komeie taisaku - jst

Geographical Review of Japan

Vol. 79, No. 12, 664-679, 2006

Colonial Environmentalism and Shifting Cultivation in Korea:

Japanese Mapping, Research, and Representation

KOMEIE Taisaku

Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University, Kyoto 606-8501, Japan

Abstract: Japanese colonial environmentalism in early twentieth-century Korea is examined with special reference to academic representations of hwajeon or shifting cultivation. Tracing the

progress of the project for the disposal of hwajeon and the accompanying researches in forestry, geography, and agronomy, the author discovered that there was an intricate but strong relationship between the scientific discourses and colonialism in the name of conservation. After the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, the colonial foresters began to map the condition of the forest areas and to exclude the shifting cultivators in order to save the woody lands from them

since these cultivators had apparently destroyed the Korean natural environment from the southern area up to the north for centuries. The disposal project mobilized academic researchers in

geography and agronomy and was revised by them in the 1920s. Hwajeon was found to be more systematic and stable than the foresters had supposed but was definitely represented as a destroyer not only of timber but of the national land itself and then a subject of "improvement" in the 1930s. The serial mapping and researches had a critical influence on the manner of understanding and treatment of the indigenous agriculture, although some of the Koreans and also Japanese considered it to be a debatable issue.

Key words: hwajeon, colonial forestry, Korean Forest Map, M. Odauchi, D. Hashimoto

Introduction

The complex nature of the relationship between colonialism and environmentalism has recently become one of the most debated issues in environmental history and historical geography. As revealed by historians Grove (1995) and Anker (2001), and geographer Barton (2001, 2002), European colonists, particularly those belonging to the British Empire, not only modified the colonial environments drastically but also began to conserve them under the rule of western laws, based on scientific research and re

presentation in ecology, forestry, and geography. The scientific conservation of nature, which now

appears to be desirable or beneficial, could have been a part of colonialist strategy used to control the colonized space and people. On the other hand, colonialism, which is often looked upon as disagreeable or bad, could be the start

ing point to sustaining the natural environment. An ambivalent and nuanced understanding of the environmentalism incorporated within colonial

ism or what should be referred to as colonial

environmentalism is required.

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate an as

pect of Japanese colonial environmentalism with a special reference to the academic representations of hwajeon,1 the traditional shifting cultivation or slash-and-burn farming in Korea. After the annexation of Korea in 1910, the Government-General of Korea (GGK) enclosed vast amounts of forest area as National Forest and began to gain legal control over it (Kwon 1965; Hagino 1965: 56-78). By mobilizing academic forestry, geography, and agronomy in order to accumulate and circulate knowledge pertaining to the forest environment, the GGK came to regard bare and thin vegetations, which according to them were supposed to be a result of hwajeon cultivation, as crucial success factors. Conservation and afforestation became two of the most important issues in colonial Korea. The Korean modern forestry was, therefore, featured in academic and environmentalist discourses from the beginning.

Until 1945, a number of official reports and ar

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Colonial Environmentalism and Shifting Cultivation in Korea 201

tides pertaining to hwajeon had been prepared under the Japanese occupation. Although some of these contain useful statistics for study (for example, Zenshou 1926; Afforestation Section 1928, 1929), they have been simply quoted

(Koike 1953) or analyzed from two incompatible viewpoints: colonialist versus nationalist. The former is the ex-foresters' or ex-administrators' viewpoint and is typically represented in Doi Ringaku Shinkou Kai (1974) and Miyake (1976). According to them, the Japanese Empire attempted to conserve the Korean environment and protect it from "ignoramus" or "barbarous" shifting cultivators on the basis of scientific mod

ern forestry. The latter, shown recently in Koh

(1995, 1998, 2001), regards the woody area as a space of Japanese suppression and Korean national resistance, and therefore rejects the former viewpoint as a selfish fictional justification.

The colonist versus nationalist debate is fre

quently observed in modern Korean historiography. It was recently criticized for having hidden colonial modernity or modernization under the dominant metropolitan influence on the manner of thinking and representation (Shin and Robinson 1999; Miyajima et al. 2004) and also with respect to the intricate process of conducting colonial discourses (Nakane 2004). This type of contradiction has also hindered the nuanced ar

guments on Japan's scientific construction of environmental crisis to support the domination over indigenous people. Therefore, the viewpoint of colonial environmentalism is required in historico-geographical research on the modern Korean environment.

Several previous studies by Japanese geogra

phers encourage this viewpoint. Fujita (1988, 1989, 1993) analyzed the Japanese field surveys of Korean forests conducted before the annexation and argues that Japanese undercover inspectors had hastily declared that thin vegetations and bare landscapes were dominant in southern Korea and then concluded that there was a need for afforestation and control of the forest environment within the Japanese legal system; based on these pre-annexation researches, Japan began the process of enclosing the National Forest in colonized Korea. As Nakashima

(2000a, 2000b) suggests, official propaganda of afforestation and conservation, which the Japan

ese Empire extended into its colonies under the notion of love for forest, also played an impor

tant role.Although these arguments highlight some of

the aspects of Japanese colonial environmental

ism, they do not discuss the manner in which

scientific research, representation, and mapping

after the annexation influenced the GGK and the

land of Korea and how hwajeon had been con

structed to be a crucial factor in the colonial

control of forestry. Therefore, this paper traces

the sequence of the colonist understanding of

Korean shifting cultivation, particularly with re

spect to the Korean Forest Map constructed in

1910 and the academic discourses in forestry, ge

ography, and agronomy and then presents an ar

gument regarding the intricate nature of the multilayered representations both in and outside

the colonial government.

