國立臺灣師範大學翻譯研究所博士論文 -...

國立臺灣師範大學翻譯研究所

博士論文

Doctoral Dissertation Graduate Institute of Translation and Interpretation

National Taiwan Normal University

五四前《悲慘世界》故事中譯的底本研究

Chinese Translations of Les Miseacuterables Stories in the Pre-May-Fourth Period A Source Study

指導教授李奭學博士 Advisor Dr Sher-shiueh Li

研究生強勇傑

Advisee Ivan Yung-chieh Chiang

中華民國 103 年 1 月 January 2014

Acknowledgments

It never occurred to me that my dissertation would be completed while I was on chemotherapy The medication prescribed by my doctor which not only burdened and weakened my body but also dulled my brain made the writing process an extremely inefficient and tough one Every day for the past two years I had to struggle against writers block with very limited energy as I trudged along in constructing my thesis point by point at a snails pace It was a long testing process and there were times when hope was nowhere in sight and I felt like giving it all up Fortunately however this thought would soon be left behind by my befuddled and forgetful head Before I knew it the work was nearing the end and I finally did it Therefore the hardships and difficulties I endured all along the way have made the completion of the dissertation especially valuable and memorable to me The visit to deaths door has inspired me to better cherish everything I have The list of the people I would like to thank is hence a long one but within the limited space here I can only mention them briefly without being able to enumerate their kindnesses which have been treasured in my heart First of all I would like to thank my advisor Professor Li Sher-shiueh whose erudition and instruction have not only benefited my knowledge over the years but also helped me solve many problems related to this doctoral project A chronic pain sufferer himself he was thoroughly sympathetic to the persistent discomfort in my neck as a consequence of surgery and gave me useful advice on how to live with my pain Without his patient instructions the fulfillment of my dissertation would have been absolutely impossible Next I shall show my profoundest appreciation to the thesis defense committee membersmdashDr Jeng Hengsyung Dr Ma Yiu-man Dr Lai Tzu-yun and Dr Lee Ken-fang along with my advisormdashfor their leniency during my viva voce and for their insightful comments and constructive advice on the improvement of my dissertation Besides I owe the finishing of this task to some friends who gathered important research resources for me Kuo Yu-jen and Liau Yun-jen went several times to the NTU library to borrow many useful books for me Chen Mei-ching also provided me with some indispensable Meiji Japan material from the FJU library Cheng Che-ming came back from the United States with a rare out-of-print version of Les Miseacuterables which proved vital to my research To Yang Ruei-ying my gratitude is boundless because she had to bear the inconvenience of paying two visits to the British Library to bring back some rare material for me I also feel grateful to Tang Chun-nien Wu Tsai-yi Tu Yun Lee Te-yun Chang Chia-hao Chih Szu-chin and Tsai Shu-yuan who helped download many priceless electronic books in the public domain that could only be accessed from the United States Without their assistance the conclusion of my dissertation could not have been reached

