtt, 27 March 1983

    133 Rand Daily Hail, 31 March 1983

    134 Rand Daily Hrll, 28 A pril 1983

    135 GRAMSCI A . op c l t , p 212 '

    45

    Interview with Dr I. Mahomed, Chairperson Anti-P.C. Committee

    Could begin by looking at tht hittory of your politimtl imolvtmtnt and

    hou it might havt ohnngtd, particularly from tht tinrn ynu mnivd up to tht

    TmntvaalT

    My own background Is re a lly one coming from the Unity Movement, from bodies l ik e APOUSA - the so-called non-collaboratlonlst nrqanlsatlons. Thet has

    alwasy been the kind of stand that I have taken, always searchlnq fo r • sort of minimum consensus among various organisations w ithin the country, seeing I f one could weld them Into a united front or a united body I f one Is going to seriously address the question of transfer of power In th lt country. That has always been my sort of mode of operation, searching for these In each organisation that I'v e heen In .

    I t ' s become re a lly c le a r , since the events p rio r to 1176, that the Freedom Charter does already represent a minimum consensus and I t should be s u f f i

    cient basis to , 1n fact un ite a l l orq»nl

  • young generation In our country.

    So u » this change of your political petition, uas it difficult, did it involv breaking off uith people that you might formerly ham aesooiated

    uithT

    You know the whole procedure, the whole process goes back to the pest, to

    the 1950s re a lly , searching fo r th is minimum consensus, a basis fo r cooperation between the unity movement organisations ( l ik e APOUSA) and the ANC at that time. The feeling was that we In APDUSA were standing aside

    from the day-to-day struggles. Within the unity movement organisations we

    were arguing that although one might d if fe r 1 deni on W i l y with snm of the other^oroanlsatlons at the time, there was grounds fo r co-npfraHny fn r

    un ity In a c t ion. That kind of debate has been going on fo r a long time 1n

    the ranks, le t 's say , of organisations lik e APDUSA and other organisations . . . d iffe rin g of course with regard to d iffe ren t Ind iv idua ls . I would say that a nunfcer of other people have taken the kind of stand that I have taken, that the Freedom Charter does represent a su ff ic ie n t minimum consensus. That debate Is s t i l l going on among various other people, so they are also 1n a process of moving, towards the Freedom Charter. My b e lie f is 1 wouldn't say i t was a break - I ‘m on very good re la tio ns with many of the people that I'v e known - but there are some Ideological d iffe rences.

    Casing to more ourrent events, hot/ has the so-called coloured oenrmnity

    responded to the Labour Party's decision to Join the P C?

    My Impression is that In Johannesburg and other areas the expectancy was that the labour Party , or a s ig n ifica n t section w ithin the Labour Party ,

    would not go along with the Reform Proposals; that a d iv is io n would crop up at the Eshow* conference . . . that there would be a s ig n ifican t break away from the Labour Party - being the body around which the non-coanitted

    p o lit ic a l coloured people, people looking fo r p o lit ic a l leadership , would fo llow . I think i t has come as a shock re a lly that there was hardly a break-away of any s ig n ifican ce , in terms o f numbers and so on.

    47

    Ao you think that on the Reef, the luhour Party enji’tis mu,-h suppnrtt In term* of i d r*

  • cow out d e a r ly with the Eshowe decision - the dilenma of the Labour Party - to 90 Into the Presidents Council because I t could not take any other course. I believe the cunniunlty at large ha* seen, that the Labour Party cannot e ffe c t iv e ly struggle fo r change In th is country and therefore people aust look elsewhere. So In that senst, yes, people have taken on a gore advanced p o lit ic a l ro le that has rad ica lised the community in many ways* I t has become very c le a r that the Labour Party cannot f u l f i l the

    people's expectations.

    So hou did you bcooinc inoolood in thd anti-P C organioation?

    You know I played a ro le in in it ia t in g some of these th ings. The main thing that re a lly brought about the anti-P C committee was the decision at Eshowe, but i t goes back before th a t. Sometime la s t year, 1 think I t was around Ju ly or August, a conference was held In Roodepoort - ca lled mostly bv people leaning to AZAPO. There , some of us. mys e lf p a rt ic u la r ly , t r i ed to persuade the AZAPO people that there Is a need fo r a ttb tlls ing various comnunity o r^ .m lsaU oaw ua im t the proposa ls - because these proposals c le a r ly meant a co-option, a conscription of the middle classes w ithin the so-called coloured and Indian comnunity and i t meant an entrench

    ■ent o f apartheid and a d iv is io n of the struggle . So I proposed then, a lready la s t year, that there should be more action mobilising against the

    proposals. The feeling then by the people present at that meeting was that the reform proposals were a non-issue and the community would not be hoodwinked and would not support any of the proposals and therefore there

    was no need to go out and organise organisations into a Front.

    W e ll, I t was then decided to take up the issue elsewhere and not through, le t 's say , organisations of varying p o lit ic a l persuasion*, for whom the out look was such that they did not grasp the problem that was confronting the country. And e a r lie r th is year. I think i t was the 6 th of January, a few of u t , coming mostly from comnunity organisations, discussed the response to the reform proposals and tlie decision at Eshowe. That group of 50 peopl then set up an .1 d hoc coiim itlee. to plan and assess the s ituatio n w ithin the coloured and other communities. 1 was a member of that very small ad hoo conmittee to set up the anti-P C couinittee. That's how 1 have come

    Into the s itu a tio n .

    49

    With tfm formation of th» UDF it thart a need for tht two boditt to txitt togtthtrj

    'Well the antl-P C In a way came before the UDF. The anti-P C was responding to a s ituation created by the d iv isions In our country - that in the so- ca lled coloured com unlty there wasn't a v iab le p o lit ic a l organisation to mobilise and organise people. So I t was responding to a situation to create

    such a v iab le p o lit ic a l organisation, to organise these people. But not

    ju s t coloured and Indian people because we have to go beyond these absolute

    boundaries as w e ll. I t Intends to becoe* a m ss organisation, an organisa

    tion of the M sses . The UDF, to which the anti-P C fu lly subscribes, is a

    united front of various organisations - lik e the anti-P C , lik e the T IC , lik e trade unions, e tc . The UDF a lve t, strength to these organisations.The whole campaign against the refora proposals Is fought through t he

    virJous-organlsiitlnn i inc lu ding organisations lik e the antl-P C. So there 1s no c o n flic t a c tu a lly , since the UDF is an a llia n ce of various organisatio n s .

    What mot hod t art btiny adopted by progrtttivt forott to oppott tht P CT

    What tttpt hat tha anti-P C taktnT

    Well in i t i a l l y anti-P C was a very small body. I t had organised people In various areas and met with Labour Party d iss id en ts. I t set up local com- a itte e s to explain to people what the decisions of the Labour Party mean - conscrip tion of th e ir ch ild ren, r iiv lt ln n nf th« whnl* i l t i f n t l r itru p p U .

    I t has Issued pamphlets in various areas and has set up working coaiittees in a number of areas and i t has ca rried out, on a small sca le , house to house v i s i t s . I t s intention is to strengthen th is whole concept of local committees In the various areas, doing house to house v i s i t s , holding public meetings, d istrib u tin g lite ra tu re and publications, e .g . our new sletter. We do of course discuss and l ia is e with UOF, TIC and various other organisations on how to co-ordinate a programme 'of Mass mobilisation and organisation .

    SO

  • Vhtrt it tht tupport earning from in ttrms of ptoplt u>io art actually going

    out anti organising and assisting tht anti-r C? Vhieh group art thty drown

    from?

    In i t ia l l y support came mostly from rad ica l young people, determined to see changes In our country, Involved 1 n various struggles and 1 t came from various organisations l ik e the ad hoc Anti-Republic Committees, l ik e COSAS, AZASO and so on. But there are also people who've come from other conmunl- ty organisations, grass roots organisations l ik e residents' conmlttees, church conmlttees, student/school organisations. People have come as Ind iv id ua ls , not as representatives of any organisation. Some organisations

    w ithin the community are a f f i l ia te d to the UOF and play a ro le as a f f i l ia t e s .

    Can you try and txplain uhat tht guiding prinoiplts of tht UDF art7 Hou

    dott it operate? It aontiitt of a largt number of organisations, hou do

    they co-ordinate and uork togithtr7

    Well the guiding lin e f i r s t of a l l of the UDF Is the declaration of p r in c iples that were adopted. E sse n tia lly th js _ l^ s _ th c grounds fin whlrh.one re tects the reform proposals - that I t ' s an attempt to entrench j ptrth f Id and to divide the whole mnvement for democratic change In th 1 ». country. Secondly~the UOF"comi1~ts_ltj » l f »n » struggle fnr a__nnn.-rac1al. un ita ry . Homnrrjitif South Afr ic a . And th ird ly t he means by which one would achieve tba_t goal would be bv a non-raclal democratic strugg le . Those are the three essentia l elements In the decla ration . The organisations which have come together are those that subscribe to those p rin c ip le s . What was In i t ia l ly set up was e sse n tia lly a council of representatives to represent each of the partic ip ating organisations. For example In the Transvaal, i t ' s an on

    going process of bringing more and more people onto that council.