Prior to discussing the main issue, it is helpful to observe the characteristics of colonial literature analyzed in this paper. Drawing upon several bibliographies (Doi Ringaku Shinkou Kai 1974: 213-216; Government-General of Korea 1938; Hong 1994: 74; Suematsu 1980: 596-597) and an online database managed by the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo,2 Table 1 presents the number of Japanese reports and articles that include the word hwajeon in their titles. There existed only one report and three articles during the 1910s, when it was discovered that shifting cultivation was a problem on the basis of mapping and the first official report

(Temporary Land Survey Bureau 1916). Next, a slight increase in the number of publications during the 1920s corresponds to scientific re

searches in forestry (Honda 1923), geography

(Odauchi 1924a), and agronomy (Kasai et al. 1928). These studies turned the colonial gov

ernment from unrelenting suppression to "im

provement" of cultivators by organizing the Committee of Hwajeon Research in 1929. Thus, several progress reports were contributed by the northern areas during the 1930s, when articles

published by the Korean Forestry Association and others had increased. This paper scrutinizes some of these reports and also other articles or essays that had appeared during the 1920s and 1930s in newspaper and other media following the project and argues the manner in which the

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Table 1. Number of Japanese reports and articles on hwajeon

a Bulletins of GGK (Government-General of Korea): Chousen Soutokufu Geppou (Monthly GGK) , 1911-1915; Chousen Ihou

(Miscellaneous Report of Korea), 1915-1920; Chousen (Korea), 1920-1944; and Chousa Geppou (Monthly Research), 1930-1944.b Bulletins of KFA (Korean Forestry Association): Chousen Sanrin Kaihou (Bulletin of KFA), 1921-1945.

colonial researches supported or led the

colonists and how academic constructions of the

environmental crisis and indigenous people were

used to accomplish Japanese colonial environ

mentalism in modern Korea.

Mapping an Imagined Environmental History

Mapping existing and potential forests

Chousen Rin'ya Bump-zu, or the Korean Forest Map, that was developed in 1910, was a

production of the Forest Cadastral Survey based on the Forest Act of 1908 enacted under Japanese supervision (Komeie 2005). The mapping

project was commenced in January 1910 prior to the annexation in August and ended in December with confidential printing to a scale of 1:500,000 (Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry 1910), with official publications following in 1912 and 1915 (Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry 1912; Government-General of Korea 1915). This rough and ready survey was conducted by only twenty-four confidential researchers and was based on topo

graphical maps to a scale of 1:50,000 that were

already constructed by the Japanese Army

(Saitou 1933). It became one of the most important foundations for colonial forestry after the annexation in 1910 and is a good starting point for the discussion in this paper.

The mapping had two important aims: defining the National Forest and then Conservation Area

(Youzon Yotei Rin'ya), and understanding the natural land cover. Colonial foresters had a sup

position that most Korean mountains had thin vegetation that was difficult for economic forestry. According to Fujita (1988: 29-30; 1989: 11-15), their observation was influenced by the impression of bald landscapes that were pre

dominant in Southern Korea, particularly in the vicinity of the main route between the entrance

port, Busan and the capital, Seoul, where several Japanese colonists traveled by rail. An official re

port by the engineers of the forest agency of Japan (Douke and Nagakura 1906: 17-18) presented a presumptive calculation that only 10% of the natural land cover comprised mature forests and the remaining 90% consisted of seedlings, grasslands, or bare grounds (Table 2). Thus, a mapping survey was required to confirm not only land tenure but also an observation about the vegetation.

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Table 2. A calculation on Korean forest by Bureau of Forestry in 1906

a 1cho equals 99.17 acre.Source: Douke and Nagakura (1906: 17-18).

Figure 1. Korean Forest Map (Chosen Country, Pyonganbuk-do Province).

N: National Forest (yellow), C: Conservation Area in National Forest (red) M: mature forest (green), S: seedling area (yellow-green), L: treeless area (yellow) 1: Japanese red pine (green), 2: coniferous forest except red pine (green), 3: broadleaved forest (green), 4: hwajeon (red) Source: Government-General of Korea (1915).