My heartfelt thanks also go to many members of GITI both for the numerous stimulating intellectual exchanges during my career as a PhD student and for the substantial aid they offered me about applying for an extension of my leave of absence from school for my catastrophic illness Without their help and support I would have had no chance to return to school to finish my dissertation My sincere thanks are due to Chou Chung-tien Lai Tzu-yun Lee Ken-fang Wu Min-chia Lee Chiu-hui Chang Jung-yen Chen Hung-shu Li Yi-chin Lin Chun-hung Chuo Jia-chen Tu Hsin-hsin Chang Yu-min Li Yen-hui Chen Pi-chu Yee Soh Fee Wu Chien-lin and Liao Guey-lan There are many good friends of mine who have continued to express their care and concern over my health during the long process of my thesis writing Their friendship has always warmed my heart and given me extra strength to combat any obstacles that got in my way Here I am particularly indebted to Hsiang Jen-hui Huang Shun-chia Liang Jeng-shin Cai Sheng-han Chen Huang-yu Li Chun-yen Chao Wen-chi Luo Jie Peng Jing-jun Chen Hui-qi Zhou Yong-zhi Hsu Chung-kai Chuang Ho-ren and Chen Shao-kai Furthermore I would also like to extend my gratefulness to my swimming buddies a special group of friends who always surround me with positive cheerful vibes that never fail to boost my morale and set my energy going full blast whenever we spend time together either swimming or doing anything fun I can never thank them enough because many of them took time out of their busy schedule to pay me more than one visit during my hospitalization just to keep me company and cheer me up I owe my speedy remission of cancer to Wu Fu-ren Li Yi-syuan Tsui En-chuan Liao Ying-da Peng Yu-hao Izumi Yoko Huang Bing-yi Lin Wei-shen Chen Shan-yuan Chang Ting-hsuan Lin Chun Chang Chun-hao Liu Chao-an Lee Yuan-chun Liu Yi-chen Hsieh Yao-sheng Fu Jian-chao Peng Yi-wen Huang Chou-dian Chen Chun-yen Yan Yi-xiang and Lin Jheng-chang Finally my superlative thanks are to be given to Chiang Hsiu-chun my lifeguard training instructor and my life-saving angel whose timely advice led to the discovery of the tumor cells lurking in my body It is by no means an exaggeration to say that I owe my life to her Last but not least I would like to thank my family for tolerating my short temper in the course of my medical treatment

摘要

五四以前中國出現了九個法國雨果《悲慘世界》相關故事（包括《悲

慘世界》《克羅德葛》〈芳婷之源〉三篇作品）的中譯本但這些中譯

本並非都是根據雨果的法文原文所翻譯本研究旨在探討這九個中譯本所

根據的底本為何探究方式係從譯者背景及譯文內容來判斷如譯者背景

不詳則僅依賴譯文之蛛絲馬跡在檢視譯文內容時採跨語言之文本比

較方式將中文譯本與先前的日譯本英譯本及法文原文加以對照比較

從中尋找可能的傳承關係進而推斷出可能的底本若無法確認翻譯的原

本則退而求其次推斷所可能根據的語言為何研究結果發現中文本

譯自英譯本者最多其次是日譯本直接譯自法文原文者最少由此可知

英文與日文的譯本在悲慘世界相關故事的傳播方面扮演至關重要的角色

尤其是英譯本此外不管在法英日中各語言當中節（譯）本所

佔的比例皆不容小覷有些中譯本所根據的底本即為節（譯）本而此時

期的日譯本與中譯本皆為節譯本由此可知節譯本對於《悲慘世界》相關

故事在中國早期的傳遞功勞很大最後從追本溯源研究中發現五四前

《悲慘世界》相關故事的翻譯有明顯的重譯接力現象不僅是跨語言的接

力（從法文透過英文日文而成中文）也在同種語言中接力（例如英譯本

與中譯本各自內部的前後傳承關係所形成的接力）為接力翻譯史上值得注

意的現象

關鍵字跨文本比較系譜研究文本細讀接力翻譯（重譯）雨果悲

慘世界克羅德葛芳婷之源魯迅蘇曼殊黑石周作人陳景韓

解吾孝宗雪生哀塵慘社會慘世界天鷚兒孤兒記孤星淚

逸犯天民淚怪客縲紲盟心森田思軒黒岩淚香原抱一庵田山

花袋

Abstract Before the May-Fourth Movement in 1919 China saw the emergence of nine

Chinese translations of Les Miseacuterables stories (including Les Miseacuterables Claude

Gueux and LOrigine de Fantine) This dissertation seeks to trace the sources of the

nine Chinese texts The source-tracing is conducted with the help of the background

information of the translators and the content of their translations If the background of

a translator is not known intertextual investigation will be solely relied on In

determining the source of a Chinese text this study juxtaposes different versions of the

same story including Chinese Japanese English and the French ones and pins down

the specific source text used by the Chinese translator by sorting out the genealogical

relationship among the cross-lingual texts If the source text cannot be ascertained

then effort is made to judge the probable language from which the Chinese version is

derived The results of the present source-tracing reveal that the Chinese versions

before 1919 are translated mostly from English versions that Japanese versions are the

second most used intermediary texts in China and that Hugos French originals are the

least adopted sources Hence English and Japanese versions especially the English

ones play an important role in the dissemination of Les Miseacuterables stories Moreover

abridged versions account for a considerable proportion in the book market whether in