    What happened was that the council was set up as a consultative body, functioning as an executive committee but ca lled a consultative co uncil,

    made up of s ix representatives from the trade unions, s ix from community organisations, three from church organisations, three from women's organi

    sations , three from residents' organisations and three from student organisations . The trade unions and coimunlty organisations w il l receive greater

    51

    representation as more organisations come In . Thai rounrll was set up to

    b a s ic a lly plan the kind of a c t iv ity that would be ta rr ied on. there m i also a secre ta ria t of f ive people - so by and larqe the work was actua lly being done by the secre ta ria t and the consultative conmlttees. A conference was convened, the th ird meeting of the UDF, to plan the Transvaal UOF structures and a lso to work towards a national UDF. The structures at th is stage were not being fu l ly worked out. Can I Just add for what reasons. The reasons fo r that were very c le a r ly that i t was necessary to give a l l the organisations *#i1ch were to come In , a sense of p artic ip a tio n . I t was fe l t that the structures and so on needed to be worked out with these new .organisations,' so that they see that they a ren 't Just a fait accompli. T^ev must

    tih»* rh* ll »r » p*rt4«>pant( In dealdtaqJiowjm e Is to oppose , what kindn f ^ r n r t i i f t « h n u ]^ h f u p .

    So any kind of organisation uhich vishes to Join or affiliate to UDF trill

    tsstntially accept thest thrtt guiding principles vhirh ynu talked about7

    Of course I t ' s spelt out In much more deta il - I 'v e Just given you the0

    basics of the delcaratlon accepted by the UDF. So any organisation that wants to come In w i l l have to accept that declaration . As I said those three p rin c ip le s , to my mind, l i e behind the whole declaration .

    Do you think thost three basio principle guidelines uill in fact ketp cmt organisations or bodies uhioh are at present in the national ForumT

    You know we have made approaches to people, as I 'v e Indicated, even la s t year before the formation of the UOF - approaches to people In AZAPO about the need fo r co-operation In the UOF. Even before the National Forum we had sent out Inv ita tio ns to A7AP0 to partic ip ate 1n the UOF. Th#

    question I t whether i t accepts those p rin c ip le s . At the time we sent the declaration to them i t was open, as i t was with a l l organisations, fo r d is

    cussion , to see where one d if fe rs and to see *rtiat could be done to bridge the gaps. Now that kind of discussion 1s t i l l goinq to take place with the

    people 1n AZAPO. But from the public statements convening the National

    5?

  • Foru . . t H*MMnikr>«1 U 1* c lea r that the on. basic p r in c ip le , which l i y i w« w il l retch our goal of • u n ita ry , non-radal South A frica by mean* of a non-raclal democratic struggle , represents a d i f f ic u lt y . You see In a publ i c statement they said that people who are welcome to come to the Forum are the people's organisations . . . people from the ranks of oppressed people - I * " trying to re ca ll the w rds which they used. W ell, b a s ic a lly they excluded the white cosmunlty, even progressive forces w ithin the white comminUy, from p a rtic ip a tio n . Now that 1s counter to our Idea of a non- r a c la l , democratic struggle . So that may present d i f f ic u lt ie s 1n bringing

    organisations together.

    A numher of organitationt uhioh haut uhittt in them, or in tomt oattt art predominantly uhitt likt MUSAS, NEUSA (the tduoation Union) and Blaok Saiti,

    I think, have joined tht UDF. It that oorrect7

    t don't think Black Sash ac tu a lly have Joined. But ce rta in ly NUSAS has.And NEUSA, I think they are 1n the process of Jo in ing. Le t's say the basis of any organisation coming 1 n must be an acceptance of the declaration and any application to come Into the UOF w i l l be considered - we w i ll of course look at the h isto ry and trad itio n of the p a rticu la r organisation.I t cannot simply be a verbal statement to the e ffe c t that we accept th is declaration . There w i l l have to be some tangible evidence of the kind of struggle that they have been engaged In . So In the lig h t of that I can 't answer for the UOF. but I ' l l say there were no problems with NUSAS coming In . In terms of the h isto ry of the struggle that I t has been engaged In .And the same re a lly would apply to NEUSA. as fa r as I'm concerned. The trad itio n of struggle and I t s association with the kind of change one's envisaging In th is country - th e ir trad itio n 1s part and parcel of that v is io n . There may be other organisations that w il l say afterwards that they accept those three p rin c ip le s , but I t w ill have to be debated whether in fact they are advancing the progressive democratic movement In the country.

    So uhittt, progreetive uhitet or uhittt uho uith to align themetlvee irith

    progrtttiOt forces for ohangt - uhat avenueo do they havt for ocming into

    tht unrr

    Hell I t must be through poM tlra l organisations lik e NUSAS, lik e NCUSA. Th# Black Sash re a lly makes c lea r exactly how they stand - I t Is ce rta in ly moving In the rig h t d irec tio n . For example I t has recently debated the question of the Freedom Charter, how I t sees that document, and I think i f I t resolves that kind of problem - of what kind of society one Is Moving towards and what weight I t w i l l throw In behind the whole democratic Struggle - then I t w il l find Its way Into the UW. Such organisation* are avenues by which progressive democratic whites could find th e ir way Into the UOF. I could mention other bodies a lso , lik e OfSCdM (Detainees

    Support Coemlttees), who a lso , by the kind of struggle they've been engaged

    In and what they envisage for the future of th 1< country, c le a r ly would b# welcome In the UOF - not that the UOF has made a decision about 1 t , but

    the way I look at I t m yself. So these are a l l avenues, and there may be other organisations which would be a route for progressive whites to find

    th e ir way Into the UOF.

    Do you think there may be an argument for the oonetituling of organitationt

    like the old Congreee of Democrat* in the name vnv the HlC nn,l TIC havt

    re-formed themtetvee7

    But the Congress of Democrats was banned wasn't It? Or some organisation l ik e that - a s im ila r organisation. There Is probably a nrrd for an organisation - le t me put 1 t d iffe re n tly - gW'n the kind of society 1 n which we l iv e , there Is a need to mobilise and organise people at * 1 1 the many leve ls at which they e x is t and with that In mind there Is probably a need for organising on the basis on which the old Congress of Democrats organised - but not with a closed membership, exclusive to whites. I t must see I t s e lf as b a s ic a lly d irecting I t s e lf to that Und of constituency,

    but with an open m ri*ershlp In the sense of the TIC. As I put I t *rt»n explaining the antl-P C, when we say a vamum within the so ra ile d coloured communIty there was a need to create a p o lit ic a l organisation there, but I t could not be exc lu s ive ly coloured because within those areas the c o ^ w lty Is not e xc lu s ive ly coloured. There are a lo t of African people, there are

    a lo t of Indian people liv in g with coloured people and they should find

    th e ir way Into these organisations.

  • But c*n I Just c la r i f y my remark about an organisation s im ila r to the old

    Congrtll Of D c m c rlt l . I iw I need for such a body hut I I I said I t should not be exc lu sive ly white - I t must organise that p a rticu la r constituency

    In areas where they l iv e , but there are also other people liv in g in those areas and they must also find th e ir way Into the organisation.

    Can I atk Just one mart question about the national Forum, but perhaps you prefer not to oorrment on it at thie stage. The National Forwn blue-print

    for their struggle - let us eay their equivalent of the Charter - it

    hat been said that it reveals some similarities oith the Freedom Charter.

    So on an ideological level what ie it that still differentiates National

    Forum from the UDF? Ie it Just the issue of non-racialism?

    The manifesto that was adopted there was very close to the Charter In many

    ways, but there are other ways In which 1t d if fe r s . However, I f I t Is s im ila r then I cannot see the need fo r a separate manifesto. As 1 sa id , the Charter does represent a minimum consensus. Of course there 's another

    thing too, that the Charter was arrived at by a very broad spectrum of a vast m ajority of people In th is country who were engaged In It s formulation. Then one would have to ask , "What Is 1t? What reason Is there now for adopting another kind of declaration?” Now I can see there 1s d if f ic u lt y between the Charter and th is ran lfesto on the basis of non-raclal1sm. ButI think the serious problem there also 1 s why Is there the need for another manifesto when the Charter already represents the aspirations and wishes of the vast m ajority of people in th is country. But I don't want to spell out what I think those things are because we'd s t i l l l ik e to work towards some so rt of unity between the various organisations. But I t does create some kind of suspicion in one's mind - th is 'need' for a new document.