Figure 1 shows a part of the 1915 version, Chosan County, Pyonganbuk-do Province (now Jagan-do Province, DPRK) and Figure 2 traces a version edited to a smaller scale (Hirakuma 1913). It is interesting to note that only three types of land cover were included: mature forest, seedling, and treeless areas.3 This simple typology focused not only on forests that were already under colonist control but also on those that could be under colonist forestry in the future. A comparison of the calculations in the Korean Forest Map (Table 3) with Table 2 in

dicates that the mapping survey provided the foresters with a great but unexpected advantage. They not only gained a larger area (32%) of the mature forests, most of which were enclosed as National Forest including the local commons, but also 42% of the seedling areas that were sup

posed to be converted into a mature forest under conservation. Otosaku Saitou, the chief engineer in the project later recollected that "before the survey, it was stated that 80-90% of the Korean natural land cover must be bare ground; however, in reality it was less than 25-26%. This is

quite an encouragement with regard to forest conservation" (Saitou 1933: 55).4

Several small signs on the map also indicate how the colonial engineers were interested in making possible changes in vegetation: these included Japanese red pine (pinus densiflora),

coniferous forests (except red pine), broadleaved forests, and hwajeon (see Figure 1). Red

pine is a pioneer tree that grows in open spaces and was regarded as an index of deforestation. It had, as suggested by Chiba (1973: 18-33), a negative implication for modern Japanese foresters. Therefore, it was considered that hwa

jeon had created a bare space, where red pines or seedlings would grow later. The signs of red

pine and hwajeon had been deliberately added to the survey items to implicate the condition and

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Figure 2. Natural land cover of Korea mapped in 1910.

Gg: Ganggye, Gs: Gapsan, Hc: Huchang, Jj: Jangjin, Js: Jaseong, Ms: Musan, Ps: Pungsan, Ss: Samsu

Source: Chousen Rin'ya Bunpu Gaikyou-zu (Hirakuma 1913).

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Table 3. The result of Forest Cadastral Survey in 1910

a 1cho equals 99 .17 acre.b Local common forests "legally" belonging to "National Forest" are counted in "Private forest" here.

c Miscount number 5,122,122 in original.

Source: Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry (1910, 1912) and Saitou (1933: 53).

progress of deforestation. The Korean Forest

Map represented not only the land cover but

also environmental history and causation as

sumed by Japanese foresters. The next question

pertains to the manner in which their supposi

tion was constructed "scientifically".

Imagined history of devastation

The implication of thin or bare vegetation was already an important topic in Japanese reports before the mapping survey in 1910. One report devoted a chapter to the devastation of Korean forest and put forth six reasons that might have had an impact on it (Douke and Nagakura 1906: 19-24): (i) a weak governmental control over forests during the Joseon Dynasty; (ii) the dis

persal of the hwajeon cultivators in the mountains; (iii) recent development in the timber industry; (iv) the Shino and Russo-Japanese Wars;

(v) increase in the number of Japanese immigrants; and (vi) fuel for ondol or traditional Korean house heating. Although hwajeon was not the only reason, it was the one most emphasized

(Douke and Nagakura 1906: 21):Being an undeveloped nation for a long time,

Korea did not extend its territory; an increase

in its population made its people move not

only to the seaside or plain areas but also

deeper into the mountains. In an attempt to

sustain themselves they cleared forests for the

cultivation of millet in a number of places. This

is the reason for the distribution of the Korean

population being specific and different from

that of Japan.... Japanese settlements are com

pact whereas Korean settlements are dis

persed. Thus, the inhabitants have encroached

on all the forest areas and have cleared or

burned them for cultivation.... You can easily

find the cause of forest devastation every

where.

This is a typical example of the counter identity of colonial Japan, as suggested by Nakane

(2004). In contrast with industrial and imperial Japan, Korea was treated as a poor country and in a state of stagnation, through which modern Japan found its superiority. The discourse that an unindustrialized country renders its people

poor, who in turn destroy the natural environment, enabled the colonists to "modernize" Korea in the metropolitan style of Japan. The combination of devastation and traditional cultivation encouraged the colonists to reconstruct a

proto-landscape of green forest which, they believed, had existed in ancient times.

After the annexation and the construction of the Korean Forest Map in 1910, a notable anonymous article appeared in a bulletin of the

GGK and presented an academic interpretation of hwajeon and an urgent crisis pertaining to the natural environment (Anon 1911a: 46-47):

Hwajeon is basically an absurd and barbaric

relict. It can not last for a considerable period

of time on devastated land. Besides, it is obviously dangerous for land conservation. It is

possible that contemporary devastation of the entire nation of Korea might be caused by

ondol, but the remote cause must be hwajeon. One can observe devastated areas in the

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southern and central Korea, whereas one can

find random patches of undestroyed mature

vegetation in the northern mountain.... How

ever, the northern areas with undestroyed soil

are now under the violence of hwajeon.... In

the near future, northern Korea will also be

come a victim of hwajeon and burn out. The

burnt out space becomes infertile with few

pines or is entirely bare.This article was reprinted in an economic journal in Tokyo (Anon 1911b) and later in a pam

phlet published by the Afforestation Section, GGK, with the name of the author, Seiroku Honda (1923), who was a professor of forestry at Tokyo Imperial University. He was also the first Japanese doctor of forestry and therefore

the academic leader of modern Japanese forestry. Based on a geographical observation in the mapping survey of 1910, he interpreted that the spatial differences in the land cover com

prising mature forests primarily in the north and seedling lands in the south (see Figure 2) represented a historical process of devastation extending from the south up to the north populated by "undeveloped people" (Anon 1911a: 45).