French English Japanese or Chinese Some Chinese texts are derived from a

shortened version in another language and all the Japanese and Chinese versions are

partial rather than complete translations Thus bowdlerized versions are the major

contributor to the early introduction of Les Miseacuterables stories to China Finally the

present source-tracing also identifies an intriguing relaying in the translations not only

across the different languages (as from French through English and Japanese to

Chinese) but also within a specific language (such as the relaying within versions in

English and Chinese respectively) a significant phenomenon in the history of relay

translation

Keywords intertextual comparison and contrast genealogical study close reading relay translation Victor Hugo Les Miseacuterables Claude Gueux LOrigine de Fantine Lu Xun Su Manshu Hei Shi Zhou Zuoren Chen Jinghan Xie Wu Xiao Zong Xue Sheng Aichen Can Shehui Can Shijie Tian Liu Er Guer Ji Guxing Lei Yifan Tianmin Lei Guai Ke Leixie Mengxin Morita Shiken Kuroiwa Ruikou Hara Houitsuan Tayama Katai

Contents Chapter One Introduction 1

11 Les Miseacuterables and Its Related Stories1 12 Early Chinese Translations of the Stories Related to Les Miseacuterables 4 13 Potential Source Versions Consulted in the Present Dissertation15

131 Potential Source Versions of Claude Gueux16 132 Potential Source Versions of LOrigine de Fantine21 133 Potential Source Versions of Les Miseacuterables 22

Chapter Two Aichen and Guer Ji The Role of Translator as (Re)Writer43 21 Aichen and Its Source The Ambiguous Identity of the Translator 43 22 Guer Ji and Its Source More Creation than Translation60

Chapter Three The Sources of Leixie Mengxin Yifan and Tianmin Lei 67 31 Leixie Mengxin A First-hand Translation from the French67 32 Yifan An Adaptation Based on a Japanese Version81 33 Tianmin Lei A Close Rendition from a Second-hand French Text91

Chapter Four Su Manshus Can Shehui A Case of Multiple Mysteries103 41 Probable Language Sources Critical Conjectures Revisited 106 42 Intralingual Screening Probable English Versions 113 43 Intralingual Screening Probable Japanese Sources 119 44 Intralingual Screening Versions of Su Manshus Can Shehui 122 45 Interlingual Screening the Chinese Text versus French English and

Japanese Les Miseacuterables136 Chapter Five The Authorship of Can Shijie The Devil Is in the Details of

Source-tracing159 51 The Problem of Authorship in the Two Versions of Su Manshus

Chinese Les Miseacuterables 159 52 Clarifications of Sus and Chens Linguistic Faculty and an Alternative

Approach to the Authorship of Can Shijie 160 53 In Search of the Most Likely Source and the Most Likely Translator

Interlingual and Intertextual Comparative Analysis174 Chapter Six The Untraceable Texts of Tian Liu Er Guxing Lei and Guai Ke

199 61 The Indeterminate Sources of Tian Liu Er Multiple Possibilities 199 62 The Two Likely Sources of Guxing Lei215 63 The Difficulty of Source-tracing in Guai Ke Insufficient Textual

Evidence 238 Chapter Seven Conclusion 249

71 Abridged Versions of Les Miseacuterables Stories249 72 The Relay in Translation of Les Miseacuterables Stories in the

Pre-May-Fourth Period253 Works Consulted265 Appendix List of Chinese and Japanese Phonetic Transcriptions279

1

Chapter One Introduction

11 Les Miseacuterables and Its Related Stories

Les Miseacuterables written by Victor-Marie Hugo (1802minus1885) and acknowledged

worldwide as one of the greatest French novels in the nineteenth century is generally

known in the Chinese community as Beican Shijie1 悲慘世界2 The original work is

comprised of five volumes each divided into books which are subdivided into chapters