    Do you think ue might reaoh a situation uhere the National Forum, the UDF

    and even the Blaak Alliance uhiah it opposing the President! Counoil, I'm

    talking about Inhatha, urill reaoh tome kind of taotioal agreementf Even if they don't come together into one body, that they uould a\jree to work

    together ae much ae poesible. Uould that he an ideal situation as you tee

    ttr

    i55

    We are always s tr iv in g that there should he some unity of action between a l l

    the various organisations within Ihe rnun lry . Bui I teiuld nnl put, le t Ml

    say the National forum for e*ai*>1e. on a par with ihe whole progressive democratic movement in th is country. One must recognise the vanguard role of the progressive democratic movewnt, which is way above, head and shoulders above what is a very minor newcomer to the scene. And so to put the* • on some sort of equal footing Is unacceptable. 1 can see that I t is desirable that one should work together and w>rk towards a s ituation (rtiere

    these bodies can come into the whole progressive movement.

    I don't believe that as a movement the National Torum can address i t s e l f

    to the problem of the transfer of power In th is country - I don't «*nt to spell out a l l the reasons why I say i t ca n 't , but i t 1 s c le a r i t cannot

    possibly do th a t. Therefore I t must u ltim ately say that I f we are serious

    about change In th is country, we have to throw In our weight with the people

    who can seriously address that question.

    And accept your principle and ideologyf

    Yes. That's the case.

    So you eee it more at a quettion of convincing th,*n to Join you, to Join

    th* UPF, by dialogue?

    Yes I ' m looking wider than the UOr. I'm talklnq hore of the whole progressive movement. I a lso look to dlaloque to bring some of those organisation*

    into the UDF. 1 don't see any reason why they rould not, or should not.

    One latt quettion. If the rretidentt Council p^posnls are implemented in

    the uay they ta t* been drafted, do you think thru uill succeed in co-opting

    a lot of middle olattt Indian and coloured people?

    Sfi

  • I think on* Is witnessing • whole realignm ent of forces w ithin the country - th is has been put very n ice ly by some other people, I f one looks even w ithin the rank* of Afrlkanerdom. The old a llian ce of the ru ling classes with the dominant element being the landowners. Is now sh ift in g to a new a llla n cc of the new bourgeoisie where the owners of fac to ries and so on have become the dominant fo rce . The fa ll-o u t between the Treum lchts on the one hand and the Bothas on the other, represents th is kind of change. And th is kind of change Is not re str ic ted to the A frikaners, I t encompasses the whole

    , white community, but 1t a lso must■ Involve the oppressed people and I'm sure

    that sections of the middle c lass w il l be won over. They have some sort of vested c lass In terest with the ru ling c la s s , so that the d iv isions In th is country w i l l become c le a re r , u ltim ately resolving 1 n turn the national

    question, but also resolving the Issue of ownership of production. But I don't think the coloured and Indian middle c lass w il l move en h i m Into the ranks of the ru ling c la s s . Simply because the national problem w ill

    i not be resolved by the P C proposal* and th e ir p a rticu la r position insociety cannot properly be resolved without resolving the national question.

    The U.D.F. and the Development of Resistance in South Africa

    Jean de la Harpe and Andrew Manson

    Less than . year ago, the Rev Boesak ca lled for a United Front or democratic organisations to co-ordinate action .g a in st Apartheid. Within a month of the announcement of the ronmitlon of the United Democratic Front on a national le v e l. 10 to 15 thousand people, representing some 400 organise- ̂tions from a l l over the country, attended Its national launch in Cap. Town.

    ■ I t is or course fa r too ea rly to come an any fin a l conclusions about the s ign ificance of the UOF. In th is paper, ra ther, we shall attempt tg jo o k a L th e h l i t 9d t« I_se llli> *-£ n «- jA lth jh e jm r_e m e rq e d . and at the p rincip les

    and prac t ic e of the UOF. in an e ffo rt to beqln to e«p1a1n Its sudden emergence as a major force in the democratic movement In South A fr ica . The

    paper w i l l argue that the UDF Is a-log Ir a 1 sU ^ ln _tj^ d«eJo p m en ^ o fwtthin South A fr ic a , and that i t s structure and tac tic * mu*t be

    seen in th is l ig h t .

    HISTORICAL ROOTS

    The suppression, following Sh a rp ev llle , of the nation-wide legal p roU *t movements or the 19S0s resulted In a decade of apparent quiet In U r a l of open mass resistance to the Apartheid S tate . The »*C organised underground and began g u e rilla operations; but overwhelming state repression elim inate* mass organisation and protest on the scale that had been seen in the f I f t ie * and early s in t le s . This lark nr mess nrqanlsetInn -as evident on emny d lfre ren t le v e ls : tor In stem *. A frlran meirt.ersMp In tfa.le imlnns In m i .

  • despite continued government harassment, *tood at over 60 000 menfcers; "tn the following decade nearly a l l the African union* disappeared, and by 1969

    only 13 unlont with I eon*ln»d membership of If. 010 remained. " 1 This drop

    in union membership occurred despite the fact that the s l ie of the African working c lass doubled from 1950 to 1970.*

    In the f i r s t h a lf of the seventies, however, mass protest re-emerged. Many studies have examined th is development (see Kane Berman. Blaok Revolt, Whit• Reaotion, fo r example). We w ill mention here three simultaneous Inputs; f i r s t , the re-emergence of a legal A frican p o lit ic a l vo ice , at least among African In te lle c tu a ls , under the banner of Black Consciousness; 5 secondly, the development of g u e rilla struggle in the state bordering South A fr ic a , culminating In the v icto ry of the MPLA and Frellmo forces in Angola and Moiartlque; and th ird ly , the dramatic growth of labour unrest beginning In 1973. "In contrast to the previous decade, where the nunfcer of A frican workers Involved in ind ustria l disputes never rose above 10 0 0 0 , 1 n the period between 1973 and 1976, those Involved 1n disputes were to r is e as high as 100 000 in 1973 and never f a l l below 30 000. "6 This upsurge In mass protest culminated In the township uprisings following June 16, 1976.

    I#iA nunfcer of organisations rode Into prominence on th is wave of protest -

    SASO, SASM, BPC, SSRC. But these organisations, despite th e ir a b il i t y to

    . d1rM t the " • « Involvement In the upris ing s, dlA not have a substantial g ra n roots- In frastru ctu re . ' In consequence they re lied on a relatively few highly conscious leaders, who sought to d irec t mass a c t iv ity in e sse n tia lly lim ited and reactive responses. 7 Glen Moss. In h is recent ana lys is of the Soweto stay-aways In 1976, points out:

    IA meticulous and detailed build-up to the stay-aways was la rg e ly absent; Indeed, I t was probably Impossible In the conditions of the time, given th e ir I lle g a l nature and the mass police presence •' In the township. * 8 ^

    When th e ir leaders were detained and th e ir legal groups banned, tfesse

    groups h ad -iK i^ tru ctu ca lJlil^ w tath .to u JiLco n tlnue to build and m »taln the-momentum of struggle- ,

    The state response to th is upsurge was two-fold. F i r s t l y , they used nastfye repression - shootings, a rrest s , bann1njs^ e je n tJo n s _ a n d deaths Ip

    59

    Retention. But the state also In it ia te d a long-term strateqy to dtsoryantM and subjugate the coam inltles prndur Inq such art Inn; In remove at fa r ( l

    possible that Impulse to re sistance , th is strategy consisted of a selective re laxation of ce rta in In stitu tio n s of Apartheid In the attempt to

    channel coamunlty action Into d irections less threatening to the statusquo, on the one hand; confined with tightening the In stitu tio n s of Grand

    9Apartheid, s p e c if ic a lly In flux co n tro l, on the other.

    I t Is worthwhile emphasising here that the Apartheid apparatus has tra d it io n a lly seen in flu x control as a means of labour contro l. The R iekert Comnlsslon Report c ite s as "the po licy of the present qovernment* that " . . . the Bantu In the white area, whether they were born there or whether they were allowed to come here under our control laws, are here for th4 labour they are being allowed to perform.” ' ̂ And aqain, the report a sse rts t

    "The most Important question Is whether the right quantity of labour of the right q u a lity wi l l be availab le at the riqht tin * and th*

    rig h t place to s a t is fy the demands.” "/

    Whilst «p|rthalrf must be » ♦ntll f or« of oppressJgtL-lh |.L jf f tC tSa l l blacks on ■ p o l i t ic a l , cultu ra l and-Ideologica I—le v e l. and consequently

    demands opposition from the oppressed people on a l l these fro n ts , w• would lik e to focus on the c ru c ia l ro le that apartheid plays as a means of control

    of the A frican labour fo rce . When ttHlno_of_s.tr«nqthening_lnt-lu« co n tro l,Qf flisruptlnq urban « fr ir »n rni— . q H £ _ U l k S of an_assau]JLaJbH d jre r t ly at the Afrtcan-worMBa-poouUtion. This can be seen In th* b la

    tant use of In flux control to break s tr ik e s (as In the SATS s tr ik e In August 1 9 8 2 ) ; 1t can be seen in the very weak barqatnlnq position o f th* mlorant labourer s lonlno a contract at h is local UBA o f f ic e : I t can b« seen-liy.the_Unk made In law between a_worker|s_employment-stahlU^-and (. \ his q u a lif ic a t ion for th t p r lvlleoei_of_urban_rtiIdence. ,