This imagery appears to have been extremely influential in colonial forestry. For example, economist Zenshou, who analyzed hwajeon during the 1920s as mentioned in the next section,

quoted Honda's entire article in his report (Zenshou 1926: 197-202). In reality, Honda was not merely a leader of forestry but also a well-known advocate of the theory that red pine leads to forest devastation (Chiba 1973: 18-33). His role was to present an academic perspective on Korean thin vegetation based on the experience of the

Japanese case. Colonial engineers or administrators in forestry, many of whom had graduated from the Tokyo Imperial University, also targeted the protection of the Korean forest from the fire of hwaj eon and the reconstructing of the original woody vegetation in the future.

However, the imagery of environment change has not been substantially analyzed from an historical approach. Even today, there is no useful documentary resource to examine the manner in which hwajeon had actually impacted the natural environment. Some historians speculate that medieval hwajeon was merely temporal or contingent on disaster (Koh 2001: 3-4). As sug

gested by an early confidential Japanese report from 1903, thin vegetation tended to be observed around the cities probably due to the gathering of wood for fuel (Fujita 1988). From the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, western Japan also comprised thin or bare land cover as a result of an increase in population and economy

(Chiba 1973, 1991). Although the existing evidence is not sufficient, the change in the Korean forest environment should be examined in the context of several causes such as population, urbanization, disaster, and social customs. Therefore, we can say that Honda's perspective was a hypothetical or imagined construction of environmental change. However, it established a fundamental idea in colonial environmentalism and the several subsequent scientific researches en

couraged the exclusion of hwajeon.

Academic Researchers and Revising the

Vision

The GGK commenced the planning of Hwajeon Disposal (Kaden Seiri) at the meeting of provincial governors in 1912 (Zenshou 1926: 143-158), and after consulting them and their counties

(Temporary Land Survey Bureau 1916), the plan was put into effect in 1916. An internal regulation enforced on April 25, 1916 (Zenshou 1926: 158-160) forbade new cultivation both in steep areas (over 35 degrees) and in the national Conservation Area, which had been defined in the Korean Forest Map. In addition, the regulation intended to displace cultivators to other lands that were available for intensive agriculture and stable settlement under the arrangement of foresters.

Initially, the disposal, which excluded the in

digenous people from the real and potential forests, appeared to progress smoothly. However, it concluded in a dismal failure during the early 1920s (Table 4). Instead of obtaining genuine results of displacement, the increase in the area and in the number of cultivators was inflated

partly by finding vast fields that remained hidden in earlier statistics, by moving poor immi

grants from other urban and rural areas (Miyatsuka 1988), and also by the expedited movement of cultivators who had been evacuated by colonial foresters and were seeking new land free

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Table 4. Hwajeon in conservation area

a 1cho equals 99.17 acre.

Source: Zenshou (1926: 193-195).

Figure 3. Land use in Seohung-ri, Hamgyeong

nam-do Province.

1

: unregistered fallow ground, 2: unregistered arable land (brown), 3: registered arable land (green), 4: wet land (blue), 5: woods, 6: houseSource: Odauchi (1924a: plate 31).

from surveillance. In fact, the disposal project

not only expanded shifting cultivation and de

forestation but also informed the colonists that

they did not possess sufficient knowledge on

hwajeon itself. Thus, professional researchers,

particularly in geography and agronomy, were invited from Japan and they played an important

role in revising this vision. An intricate relation

ship between scientific research and colonial en

vironmentalism is evident from the manner in

which they influenced colonial control over the

colonized.

Geographer Odauchi and his field survey

The GGK entrusted Michitoshi Odauchi with the geographical study of rural Korea, particularly that of the hwajeon society, from 1920 to 1925. At that time, he was a well-known fieldworker in rural geography and had worked for several ministries and agencies (Okada 1995). After a general observation of rural Korea which included field trips to sixteen various settlements

(Odauchi 1923), Odauchi focused on the hwajeon societies as an important topic and presented an official report (Odauchi 1924a) with reprints in Japan (Odauchi 1924b, 1926). The field survey was carried out in November 1923 in Gaema Plateau, which formed the largest area of Korean hwajeon. By visiting the highland and analyzing the data produced by Temporary Land

Survey Bureau, he found the most typical hwa

jeon area in the Jangjin County, Hamgyeongnamdo Province and carried out an intensive fieldwork in the Seohung-ri settlement (see Figure 2).

Odauchi's study included not only geographical distribution of hwajeon, land uses surrounding a settlement with hwajeon fields and fallow

grounds (Figure 3), and agronomical technique and implements but also the origin of people,

housing, and social customs, through which he intended to understand how the cultivators could continue a "primitive" way of life and declared that hwajeon was one of the typical agricultures in the cool climate of northern Korea. For example, he pointed out that the maximum production of oats and potatoes in Korea was in and around the Gaema Plateau and the shifting cultivators selected these crops for their cool climate while they chose crop rotation according to fertility. They were not keen on traveling all the time but preferred to be stable and to expand their houses over generations from just a shanty to a large house with many repositories

(Figure 4).Although Odauchi referred to hwajeon as

"primitive" agriculture, at the same time he ob

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Figure 4. A large house of stable hwajeon family.