There is a total of 48 books and 365 chapters in this lengthy five-volumed novel

This voluminous novel is the locus of several short stories intertwined into an

organized whole It is noteworthy that some of the stories in the novels end product

had long existed in Hugos previous writings as separate pieces Especially worthy of

mention here are two such foregoing works to be introduced briefly To begin with it

took Hugo many years of preparation before Les Miseacuterables saw the light of day in

1862 Prior to the publication of the novel Hugo had produced two stories which in

terms of plot have been believed to be its forerunners Claude Gueux and LOrigine

de Fantine3 Published in 1834 Claude Gueux presented a documentary short story

about a good man turned murderer and its main character Claude Gueux heralded the

emergence of a couple of characters in Les Miseacuterables The relationship of the two

works is firmly established as the name of the leading role in the earlier piece is

mentioned in the later enlarged text At the end of the Sixth Chapter of Book Two in

the First Volume there is a paragraph which runs like this

Place pour une courte parenthegravese Cest la seconde fois que dans ses

eacutetudes sur la question peacutenale et sur la damnation par la loi lauteur de ce

livre rencontre le vol dun pain comme point de deacutepart du deacutesastre dune

destineacutee Claude Gueux avait voleacute un pain Jean Valjean avait voleacute un

pain Une statistique anglaise constate quagrave Londres quatre vols sur cinq

ont pour cause immeacutediate la faim4 (LM I 137)

1 In order to avoid confusion caused by variations in translation in this dissertation all the terms originally in Chinese are represented in phonetic romanization using the Pinyin system 2 Literally The Sad Miserable World 3 Literally The Origin of Fantine 4 Because the present dissertation contains many space-taking quotes from different languages their English translations either by other translators or by myself will for the most part be placed in the footnote so as not to disturb reading of the main text Here is a translation for the passage Room for a brief parenthesis This is the second time during his studies on the penal question and damnation by law that the author of this book has come across the theft of a loaf of bread as the point of departure for the disaster of a destiny Claude Gueux had stolen a loaf Jean Valjean had stolen a loaf English statistics

2

Here theft of bread is pointed out in this passage as something shared by the heroes in

the two related works In fact there is much more in common between them than is

mentioned in the quote The protagonists in the two stories concerned are both

kind-hearted innocent citizens forced into theft by desperate circumstances of poverty

and then condemned to imprisonment for their misdemeanor Just as Claude Gueux

the hero in the short story is imprisoned for stealing food for his mistress and her child

so Jean Valjean one of the major characters in Les Miseacuterables is put in jail for

pilfering a loaf of bread for his starving sister and her seven children whose father is

dead Thus it may be said that Claude Gueuxs reason for incarceration serves as a

basis on which Hugo develops Jean Valjeans plot line though the subsequent

development in Jean Valjeans story is very dissimilar to that in Claude Gueuxs

However Jean Valjean is not the only personification of the prototypical figure of

Claude Gueux In Chapter Seven of the First Book of Volume Three of Les Miseacuterables

a section which elaborates on the admirable characteristics of the street Arabs in Paris

Hugo makes brief mention of the word gamin as a synonym for street urchin and

traces its first appearance to the earlier work of Claude Gueux in 1834 According to

Hugo it is from this little piece that the term gamin originated and then came into

popular use Here Hugo does not explicitly point out the significance of his newly

coined word in the early piece but if we inspect the original work we shall find its

relevance is compelling In Claude Gueux the protagonist decided to kill the inspector

who had categorically rejected his pleas for returning his comrade Albin to his side

After Claude Gueux finally announced his resolution of murder to his whole company

of inmates there is a depiction of the heros tranquility and light-heartedness

manifested in his prankish act of blowing out some candles with his nostrils Here

Hugo reveals that Claude Gueux used to be a gamin des rues 5 with some

ill-educated habits in his childhood which continued to influence his behavior as a

grownup (CG 369) Here lies the link between the two related works the positive traits

in the seemingly negative figure of gamin embodied by Claude Gueux are given full

expression and development in Gavroche a street Arab and the main gamin character

in Les Miseacuterables Thus Claude Gueux is succeeded not only by the adult Jean Valjean

but also by the little Gavroche

prove the fact that four thefts out of five in London have hunger for their immediate cause (Hapgood I 83) 5 street Arab