    The state strategy following Soweto was to tighten precisely these contro ls. The R iekert Report planned to ensure " . . . more e ffe ctive control over migration than In the past, and the avoidance of much of the fr ic t io n that accompanied such control in the past, In that emphasis w il l be placed mainly on the control of employment and c o n tro lo f accommodation" . * 1 Instead of trying to regulate employment and accrwmndattnn through an

    60

  • over-large and clumsy bureaucracy, as In the past, the Rlekert Commission proposed mm laws to ensure th»t the employer! and township residents regulated themselves. 14 Fines fo r employing " I lle g a ls " would become proh ib it iv e , thus p ra c t ic a lly overnight plugging * conrnon loophole In In flux co n tro l. The costs of the townships wou lri- faU -d lre c t lv on-rei-ldents.-¥ia the community counc i l s ; rents would have to sky-rocket, thereby enju^nq t hat the unemployed would lose^helc-lep&l-accxHnnodatlon-ln urban areas.Bus fares_would r i se . And a t the-SAme time police would ou» m r̂* e f fn rn Inta-a-eemoaJan to end squatting, harltrnnm thark t. and—an-nn. People and

    even whole communities would be continually redefined as belonging In the

    bantustans: removals would continue wholesale. •

    The enforcement of the R lekert Report was encapsulated In three B i l l s , the so-called Koornhof B i l l s . These have fa iled to pass through Parliament tw ice , in 1980 and 1982; thus nationally the legal s ituation has not subs ta n t ia lly changed since Apartheid le g is la t io n was introduced 30 years ago.'^

    However, the Rlekert Report's proposals have been Introduced piecemeal through adm inistrative f i a t , and Increasingly through less sweeping laws pushed one by one through parliament.

    "This in e rt ia in the le g is la t iv e process has not been matched at

    the leve l of adm inistrative p ractice . Since 1979 a process of re-organisation and extension of the machinery of in flu x control and labour a llocation has been 1 n motion . . . * ' 6

    Immediately a fte r the Rlekert report, a law was passed to fin e the employerof an ■ Illegal’ by R500; irnnediately before th is law went Into e ffe ct WRABregistered over 500 people 1n one day who previously had been I l le g a l . 17A new section in the Laws on Co-operation and Development Amendment Act,

    asserts that people may only remain In the urban areas I f they l iv e In18approved housing. At the same time, rent r ise s have been In stitu ted

    wholesale - fo r Instance, rent Increases of 60% in Lam ontville: "People19who can 't pay the high rents can be evicted and pushed Into the bantustans."

    Further,

    "The s ta te 's provision of housing, e le c t r ic i t y , health services and recreation f a c i l i t ie s has never been adequate. -Now the Government's

    61

    new po licy of forcing A frican , coloured and Indian conmunittes to pay th e ir own way, means chronic houslnq shortaqes and the state of d isrep a ir of the houses w i l l gel worse."'

    A new trespass law w il l fine squatters on State or private land a » x i « » o f R2 0 0 0 . And of course police action against squatters - at KTC, Katlehong. Duncan V illa g e , and in many other places - continues unabated

    and Indeed has Increased.

    Comrajnltles responded to these measures by organising lo c a l, qrassroots

    bodies to fig h t sp ec ific Impositions. ^ lopk_at_th ;_nai|E V .Bf community organisations bears th is ou t: Jo ln tJen t- AcUon-CQBst'tee; t h e jl r le f im i li j '

    Re 5 j dent's Cornu i t tee; Jo in t .Cornu t e r i Com t i t e r ; Cape Action Housing CoinnlAlee; Durban Housing Action CorarUtee; NataV-Antl-SAir rn a e lt tP r ..

    These were usually oriented to single Issues, often to a single aree; th e ir success was la rge ly based upon the creation of local democratic

    stru ctu res , wtilch involved organisation on a door to door le v e l. » i SASPt)'*

    State of the nation points out:

    "Community organisations have helped to make people aware that they can do something about the way they are forced to l iv e . The pest years have seen the expression of popular power by commmitles taking on the au tho rities In united and often creative »»ys.

    V

    Marches, demonstrations, boycotts have become the ru le of the day.In response to shack demolitions, rent Increases and bus fare r is e s . The challenge has been to channel th is high p ro file resistance Into ongoing organisations and stru ctu res ." <

    Such grass roots bodies have been remarkably successful In delaying and even

    Janning apartheid strategy in a nunfcer of cases - rents have not • !«•**

    gone up; Crossroads e x is t s , a lb e it under continual a ttack ; fares have been kept down. Furthermore such community action becomes a component pert of the struggle against apartheid and is s y m p t o m a t i c 0 f people's unw illing

    ness to simply accept th e ir lo t under the system.

    On the other hand, local and slnq le-lssue organisations are unable to e ffe c t iv e ly fig h t national p o lit ic a l campaigns on th e ir own, Th»se co«Bm1ty

  • protests have « lim ited Impact. Foc.exain>le, th?Acttan C o H t t f j £CRAC) was ^orgpd tn n n 1 t» r .«M ri.n> «

  • action to defend the oppressed comnunltles, and more s p e c if ic a lly the working c la s se s , against the Increasing onslaught of Apartheid le g is la t io n .

    Simultaneously, there has been a growing consciousness of the h isto ry of resistance to Apartheid, of the trad itions of the democratic movement of the 50s and 60s. The Freedom Charter began to be widely discussed as • basic democratic platform adopted "by the people of South A fr ic a " . Songs

    and syafcolt reminiscent of the 50s began to appear at mass meetings.

    The f i r s t attempts to organise a national campaign 1n th is new period cams with the Anti-Republic Day campaign. Again, the Ad-Hoc Ant1-Republ1c Day Coimilttees were sing le-issue and temporary, as the name im plied; they did not lead to continuing structures for m obilisation . This was followed

    by the nation-wide Antl-SAIC campaign. Building upon a recognition of the lim ita tio ns of s1ngle-1ssue campaigns, the Antl-SAIC campaign In the Transvaal funnelled It s energies into thereblrth of the Transvaal Indian Congress.

    The reb irth of the TIC epitomised a mintier of the trends observed here. The TIC was a d irect lin k with the popular struggles of the 50s; I t was reg ional, coming out of a trad itio n of national p ro test; above a l l , 1 t brought the temporary Issue of protest against the SAIC to a new stage of

    ongoing m obilisation . 31

    The rev iva l of the TIC has raised a ce rta in amount of controversy because

    i t re lated to the Indian community o n ly ; th is has been condemned as r a c ia l is t . But p o lit ic a l m obilisation must acknowledge the ra c ia l sepa

    ration of South A frican comnunltles. At no point has the TIC accepted th is d iv is io n as anything other than abhorrent. The present-day TIC therefore takes the same approach as the Congress A lliance trad itio n which mobilized people in th e ir communities on a grass roots le v e l . 33

    Thus, when Dr Boesak ca lled fo r a united front of democratic organisation's in ea rly 1983, the response was Immediate and overwhelming.

    UDF THEORY AND PRACTICE

    "So we have gathered here to say NO. To refuse th e ir p lans. Me are here to say that no one can t e l l us what we want; I t 1s we who must ru le our l iv e s . " 34

    The UOF was conceived as a body which would co-ordinate a rtlve struggle against the Apartheid government. As we have seen, many organisations

    hrfn ■> >~~al ]> n ll Jrn.inrf hlnh»r housingc r i s i s , r is in g e le r t r l r i t v ra te s , "dumwv" bodies, e tc , hut these were being conducted In Iso la tio n from one another. Hnweyer, s»me a r tU iy t s saw t he need fo r cn-nrd lnatInn nf « r t i v | t | f s kimuw* Already, in 19ff1

    Pebco had ca lled for a united, national organisation of c iv ic associations.

    The c a ll fo r a united democratic front by Alan Boesak on ?3 January 1983 ( t

    the Transvaal Anti-SAIC Conference found a c t iv is ts ready tn translate i t

    into r e a l i t y . Accordingly, some 400 organisations came together on August

    ?0 , 1983 at Rocklands C iv ic Centre, M itch e ll's P la in to launch the National UOF. This strategy brought the ex isting bodies together, link ing th e ir local responses.

    The UOF structure has national and regional executives, but otherwise

    depends upon these 400 grass roots bodies fo r organisational in fra stru ctu re .