C: cow house, G: gate, K: kitchen, L: living room, P: piggery, R: repository, W: wellSource: Odauchi (1924a: plate 7).

served that the majority of it had advanced to be stable and intensive with reasonable selection of

place and crop rotation. He pointed out that as compared with such a primary type of shifting cultivation, an increase of the secondary type with poor mobile cultivators who had migrated into the mountainous area from lower areas had accelerated deforestation. Differentiating between these two types of hwajeon, Odauchi

(1924a: 34) criticized the disposal policy:Displacing stable cultivators into other areas

has not succeeded very much due to the lack

of understanding of attachment for one's home

place. It could lead to the creation of other

new mobile cultivators. They should stay

where they have always been because they had

settled there in a traditional manner before the

GGK defined the National Forest.

Thus, he did not concretely deny that shifting

cultivators could have devastated the natural

forest, but his research suggested that most of

the recent environmental change was not due to

traditional stable cultivators but due to the new

comers. He considered the primary hwajeon as a

part of the traditional way of life and proposed that the issue should be resolved as a social

problem from the perspective of humanism and not in the context of colonial forestry. In his ob

servation, hwajeon people were not "barbarous"

destroyers who were moving quickly from one

place to another, but those who traditionally

knew how to live in cool highlands. As compared with the previous vision among foresters,

Odauchi intended to "understand Korea properly and warmly, separate from the discrimination between the Japanese and the Korean" (Odauchi 1922: 2), although he did not deny the Japanese colonization of Korea.

How did the GGK respond to Odauchi's

protest? Although the GGK was unable to revise the already defined National Forest and Conservation Area, statistical analyses continued to be conducted and were edited three years later by economist Eisuke Zenshou (1926), who worked for the GGK from 1923 to 1935. In his Kaden no Genjou or The Condition of Hwajeon, Zenshou also stated that shifting cultivation had devastated the southern part of Korea (Zenshou 1926: 2).

Although hwajeon was dominant in Southern

Korea long ago, most of these have been con

verted into rice fields, afforested for fuel, or

devastated entirely due to extreme hwajeon.

With regard to this point, he seemed to agree with the vision of the earlier foresters such as Honda, whose article was reproduced on the last

pages of Kaden no Genjou. However, he also followed Odauchi in the other point (Zenshou

1926: 196):Obviously, the traveling cultivators who cause

great mischief and the stable ones who settle in certain places have to be distinguished from

one another. In summation, forbidding cultiva

tion without understanding the tradition and

life of hwajeon people is to rob them of their

way of life and make them more harmful trav

elers. Moving them to other places by force is

to encourage them to move to other lands

where they are unable to cultivate sufficient

amount of harvests or earn other income.

This was a turning point from dispossession to "improvement" of indigenous people , although it remained vague as to whether the primary type of hwajeon had actually devastated the southern area of Korea. Moreover, Zenshou regarded shifting cultivators as a "social disease" (Zenshou 1926: 4) and believed that they could become "good peasants" (Zenshou 1926: 196) with

knowledge about ordinal agriculture and could coexist with the forest.

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Agronomist Hashimoto and "improvement"

In order to realize a method of conservation that was suitable for the shifting cultivators, the GGK once again promoted Hwajeon Research in 1928 for the purpose of revising the disposal

project, which provided us with two confidential reference books consisting of reproduction of im

portant documents and reports including that of Odauchi's (Afforestation Section 1928, 1929). The Outlines of Research on March 15, 1928

(Afforestation Section 1929: 3-5) conceded that the GGK had experienced a bitter lesson and

professed to allow the existing hwajeon people to continue using the National Forest and to "im

prove" their life and promote a more stable and intensive agriculture, that is, cultivation that would be less harmful to the woody environment surrounding them.

Thus, in August, the GGK invited Denzaemon Hashimoto, a professor of agronomy from the Kyoto Imperial University, to evaluate hwajeon not merely as a destroyer, but as an agricultural system. He participated in an expedition along with some GGK engineers into the northern

provinces of Hamgyeonbuk-do, Hamgyeonnamdo, Pyonganbuk-do, and Gwangwon-do. On one hand, Hashimoto's report (Kasai et al. 1928) demonstrated some reasonable aspects of hwa

jeon more clearly than Odauchi's report. It not only illustrated the methods for making the fields safer, the variations of crop rotation appropriate for the settings, and traditional customs of land tenure, but also found that the number of new rich cultivators was increasing, particularly in northern Korea, which was covered with extensive old growth that provided them with good fertility and high productivity after burning.

Although these points seem to present the advantages of shifting cultivation in the cool highlands, Hashimoto evaluated it as an "extreme

predatory agriculture" (Kasai et al. 1928: 8) and later stated the following in his paper

(Hashimoto 1931: 27):Fertility in a hwajeon field definitely decreases

over a minimum of a couple of years to a max

imum of ten years. Then the field lies fallow

and is used again when the fertility recovers

in years or decades. If this cycle is repeated,

the fertile life is shortened and the fallowness

of the field increases because the decrease of

fertility is accelerated. At last, the land is com

pletely devastated and rendered inarable, and

is then abandoned.

Thus, he criticized that hwajeon is not "a way of using the land but a way of land erosion"

(Hashimoto 1931: 17), which eventually deprives lands of entire fertility since fertilization is not

practiced. He also believed that in the southern Korea, "predatory agriculture had devastated the mountains and converted them into barren fields which were observed universally during the last

years of the Joseon dynasty" (Hashimoto 1931: 21). Korean shifting cultivation was rejected once again not only in forestry but also in agron

omy as it exploited the natural resources and caused devastation of the entire region of Korea.

However, Hashimoto proposed that cultivation

should not be excluded as the foresters had done

earlier but should be "improved" agronomically

to make it environment friendly.

Adequate soil binder and organic fertilizers such as manure or compost will not only increase fertility and productivity but also water retention without soil erosion, gully, and devastation. I believe this strategy is important not only from an agricultural viewpoint but also for national land conservation (Kasai et al. 1928: 9).

Therefore, the report concluded with a proposi

tion of organizing a Committee for Hwajeon Re

search and installation of development stations

in each county to study and instruct indigenous

people on stable and intensive agriculture. Thus, shifting cultivators were now demanded to main

tain settlements in the northern frontier and co

exist with the large amount of forests.

A meeting of the committee was held in 1929 to restart the disposal project. During the same

year, Korean newspapers and social associations severely criticized the GGK since the official foresters had burned a hwajeon settlement in

order to forcefully displace cultivators in Peong

peong-mul (Nongronggok), Gapsan County, Hamgyeongnam-do Province (now Yanggang-do, DPRK). Thereafter, the GGK had to abandon the displacement policy entirely and focus on "im

provement" combined with campaigning for the Northern Korea Development (Hokusen Kaitaku) in the 1930s (Kajimura 1979). In 1932,

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new forest managers were allocated to northern areas in order to instruct local people in agriculture, and some arable spaces in the National Forest including the Conservation Area were released for cultivators in the northern eight coun

ties (see Figure 2): Ganggye, Jaseong, Huchang Counties in Pyonganbuk-do Province and Pungsan, Gapsan, Samsu, Jangjin Counties in

Hamgyeongnam-do Province, and Musan County in Hamgyeongbuk-do Province (Afforestation Section 1932, 1934; Agricultural Forestry Bureau 1932; Forestry Section 1942).

Many local reports were produced on the

progress of the disposal project in the 1930s, one of which optimistically described the installation of manure (Kawano 1934: 32-33):

The locals were not aware of the fertilization

practice, which implied that they had relied on the predatory methods of agriculture and con

tinued to travel.... Although there remain sev

eral difficulties such as availability of fuel, etc,

this area is a good place for growing oats, po

tatoes, and Japanese millet instead of a cooler

climate, and also for stable farming with the

help of fertilizers. The peasants' awareness of

fertilizers implies a certain level of successful

stable settlement of the hwajeon people, which

is the main focus of this project.... On the way,

I observed women working together with men,

using fertilizers in the fields. This is a recent

phenomenon, showing the reclamation of hwa

jeon cultivators in Dongsang-myeon.The use of fertilizers, followed by the abandonment of hwajeon, was represented as an "im

provement" or "reclamation" of the mountain people. As shown in this article, the academic vision and the colonist projection definitely appear to have influenced the Japanese foresters. However, we do not possess any real evidence with regard to whether the disposal project succeeded. At least in southern Korea, shifting cultivation survived until the Republic of Korea finished the project in 1980, which had been inherited from its predecessors (Rimjeong Yeonguhoe 1980; Koh 2001: 65-119). Next, it remains to be determined how the academic representations were treated in reality. The next section refers to various literatures to understand the environmental discourse in the context of colonial society.

Environmental Discourses in the

Colonial Society

Accompanied by the publications of serial ac

ademic researches and the progress of the project, colonial journals, particularly Chousen Sannn Kaihou (Bulletin of Korean Forestry Association) and Hokusen Kaitaku (Northern Development) had invited several engineers and foresters of the GGK as contributors to promote the propaganda of the disposal project during the late 1920s and 1930s (see also Table 1). We need to refer to some newspapers and essays in order to determine the manner in which these researches and the project influenced the popular understanding or conception of hwajeon and the environment.

For example, a Japanese newspaper, Keijou Nippou carried a serial article "Kaden no hanashi" (Topics on hwajeon) on June 15-24, 1928, citing Odauchi's and Zenshou's reports

(and photos by Odauchi) and mentioned the ongoing expedition led by Dr. Hashimoto.5 This portrayed hwajeon as a curious "primitive agriculture" and supported the disposal project:

If we do not interfere with hwajeon, the entire

Korean mountain will be burned down, and soil

erosion will increase the deposition on the

river-bed and cause floods every year.