    " . . . Organisations w i l l keep th e ir Independence w ithin the But we w i l l work together to oppose the President's Council, th« new Parliament and Koomhof's P lans . " 35

    "In Cape Town and elsewhere local representatives of various mefflber organisations are meeting to set up area co im lttees. On th is le v e l, too, questions of ro le and strategy have to thrashed out and the best organisational forms found. This process 1* seen as e s se n t ia l, since I t is among the grass roots organisation* that the strength of the UOF has to be b u i l t . " 36

    Thus the already ex istin g grass roots organisations provided door-to-door campaigning; produced and d istributed le a f le t s ; organised buses to the launch; and even donated and cnnteri the fond for th» delegate*. The UDf

  • has not attempted to create new aras* root* s tructure* In competition wl tN th» » « u t lnn local organisation*. Rather, I t b u ilt upon tho*e bodies that already had roots tn th e ir communities.

    "Our organisations have united our people Inside the fa c to rie s , w ithin the townships, 1n the countryside and In the schools and u n iv e rs it ie s . We have organised as women, as be lievers and as sports people . . . Our h is to r ic task now is to bring together a l l these organisations and a l l freedom-loving people Into one national United Democratic Front. " 37

    As the co-ordinating body, the UDF has adopted the p rincip le that 1t should represent the broadest possible leve l of struggle. The bottom lin e fo r

    partic ipation w ithin the UDF Is active resistance to the structures of the Apartheid state (thus precluding groups such as the PFf> or the bantustan governments that p artic ip ate w ithin these s tru c tu re s ). In order to re ta in th is as the basic p rin c ip le of the organisation, the UDF has not adopted the Freedom Charter or any other manifesto which might a lienate any organisation which acts as part of the progressive fo rce s .31* Groups supporting the Freedom Charter can be expected to discuss and promote I t s p r in c ip le s ; the UDF Imposes no gag on member organisations.

    "People with d iffe ren t approaches to the struggle have a place In the United Democratic Front. * 39

    The ro le of the UDF as fa r as Ideological debate 1s concerned Is to provide a framework of active engagement in struggle , w ithin which platforms and theories can be tested . Any discussion of the Ideological d irection of the progressive forces must take place w ithin the course of struggle to mainta in or rather regain basic democratic r ig h ts ; otherwise such discussion w i l l remain mere words. Without that struggle for democratic righ t* the progressive force* w i l l In any ca*e probably not e x is t long enough to have any Ideological d irection worthy of mention.

    I t should also be noted that some opponents of the UOF haw fended tn r e

    fuse iin lty and Identi t y . Un ity does not mean that a l l n rg inU atlnm hrrnrnn one, anil-that t h f lr s n fd f lc Identi t y .wi l l be lo s t . Rather, each separate organisation Is represented as a body w ithin the UDF, so that conmunlty

    67

    organisation*, womens' groups, student groups, trade unions etc maintain th e ir sp ec ific character. At the same time, however, the*e d iffe rent groups co-operate under the UDr banner to defend thrne Interests they hoM in common.

    The logic behind th is stance Is that Apartheid's total strategy Is not aimed at repressing only one group or suppressing one platform, but rather act* against the whole broad range of progressive and democratic comnunity structures. The UDF dwniinrtt nart of It s basic proaramrae_tn end to the repm isJye measures taken against the democratic fo rte s :

    "For the UDF, there must be the release of p o lit ic a l prisoner*, the unbanning of the banned, and the return of e x ile s 1 f a

    tru ly democratic constitution Is to be worked out. "

  • “Let us say to them that M itch e ll's P la in

  • The f i r s t major ‘ worker* Issue that has confronted the UDF w it the atasslv* repression (gainst SAAWU In it ia te d by the Clskelan puppet adm inistration.I t alght be In structive In the lig h t of the ahnve debate to examine how

    th is weft handled. Following It * p rincip les of co-ordinating r t i l i t a n c * rather than Imposing d ire c tiv e s , the UDF did not on I t s own c a ll fo r sped - , Me types of protest. Rather, the UDF ca lled fo r a 'Jo in t meeting together with the emergent unions, and asked them to take the In it ia t iv e In formulating an active defence of a s is te r union . 47 In a Jo in t statement the UDF and the unions said of the SAAWU banning:

    ‘ Without the rig h t to use th e ir organisations to defend themselves, workers are u tte r ly defenceless. There can be no compromise on the 1 *sue of unions taking up Issues beyond the factory f lo o r .* 4®

    The UDF was then prepared to help promote the defence so determined by the ' unions themselves. Rather than d ictate to the unions, the UDF offered I t s e l f as a vehicle fo r furthering the defence of the union movement. Union co-operation with the UDF did not In th is case lead to a weakening of union demands; rather I t led to strengthening them.

    Host recently the UOF has begun a campaign to ca rry th is fig h t against Apartheid Into a positive programme of action . Where previously local grass roots and stng le-lssue organisations were forced p rim arily to react to the pressures put upon them, the UOF hopes to develop ongoing structures and m obilisation. In some areas where no grass roots a f f i l ia t e s e x is t , the UDF has asked supporters to begin to build such organisations; In other areas, prograwnes have been launched to educate and conduct local r a l l ie s against the constitu tional proposals and the Koomhof b i l l s , and to conduct door-to-door campaigns, culminating In regional r a l l ie s . 49 Again, I t 1ft fa r too soon to predict the resu lts of such action .

    STATE RESPONSE

    At the time of w riting (October 1983) I t Is too soon to chart the s ta te 's reaction to the UOF, The In it ia l response was to Ignore I t , as the state

    71

    has tended to Ignore local and stnq le-lssu* orqanlsattons (except of course when they "disturbed" state funrtInn lnq ). Then the s la t* heqan to us*

    a rrests und*r th* security laws aqalnst lltif figures (notably Albertina

    S lsu lu and Amanda Kwadl), and beqan banning sp ec ific meetings - In Oth*r words, using the ta c t ic s the state has re lied upon over the past several years . However, the UOF Is not dependent upon proeilnmt Individuals or sp ec ific meetings; I t s main goal Is to achieve a so lid qrass roots stru ctu re , through Its 400 menfcer organisations. This ca re fu l, patient organisation Is th* best guarantee against state repression. W1ttt_lhls s o lid h»t1 < fh»re w i l l h» nennle ready tn jmero*_should-leaderl be arr«S-

    >«i4, th»re w i ll always b* num*rpus_otherjwpu 1 ar actlvl_t 1 e j Ahou1d ^ny

    meeting be banned.

    Whether the sta te w i l l decide to use the more d rastic repressive measures 1t has at U s disposal remains to be seen. I f I t does, however. I t I t

    threatened with a loss of International c re d ib il i t y , »odJWre_i?WltUjBi,'y» a Ins* of Internal s ta b ll 1tv^.nn a sraJe_l>«rhapt-aol seeruslnc* th*J»w»1nf of the AHC and th* fom atlon of Unfthonto we Slrwe. Massive repression would ce rta in put an end to th* "co n cilia tio n" aspects of Botha's total strateg y, leaving the sta t* with no other option but contlnulnq repression.

    I t might however b* worth noting that p recise ly th is kind of masslv*

    repression Is already b*1ng used In the C ls k e l; th is may perhaps b* s**n

    as a te s t case fo r a l l of South A fr ic a .

    CONCLUSION

    Thus, while 1t 1s only a few months a fte r the National laumh of th* UOF,I t Is d i f f ic u l t to avoid th* assertion that Its formation hat raised raslft- tance against th* Apartheid s ta t* to a n*w stag*. The «♦*** ' » ef fe r t l Iff t ighten Apartheid's i;(?ntmls hm unht-inrth a flood of grassroots or pan Isa- ; .tlons; the UOF has begun to build these grass roots structures Into a broad national resistance movement. But as UOr President Archie Gumed* commented at the National Launch:

  • r#

    II

    ‘ Slogans are not enough. Sweat and labour, carefu l thought, and carefu l actions are needed . . . we must avoid adventures and we must act consciously and with determination u n til we overcome."5^

    i

    FOOTNOTES

    1 Cape Argue, August 22, 1983

    2 UDF Rewe (national Unit It t U r of the UDF) Vol 1 , no 2 , p 1

    3 Tht Durban Strike* 1973, "Hienane without Soule", In st itu te for Industria l Education (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1974) p 3

    4 Ib id , p 3

    5 KANE-DERMAN, Santo, Ch 8 , gives a b r ie f h isto ry o f the development of black consciousness Ideology and organisation.