The simple conception of an environmental cri

sis generated due to shifting cultivation is observed not only among the Japanese but also the Koreans. Among the Korean newspapers criticizing the GGK for the forceful and inhumane dis

possession of cultivators in the Gapsan County in 1929, Maeil Sinbo on July 19 (Police Bureau 1930; reproduced in Pak 1989: 442-445) referred to hwajeon as a "monstrous tradition" and raised the following question:

Those who are worried about the future of our society and pursue our general welfare should not encourage the violence of [hwajeon] immi

grants who devastate national land and shadow the future of 1.2 million [Korean] brothers

(Pak 1989: 445).Thus, in this case, shifting cultivation was con

sidered to be a destroyer of the Korean national

environment and its future.

On the other hand, Donga Ilbo on August 2

674


Figure 5. An illustration in Ueda (1929).

Source: Ueda (1929: 184).

(Police Bureau 1930; reproduced in Pak 1989: 389-395) reported the local settlement in question as a peaceful village:

The soil looks yellow black and fertile for centuries' worth of agriculture.... A peasant's work from May to August sustained a family of seven or eight persons. During the remaining eight months, they enjoyed peace and sometimes went hunting (Pak 1989: 390-391).

A cultivator stated the following:"Although in a state of starvation

, we know that we are the people of this nation and that this area is Korean National Land.... It is natural for the people to cultivate hwajeon fields on their Nations Land as they have done in the

past" (Pak 1989: 392).Thus, hwajeon in this case was represented not as a cause of devastation but as a traditional and "national" way of life

, which was excluded, ironically, in the name of conservation of the National Forest. A comparison of these newspapers reveals that the idea of environmental crisis and its national conservation was shared partially even among the Koreans toward the end of the 1920s. However, it was doubted and debated among locals whether traditional hwajeon and the cultivators had actually caused such critical damages and should be excluded.

Some lower Korean foresters working in the GGK faced this question. Among several progress reports of "improvement" in the Chousen Sanrin Kaihou, there was an unique article with a critical implication written in the style of a novel by an anonymous Korean officer working in the Afforestation Section. He quoted a hwajeon cultivator he had interacted with in Ganggye County, Pyonganbuk-do Province (K 1932: 31-32).

"Above all, I have no anxiety about money. I

can eat potatoes even during a sterile year.

Hwajeon last forever! A year of cultivation provides you enough food for three years.... The

national mountain and hwajeon in the Ganggye

region sustain me. Here, I will be happy for

ever".

Facing the prospect of a contented life based on

hwajeon, toward the end of the conversation the

officer questioned his own future and his role in

the elimination of hwajeon. As evident from this

writing, colonial understanding of hwajeon and

its environment had to see an aporia because

traditional shifting cultivation seemed to be ap

propriate for the mountainous environment.

The same question was faced not only by the Koreans but also by some Japanese. A Japanese immigrant essayist, Gunji Ueda, who had lived in the northern frontier of Korea and wrote under the pseudonym, "Kokkyou-shi" (Mr. Frontier),

expressed sympathy for the hwajeon people. Ueda appreciated the delicious potatoes and the sound bodies of the children of the hwajeon society and depicted an officers' dilemma between the disposal project and the life of the indigenous people (Ueda 1929: 184) with the following illustration of officers conducting cultivators away (Figure 5):

"My children are hungry and my wife is grow

ing thinner. I should be permitted to continue

hwajeon...." The cultivators plead that I should

allow primitive agriculture and the cultivation

of potatoes and oats. I am in a dilemma, un

decided between allowing and not allowing.

Although Ueda did not say anything about

whether shifting cultivation had changed the en

vironment drastically, he suggested that the GGK

was extremely demanding with regard to the ac

ademic vision of national land conservation and

found an irony in the environmental discourse to

destroy the lifestyle of the indigenous people. At

the same time, he was one of the advisers to

Hashimoto's expedition and encouraged his

hopes regarding the agronomical "improvement".

As shown above, although the colonial repre

sentation of hwajeon and the environmental cri

sis had been partially accepted even among the

675

212 KOMEIE T.

Koreans, there also existed critical voices argu

ing that hwajeon was not necessarily as devas

tating as it was believed to be. However, the con

ception of hwajeon as a destroyer of the environment was not denied radically under the

Japanese occupation and had naturalized the

colonial control of the forests in the name of

conservation.

Conclusion

The sequential mapping and researches exam

ined above reveal one of the typical relationships

between colonialism, environmentalism, and sci

entific forestry. The colonial government had mo

bilized modern forestry, geography, and agron

omy one after another and influenced both rep

resentation and control of the woody environ

ment. However, they did not construct a mono

lithic corpus from the beginning; rather, they ac

cumulated a corpus of multilayered representa

tion with at least two steps to be revised.

Initially, the foresters mapped the real and

possible vegetation and constructed a hypothetical or imagined history of environmental

change. Hwajeon was considered and repre

sented to have destroyed forests belonging to the

southern part of Korea and also to be attacking

the northern repository. The enclosure of the Na

tional Forest and the Conservation Area and the

dispossession of the cultivators were scientifi

cally supported with the idea that the "undevel

oped people" with "absurd and barbaric" lifestyle

had to be excluded. The colonial forestry con

sidered not only devastation but also a strong

justification to colonize the natural space.However, the disposal project developed in

1916 provoked a significant increase in the

spread and area covered by hwajeon and re

quired other researches to understand hwajeon in a more appropriate manner. Based on the

fieldwork, geographer Odauchi criticized the

GGK for destroying the traditional way of life in

a more continuous and intensive manner than

what was intended by the previous foresters.

Although his observation could not deny the

hypothetical environmental history and the

establishment of the National Forest, the GGK

allowed the cultivators to live in the National

Forest and urged them to be compatible with the

woody environment. Thus, hwajeon was sub

jected to an agronomical research and evaluation and was disapproved once again as a destroyer

of natural resources and the cause of devasta

tion. It was proposed to be "improved" with the

help of colonist instructions and enlightenment.

Although these disciplines had accumulated

knowledge on hwajeon, the dominant conception

that it had devastated the natural environment

for centuries had not changed fundamentally, or

rather, the crisis of national land conservation

came in the foreground. Particularly, academic

forestry and agronomy regarded it as an "absurd"

or unimproved way of life suitable to be under

modern colonization and scientific control. Hwa

jeon was a typical target for impressing the colonial environmental discourse upon others, while

geographer Odauchi defended it and showed a kind of respect for the indigenous agriculture, which was swept away in the name of "improve

ment".

Toward the end of the 1920s, even the Kore

ans shared the simple version of environmental

crisis as a threat to the future of their nation, al

though the newspapers criticized the colonist

suppressive way of displacement at the tragedy

in Gapsan County in 1929. The representation of

the national land crisis under the guise of scien

tific research had a dominant influence on the

colonized society and people in the context of

colonial modernity. However, on the local

ground, some Koreans and even the Japanese visited the hwajeon settlements and raised a

question against the environmentalist discourse; however, they were unable to create any signifi

cant impact.

The process of making such colonial-environmentalist representations in modern Korea will recall the notion of intellectual conquest argued in Godlewska (1995) because the GGK had produced a huge amount of academic researches in

both humanities and sciences, from folklore to

geology (Government-General of Korea 1938) to support the administration and initiate an attempt at understanding Korea, a part of which was the hwajeon and environment. Many Japan

ese colonists wholeheartedly believed that they were "improving" Korea based on the academic way of understanding with the style of colonial discourse (Nakane 2000) and that the "unim

676


proved" Koreans needed scientific representation and modernization with help from an already modernized Japan. The shifting cultivation of Korea symbolized the "barbarous" Korea and was excluded in the context of environmentalism, although the real cause of devastation was not

(and is not) necessarily confirmed and the colonial government could not entirely displace the cultivators. Even after the defeat of the Japan

ese Empire, this type of colonial vision survived in the ex-colonist view, which was protested ag

gressively by the nationalists as mentioned in the first section. However, the latter perspective primarily paid attention to national resistance and did not approach the intricate nature of colonial discourse, representation, and science including

geography, in which historical geography pertaining to the Japanese Empire will be another attractive issue for debate.

Acknowledgments

An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the 12th International Conference of Historical Geogra

phers, Auckland University, New Zealand, in December 2003, at the 10th Forum on the History of Cartography in Kobe, Kobe City Museum, Japan, in October 2004, and at the 48th Annual Conference of the Association of Historical Geographers in Japan, Nara University, Japan, in July 2005. I wish to thank Dr. NAKASHIMA Koji (Kanazawa University), Professor RI Hae-Un

(Dongguk University), and WADA Ryouzou (Ritsumeikan University) for their inspiration and also Japan Society for the Promotion of Science for the use of Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research.

(Received 17 October 2005)(Accepted 24 March 2006)

Notes

1. Korean words and place names are romanized through the new method Republic of Korea adopted in July 2000. Hwajeon and Kaden are the Korean and Japanese pronunciations of the same Chinese word; Hwa/ka means fire and

jeon/den agricultural field. This paper primarily uses hwajeon with respect to the indigenous

pronunciation, but kaden is used in Japanese literature references. A comprehensive study on

hwajeon by a geographer is presented in Ock

(1985).2. The Database of Books and Magazines on Mod

ern Korea, Research and Information Center for

Asian Studies, The Institute of Oriental Culture,

University of Tokyo (http://www.ioc.u-tokyo.ac.

jp/•`koreandb/).

3. The definitions were as follows (Department of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry 1912; Saitou 1933: 51). Mature forest (Seirin-chi):

over 10% of space covered with trees. Seedling Area (Chiju hassei-chi): over 10% of space covered with young growth that can be cut with a sickle. Treeless Area (Muryuubok-chi): less than 10% of space covered with trees or seedling, and grass or rocky land.

4. Otosaku Saitou also made a speech during the annual meeting of the Japan Forest Association in 1911 and recommended that the members of

the Association become owners in Korean "affluent" forest land (Saitou 1911: 47-48).

5. The article is available online on the Newspaper Article in Digital Version, Kobe University Li

brary (http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/sinbun/eindex.html).

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