    6 BONNER P t WEBSTER E , In South African la hour Bulletin, "Focus on Wlehahn*, Vol 5, no 2 (Durban, August 1979) p 5

    7 Again, see KANE-BERMAN, Soueto, Chapters 9 & 10.

    Kane-Berman concludes: " In ev itab ly , tac tics were more often more In the nature of ad-hoc responses to given circumstances than components o f a strategy determined beforehand." (p 133)

    U MOSS G, "Stay-Aways. Soweto 1976", Work in Progreee it (SARS,Y eo v ille , April 1983) p 9

    ,9 Th1* ana lysis has been widely accepted; for a fu l l d licusd o n see South Afrioan labour nulletin, "Focus on R ieke rt" , Vol 5 , no 2j for more recent events Interpreted w ithin th is ana lysis see South Afrioan Review, Home Foundation, Rew Facade*, Vol 1 (Ravan 1983)

    10 Riekert Report para 3.7011 Riekert Report para 2.S2

    12 Rand Daily Mail (Johannesburg) September 2 , 198213 Riekert Report para 6.14 (u)14 Ibid para 4.125

    15 HINOSON D I LACEY M, " In flu x Control and Labour A llo ca tio n .. Po licy and Practice since the Riekert Com ission". South African Reviewp 97

    16 Ibid p 2

    17 narul Daily Mail (Johannesburg) August 10, 1983 10 UDF Rewa, Vol 1 no 2 . October 1983, p 219 Ibid p 2

    20 SASru, State of the Nation, August 198.1, p I?21 UDF Heo«, Vol 1 no 2 , October 1983, p2

    . . . • .‘ o r73

    r \

    22 SASPU, State of the Ration, August 1983, p 12 ,• 23 Ibid p 12

    ' 24 Ibid p 1225 Ibid p 1226 For a further discussion of th is see RllSA ."Wlehahn, exposing the

    contrad ictions", (Cape Town, 1979); Stmtfc African (at>our Bulletin “Focus on Wlehahn" (Vol 5 no 2 , August 1979); also LAMBERT R 1 I ,

    * • "State Reform and Working Class Resistance, 1982“ , South Afrioan Review Vol 1 (Ravan 1983).

    27 LAMBERT R I L , "State Reform and Working Class Resistance, 1982",

    . South Afrioan Review Vol 1 (Ravan 1983) p 219 ’28 The Star, September 14, 198329 See WEAVER T , "The Presidents Council", South African Review Vol 1

    (Ravan 1983)30 Ibid p 12031 For further discussion see "Transvaal Indian Congress", Social

    Review Issue no 21 (August 1983), p 5 ff32 See ALEXANOER N, "Nation and E th n ic ity " , vrr an (SARS, August 1963)33 Op c l t , "Transvaal Indian Congress", Social Review 21, p 634 UOF Pamphlet “National launch, 20 Auqust 1981 Cape Town"35 UDF Rewe (Rational) Vol 1 no 1 p 136 Op e lt UOF pamphlet "National launch"

    37 IIDF Rewe (Rational) Vol 1 no 1 p 138 Rand Daily Mail, August 2 , 1983, p 4

    39 UDF Hewn (Rational) Vol 1 no 1 p 3 •

    40 UDF Rewe (Rational) Vol 1 no 2 p 141 Op c l t UDF pamphlet "National Launch*bour Pulletin Vol 1 nos 1 * 7 , (Durban)p 41 11

    45 r.ASPU FOCUS Vol 2 no 2 (June 1903) p 19 ''46 Quote, Popo Mnlefe UOF National Secretary, 17 October 198347 The Star September 20, 198348 UDF Rewe (Rational) Vol 1 no 2 p 2 4

  • 'Slogans »r« not enough. Sweat and labour, careful thought, and careful actions are needed . . . we must avoid adventures and we must •c t consciously and with determination u n til we overcome."®®

    i

    FOOTNOTES

    1 Cap* Argue, August 22, 1983

    2 UDF Neva (national Neweletter of the UDF) Vol 1 , no 2 , p 1

    3 Tht Durban Strikes 1873, ",Humane without Soule", In s t itu te for Industria l Education (Raven Press, Johannesburg, 1974) p 3

    4 Ib id , p 3

    5 KANE-BERMAN, Sajeto, Ch 8 , gives a b r ie f h isto ry o f the deve1op«»nt of black consciousness Ideology and organisation.

    6 BONNER P A WEBSTER E , In South African [xil>our Bulletin, "Focus on Wiehahn", Vol S , no 2 (Durban, August 1979) p 5

    7 Again, see KANE-BERMAN, Soueto, Chapters 9 I 10.

    Kane-Berman concludes: " In ev ita b ly , ta c t ic s were more often more In the nature o f ad-hoc responses to given circumstances than components of a strategy determined beforehand." (p 133)

    B MOSS G, "Stay-Aways, Soweto 1976", Work in Progreee it (SARS,Yeovil 1*, April 1983) p 9

    9 This ana lysis has been widely accepted; for a fu l l discussion see

    South African labour Bulletin, "Focus on R leke rt" , Vol 5 , no 2[ fo r

    more recent events Interpreted w ithin th is ana lys is see Sout* African Review, Sam Foundation, New Facadee, Vol 1 (Ravan 1983)

    10 Riekert Report para 3.7011 Riekert Report para 2.92

    12 Rand Daily Mail (Johannesburg) September 2 , 198213 Riekert Report para 6.14 (u)14 Ibid para 4.125

    15 HIN0S0N D 1 LACEY M, " In f lu x Control and Labour A llo ca tio n .. Po licy and Practice since the Riekert Connisslon", South African Review,p 97

    16 Ibid p 2

    17 Rand Daily Mail (Johannesburg) August 10, 198318 UDF Heun, Vol 1 no 2 , October 1983, p 219 Ibid p 2

    20 ItARni, State of the Nation, August 198.1, p 1721 UDF Hewn, Vol 1 no 2, October 1983, p2

    ...•'itwti for73

    22 SASFV, State of the Nation, August 1983, p 1223 Ibid p 1224 Ibid p 1225 Ibid p 1226 For a fu rther discussion of th is see miSA , "Wiehahn, exposing th*

    contrad ictions", (Cape Town, 1979); S.7utJi African l*il>our Bulletin "Focus on Wiehahn" (Vol 5 no 2, August 1979); also LAMBERT M L , "State Reform and Working Class Resistance, 198?", South African

    Review Vol 1 (Ravan 1983).27 LAMBERT R I L , "State Refom and Working Class Resistance, 1W 2\

    South Afrioan Review Vol 1 (Ravan 1983) p 219 '

    28 The Star, September 14, 198329 See WEAVER T , "The Presidents Council", South African Review Vol 1

    (Ravan 1983)30 Ib id p 12031 For fu rther discussion see "Transvaal Indian Congress", Social

    Review Issue no 21 (August 1983), p 5 ff32 See ALEXANDER N, "Nation and E th n ic ity " , Uir ?» (SARS, August 19«3)33 Op c l t , "Transvaal Indian Congress", Social Review 21, p 634 UOF Pamphlet "National Launch, 20 August 198.1 Cape Town"

    35 UDF Newe (National) Vol 1 no 1 p 136 Op c l t UDF pamphlet "National Launch"

    37 UDF Newe (National) Vol 1 no 1 p 138 Rand Daily Mail, August 2 , 1983, p 4

    39 UDF New» (National) Vol 1 no 1 p 3

    40 UDF Newe (National) Vol 1 no 2 p 141 Op c l t UOF pamphlet "National launch*

    42 City Freet September 18, 1983 •43 UDF Newe (Ueetem Cape Refficn) Vol 1 no 1 p 144 FINE, DE CLERQ A 1NNES, "Trade Unions and the State : A Question o f

    Le g a lity " , South Afrioan Labour Bulletin Vol 7 nos I 1 2 , (Durban) p 41 ^

    45 SASPU FOCUS Vol 2 no 2 (June 19R3) p 1

  • Colonialism of a Special Kind and the South African State:A consideration of recent articles

    1 INTRODUCTION

    The current conjuncture I t narked by more p o lit ic a l f lu id it y thin seen for two decades. On the one hand, the ru ling p o lit ic a l group 1s try ing to ca rry through f a i r ly wide-ranging constitutional reforms, with a concomitant restructuring of the State apparatuses (most notably, the leg is la tu re and the local government ap paratuses. On the other hand - p a rtly as an immediate cause of these 're fo rm s', and p a rtly as a reaction to them -

    there have been s ig n ifica n t developments on the p o lit ic a l te rra in of wide- based and Increasingly self-assured popular organisations.

    One of the questions thrown up In th is context 1s that of the State apparatuses as actual and potential s ite s of struggles. A recent a r t ic le by

    Wolpe (I960) sought to provide some theoretical understanding of th is Issue In SA. While making useful progress In the context of academic w riting on the question of the South A frican S tate , the approach has lim its and dangers. I propose to consider In d eta il some aspects of Wolpe's argument. But before doing th is I would lik e to place th . paper In the context of Wolpe's evolution over the la s t decade. This background w i ll explain how Wolpe mistakenly came to see the Bantustan structures as potential s ite s of mass struggle.

    2 THEORIES OF THE S A STATE

    Theorizing the sp ec ific character of the Apartheid S ta te , and of the p o lit ic a l and ideological configuration association with I t , has always presented problems to those working with a broad h is to r ica l m ate ria lis t perspective.In the 1960s , analogies were sometimes made with fascism (see Bunting 19(4 fo r example). For th e ir p a rt, the Simons (1969) suggested that the 'casta- l ik e ' p o lit ic a l and Ideological 'superstructure ' In SA was 'co lon ia l-feuda l'In characte r, and therefore 1n rad ica l contradiction with It s advanced

    c a p ita l is t fortes of production. Although these suggestions occur w ithin works which are otherwise of great value , such analogies have been conceptual blInd a l le y s .

    In the course of the 1970s, and 1n a more academic context, there has bean reinvigorated h is to rica l m a te ria lis t theorization of the South A frican S tate . This work has been considerably Influenced by developments In West Curopaan theory: A lthusser and Poulantzas, In p a rt ic u la r , and also the West Genaan State-derlvatlon theorists (c f Holloway and P icc lo tto . 1977). I shall return la te r to these cu rren ts, in the context of Wolpe's crit iq u e of th a lr handling of the SA S tate . Tor the moment, I wish simply to note that these approaches,often th eo re tica lly quite sophisticated, have been n rked by a s ig n ifica n t gap. Concerning the National Question so central to tha p o lit ic a l and Ideological s ituation 1n SA, there is a deafening s ile n ce .*

    During the 1960s, another concept, that of Cn'ntl^11** nf * S p r i» i ..iy p «^CSJ), was advanced to characterize South African society In general, and v the State structure In p a rt ic u la r . The main outlines of th is approach are that the socia l formation 1n SA exh ib its most of the features of tha re lationsh ip between a co lonial power and Its co lonies, hut the re la t io n ship occurs w ithin a single socia l fonm llon (hence the tern "special c o lo n ia l" ) .*

    The CST concept sp ec ifie s SA as dtvlded broadly speaking. Into a white colonial bloc on the one hand, and the colonized or nationally oppressed ’■ masses on the o t h e r . T h e s e two - the colonial bloc and the co lonlze i masses - ara not two c la sse s . The White colnnleal hlnc Is a co lo n ia lis t (or national) a llia n ce of c la s s . I and fractions nf classes (p r in c ip a lly ,

  • the capitalist class, the Whitt sections of the petty bourgeoisie end the

    proletariat respectively). Clan eontridlctlons within the White colonlcal bloc exist, but they are generally limited In the greater Interest! of

    maintaining colonial domination to the mutual. If unequal, 'benefit of the

    bloc'* constituent classes and fractions. Many of the intra-White class

    struggles are, indeed, about what strategies and tactics to adopt 1n the

    maintenance of this colonial domination. (See the current struggle over

    the proposed admission to the colonial bloc of the Coloured and Indian

    petty bourgeoisie as Junior partners.) The contradictory unity of the

    dominant colonial alliance Is maintained, more or less successfully,

    through a range of organisational means, economic, polIclcal and Ideological.

    According to the ColonlaHim of a Special Type thesis, the colonised

    masses (Including at present all Africans, Coloured and Indians) are also

    divided Into various classes and class fractions. The most notable here are

    the major portion of the SA proletariat, a seml-proletarlanlzed peasantry,

    and a part of the petty bourgeoisie. All are colonlally oppressed In a

    variety of ways: pass laws, de-nationalization (affecting Africans), Group

    Areas, inferior education (affecting all Blacks) and a host of other measures.

    At the level of the South African State, CST has a bi-furcated. Janus-like

    State structure. This structure has elements of a bourgeois parliamentary

    democracy on the one hand, and a highly coercive State apparatus, directed

    primarily against the Black masses, on the other. The concept of CST also

    enfaodtes many of the features characteristic of 'conventional1 colonialism: Indirect ruXe^-cultural nnnrg^lnn, etc.

    The basic approach associated with the concept of CST opens the way to more

    adequate theorizing of the South African social formation and the Apartheid

    State. The approach has so far been put forward largely 1n a directly

    political context. It has not received adequate academic attention, and

    (not necessarily the same thing) sufficient theoretical elaboration. This paper makes no pretence at going very far down the road with such an

    elaboration. Rather, with a view to carrying out a small theoretical

    clearing operation, and keeping an eye on the theory of CST, I would like to turn to some of the arguments put forward hy Wolpe over the lait derail#

    77

    Wolpe is perhaps the one source to have been academically concerned with the question of CST in SA. In so doing he hut touched on the National Question.

    While never clearly supporting the com i>pt CM , he comes rinse In thli In a

    1975 artlcl*.* All along, however, he has tried to explain the specificity

    of SA and Its particular 'racial* divisions.

    ARTICULATION BETWEEN MODES OF PRODUCTION

    In an early article (1972), Wolpe advanced the argument of an articulation

    between two modes of production. He arqued that the pre-capitalist mode of

    production in the African reserves had historically served to reproduce cheap labour-power for, the capitalist mode of production. In this articulation

    between the two, the reserve economy had to be sufficiently dissolved to

    ensure a growing supply of migrant labour to the capitalist economy. On the other hand It had to be sufficiently conserved to ensure provision, through Its pre-capitalist distribution network, of part of the means of subsistence

    for this migrant labour-power and its family group.

    • vTheorizing the SA social formation In terms of the articulation of modtt

    production points to key determinants of CST In SA. Yet It has at leaatl'/W)! two major flaws. * ,, ...,,,.

    (I) It is wrong to suggest that the articulation between pre-capital i*V'V.*

    and capitalist modes of production has In the inpo - 1940s period / •,'■- . i

    been the dominant contradiction In SA.if

    (II) Wolpe cannot adequately explain the continuation of Special Colonial

    features in SA after the alleqed collapse of pre-capitalist nodes

    of production.

    3 (I) THE CONCEPT OF CONTRADICTION

    The monocausal and ecnnoailstlc tendencies In Wolpe's thesis are due partly to rnnfuslon over the questlnn of cnnlradlcl Inn, In this 11/7 article,

    711

  • Ok

    Wolpe speaks variously of a "major contradiction*, a "dominant contradic

    tion" and • “principle contradiction" (197?: 437, 454). It appears that

    no theoretical distinctions art really Intended. Out this terminological

    Instability polntt to • deeper problem.

    Molpe argues that as a result of the collapse of the pre-capitalist modes

    of production 1n the reserves, that

    The a*Jor contradiction of South African society between the

    capitalist mode of production and the autonomous pre-capitalist

    economies 1s giving way to a dominant contradiction within the

    private economy. The consequence of this Is to Integrate race

    relations with capitalist relations of production to such a

    degree that the challenge to the one becomes necessarily a

    challenge to the other. (Ibid: 454)

    Wolpe, then, sees a shift In the "maJor"/*dom1nant*/"pr1nc1pal* contra

    diction from an articulation between modes, to a contradiction with the

    capitalist mode. Of what specifically this latter contradiction within

    the capitalist mode consists Is not spelt out. And what 1s meant by the

    notion of Integrating race relations Into capitalist relations? More

    Importantly, however, what exactly does Wolpe moan by a "maJor"/“dom1nant"/

    "principal" contradiction?

    This whole area can be considerably clarified by making a basic theoretical

    distinction between what we might call (a) the principal determining

    contradiction, and (b) the dominant contradiction.

    The principal determining contradiction refers to the fundamental contra

    diction, the contradiction with the greatest social effect. It Is this

    contradiction that provides the principal force determining the pace and direction of change through any society. In the capitalist mode of

    production, the principal determining contradiction is between the forces and relations of production: between social production and private appropriation. It is a real material contradiction, although It 1s defined

    In terms of the relatively abstract concepts of the forces and relations of

    production. It 1s also abstract In the sense that Its specification con

    fines us to the economic Instance. Nonetheless, the effects of this

    79

    contradiction reach through the whole social formation. Since the development

    of monopoly capital In SA, beginning with the development of mlnlnq In the

    late nineteenth century, the principal determining contradiction In SA ha I

    always been within the capitalist mode of production Itself.s

    However the dominant contradiction In capitalist society - I.e. the aajor

    fracture running through the society - cannot be deduced In every con

    junction from concepts relating to the mode of production alone. The

    dominant contradiction designates the dominant Une-up of social forces,

    defined at Ideological-cultural, political and economic levels. The dominant

    contradiction Is'thus a relatively more concrete concept than the principal

    determining contradiction. It refers to the configuration of social forces

    across the social formation, and Is not therefore abstracted from one

    specific Instance. In SA, for compleu historical reasons (political,

    ideological, and economic, includlnq the articulation of two modes of

    production), the dominant contradiction has emprqed as that between the

    White colonial bloc and the Black colonl/ed majority. This dominant con- i

    tradiction In SA is thus closely linked to the concept of Colonialism of

    a Special Type. (It should be added that the mnin configuration of social

    forces In SA does not preclude individuals crosstdg over and making signi

    ficant contributions for better or worse. Individuals can and do partici

    pate 1n the struggle for an alternative society. Conversely, Individuals can and do contribute to the perpetuation of Colonialism of a Special Type.)

    vThe principal determining and dominant contradictions are not related to

    each other as essence to appearance. Both are real, referring to different

    though connected aspects of reality. While the dominant contradiction Is

    determined largely, but not exclusively, by the principal determining

    contradiction, the concrete relationship between them requires much con

    ceptual and empirical work. What needs to be done Is tn articulate these

    two contradictions together, in a complex, explanatory unity, while ndt

    abandoning the one or the other. Tn abandon the concept of the principal

    de_termlnjng contradiction Is to abandnn historical materialism. In

    abandon the concept of the dominant contradiction Is to lose contact with political reality. The problem of theorltlng the real historical and

    ongoing relationships between these two contradictions Is, then, part of

    the general problem of the unity of theory and political practice.

    * *?It 1* precisely tendencies to abandnn one nr the nther of contra*

    60

  • dictions that characterize the debate of the deaf that sometime* gets waged

    between some black consciousness supporters (who assert that the structure

    of SA Is a national not a class structure) and their opponents (who assert

    the converse). It*r« it must b« acknowledged lhat much recent historical

    materialist work on the SA State fall* Into the latter camp. In this work,

    the dominant (colonial) contradiction 1n SA Is Ignored - to the detriment

    of grasping material realities. Theoretlclsm and formalism have taken

    their toll as an unmediated class analysis has been Imposed on SA. It 1s

    simply unscientific to see (In Workerlst fashion) the capital-labour con

    tradiction as dominant as well as determinant. The effect of this error Is

    to miscalculate the balance of forces and the lines of fracture 1n society.

    Instead of seeing the potentially progressive role of a colonlally oppressed

    petty bourgeoisie In a national liberation movement of allied classes

    (dominated by the proletariat), a Utopianism about ’pure" unadulterated

    proletarian struggle 1s put forward by the SA "Class-lsts".

    To suwnarlze, It Is wrong to suggest that the articulation between capita

    list and pre-capitalist modes of production has In the post 1880 period

    ever been, to use Wolpe's Imprecise terminology, the “majorVprlnclpar/

    -dominant* contradiction 1n SA. The contradictory articulation between

    these modes of production, important as It has been, Is and was neither

    the principal determining contradiction nor the dominant contradiction.

    3 (II) THE COLLAPSE OF PRE-CAPITALIST MODES OF PRODUCTION

    .There 1s a second problem 1n Wolpe’s 1972 paper. If articulation between

    the two modes explains the ‘racial* (or better, colonial) character of

    South African society, how then do we explain the continued colonial

    character of this social formation given the alleged collapse of arttcu-

    latlon? Wolpe has partly manufactured this question for himself. By

    mistakenly regarding this articulation as the major contradiction 1n the first half of the twentieth century, Wolpe has overemphasised Its I n s

    tance, and underemphasised the role of other contradictions 1n reproducing

    early CST In SA.

    Moreover, Wolpe has exacerbated the problem by exaggerating the extent of

    81

    the demise of pre-capitalist modes In the reserves. The reserves' econoales have. In general, been chronically moribund for the qreater part of the

    century, not Just 1n the post-World War II era. Certainly, autonomous model

    of production no longer exist In the reserves In ihe '.erne of self-sufflclfflt

    relations Involving definite access to means of production, definite roles 1n appropriating surplus labour, and definite distribution of the product.

    However, non-capitalist forms and relations of production (as distinct froei modes) still remain. Thus the reserves continue to reproduce a subsidized

    labour force through a complex mechanism. Involving cheaper health services,

    housing, education and administration as well as a food subsidy for scme.^

    \

    Because he neglects such factors In the post-World War II period, Wolpe

    focuses on the Ideological and political In explaining the nature of apart

    heid. 'Apartheid m y be seen as the attempt of the capitalist State to0

    maintain the system of cheap migrant labour ... by means of the erection of

    a 'perfected* and 'modernized' apparatus of political domination.' (Wolpe.

    1975: 249/50) This gives undue Importance to the superstructure, due both

    to Wolpe's confusion over the Issue of contradiction and to his underesti

    mation of the role of the reserves In the present. Nonetheless, Wolpe's

    attempt to Introduce Into analyses of the SA State concepts specific to

    non-economlc realms, Is a valuable step forward.

    i\ woi.rr*s c r i t i q u e or e c o n o m i s m

    The growth over the last decade of academic research on the SA State within

    a broad historical materialist framework developed partly out of an attack

    on the prevalent liberal view. This attack effectively criticized core

    concepts 1n the liberal problematic - 'race', 'ethnicity', 'caste',

    'frontier mentalIty', etc. In place of these fuzzy notions, the deter

    minancy of the econonlc realm and the need for class analysis was stressed.

    Such theoretical **>rk and the research It underpinned have been major

    achievements. Hotever, In the name of class analysis, insufficient atten

    tion has been paid to political and Ideological factors. In particular,

    the National Question has been overlooked.*' For some reason. It has been forgotten that the Natlnnal Question has tnng been an Integral part of

    82

  • hlitorfctl material list. It It t1 m that the works of Ho Chi MJnh, Grtntcl,

    Cabral and others on the National Question received closer attention In South African academic writing.

    Wolpe does not analyse South Africa In terms of the National Question.

    Nonetheless, In a recent (1900) paper, he makes pertinent criticisms of

    other historical materialists who have focused on the state. He considers

    two tendencies that have contributed to the theory of the SA state 1n the

    past decade - the neo-Poulantz1ans. and the 'state derivation1 theorists.

    Although there has been a lively debate between these two tendencies, Wolpe

    discerns shared errors In both. He argues' that both are guilty of economise.

    In the case of the state-dertvatlonlsts, their concerns tend to be explicit

    ly economic and technical in character. The political class struggle, as

    such, 1s acre or less absent from their analyses. The case of the neo-

    Poulantzlans 1s anre complex. The relative Independence of the political

    and ideological realms Is, In their case, often formally acknowledged.

    Nevertheless, In practice, they have tended to treat the state as If 1t

    were simply a political Instrument wielded on behalf of a hegemonic class fraction, whose power is already constituted In the economic Instance.

    Consequently, the state is robbed of Its complex and contradictory character.'

    State apparatuses are transformed simply Into objects of struggles. All social struggles, as a result, tend to be located outside the state structure. Class power is supposedly constituted 1n ‘society’ and then seconda

    rily exercised 1n and through aerely Instrumental apparatuses.

    Wolpe by contrast holds that classes are not automatically social forces.

    They are not constituted by relations of production alone: the political

    and ideological instances also play a significant part In the unification

    of classes as social forces. Moreover, he stresses the fact that state

    apparatuses are not simply objects, but also and always sites of struggle.

    Having made these valuable points, he then moves on to analyse these

    apparatuses using the concepts of 'access' and 'the subject'. There are,

    however, aajor problems with the way these theoretical tools are used by Wolpe.

    83

    5 WOLPE'S ALTERNATIVE THEORY

    5 ( 1 ) THE NOTION OF ACCESS

    Holpe argues that Black, In SA have access to some state apparatuses and are excluded from others. The usefulness of such apparatuses for j y

    struggle is then derived formaHstlcally from whether there Is 'access’

    or 'exclusion' In the particular case. ’Access', however. Is not a

    particularly helpful concept In determining whether. In concrete Instance*, state apparatuses can be advantageously used by groups opposed to the*.

    For example, it is likely that Wolpe's interest in State apparatuses as sites of struggles Is. In part, stimulated by the schools resistance In1976. Then, the access by millions to the Idnologlcal apparatuses of Bantu education was used for mass political organisation. To use the notion of •access' here is already a bit strained, sinre a great rteal of the organisation often took the for* of boycotting the schools. But more than this.It should be noted that tens of thousands of Africans also have 'access* to other State apparatuses (labour bureaux. Co™issloner's Courts, prisons etc). Undoubtedly these are sites of struggles. B..t they are uncontestably unfavourable terrain for the colnnlally and c,4„ oppressed. It Is not 'access' - even In large nuafcers - that Is Injtsejf an adequate concept for analysing the usefulness of particular State apparatuses. The concept of access must be combined with a concrete analysis of the ’shape' and limits that a State apparatus Imposes on the struggle within It. Because he relies on the notion of ’access' alone. Molpe goes so far as to recom

    mend Bantustan governments as sites of struggle, (cf 1980: 418)

    5 (II) THE CONCEPT OF THE SUBJECT

    Coupled with the notion of 'access' Is Wolpe’s use of the concept 'sub

    jectivity’: "Access to and exclusion from the State apparatuses must be

    understood 1n terms of the category of the black and white s.ihjects."

    (1980: 417) The Introduction of the concept of 'the Subject’ Is a step forward. The concept of 'the Subject’ I n j u r e , . roncept for '

    84

  • Collection Number: AK2117 DELMAS TREASON TRIAL 1985 - 1989 PUBLISHER: Publisher:-Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand Location:-Johannesburg ©2012

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