3

Besides Claude Gueux LOrigine de Fantine also foreshadows the advent of

Les Miseacuterables Published posthumously in 1887 Choses Vues6 contains a record in

1841 known as LOrigine de Fantine which recounts an incident of a woman

wrongly accused of assault in her self-defense and brought to freedom by the signed

deposition of V H7 as eyewitness This story is later included in Chapters Twelve and

Thirteen titled Le Deacutesœuvrement de M Bamatabois8 and Solution de Quelques

Questions de Police Municipale9 respectively in the Fifth Book of Volume One The

unnamed streetwalker in the earlier piece is embodied in the character of Fantine in

Les Miseacuterables the dandy who thrusts a handful of snow into her back figures as

Bamatabois in the later work the policemen who arrest the woman of the streets are

represented by the single inspector of Javert and V H who has the prostitute set free

turns into M Madeleine the pseudonym adopted by Jean Valjean as he turns over a

new leaf The similarity between the two stories is striking compared with that

between Claude Gueux and Jean Valjean

Not surprisingly the simple incident in LOrigine de Fantine is extended and

elaborated in Les Miseacuterables into a more detailed account of Fantines miserable life

and the separate works of Claude Gueux and LOrigine de Fantine when integrated

in Les Miseacuterables become intertwined as Jean Valjean crosses paths with Fantine

resulting in a novel with several interlaced story lines Since the two preceding stories

were often included in the early translations and discussions of Les Miseacuterables and

since together with the expanded full-blown work they were the material that was first

used by Chinese translators for the introduction of Hugos works and thoughts into

China my study on the earliest Chinese renditions of Les Miseacuterables will encompass

the two antecedent pieces of Claude Gueux and LOrigine de Fantine In order to

avoid confusion of terms this dissertation shall use Les Miseacuterables stories stories

related to Les Miseacuterables stories about Les Miseacuterables and so on to embrace the

three works under discussion When only one of them is addressed its specific title

will be given

6 Literally Things Seen 7 Victor Hugo Throughout the story Victor Hugos name appears in abbreviation The incident is written in the third person because it was dictated by Hugo to Adegravele his wife See Edward Behr Les Miseacuterables History in the Making (London Pavilion 1996) 32 8 M Bamataboiss Inactivity The English translation of the chapter title follows Isabel F Hapgoods 1887 translation of Les Miseacuterables 9 The Solution of Some Questions Connected with the Municipal Police The English translation of the chapter title follows Isabel F Hapgoods 1887 translation of Les Miseacuterables

4

12 Early Chinese Translations of the Stories Related to Les Miseacuterables

The period of late Qing and early Republican Era saw a great wave of translation

activities in China According to Shi Zhicun 施蟄存10 the introducing of foreign

literatures to the mainland soil of China reached its peak of prosperity during the thirty

years between 1890 and 1919 (18) Not incidentally Chinese translations of Victor

Hugo also made their appearance during this flourishing period According to Wong

Tak-wai 黃德偉 the reception of Hugo in China started with Chen Jinghans 陳景韓

rendition of an essay about Hugo titled Long Caipan 聾裁判11 published in

Xiaoshuo Yuebao 小說月報12 in 1901 (1-2) Then in 1902 Hugos portrait was

circularized by Liang Qichao 梁啟超 along with his comments in the No2

(November 15) issue of the journal Xin Xiaoshuo 新小說13 These events initiated the

introduction of the French writer-thinker to China and triggered the interest of the

Chinese intelligentsia including Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (1885minus1967) and Lu Xun 魯

迅14 (1881minus1936) (Zhou Zuoren Xuexiao Shenghuo de Yiyie 49-50 Wang Fong 4)

It should come as no surprise that in less than a year after the report in Xin Xiaoshuo

Lu Xun released his translation of one of Hugos works In terms of the stories related

to Les Miseacuterables their translations into Chinese were initiated in 1903 by Lu Xun

with his Aichen 哀塵 a Chinese version of LOrigine de Fantine From known

and obtainable literature as of the May Fourth Movement in 1919 nine texts of

rendition about Les Miseacuterables stories were produced They are listed in chronological

order in the following table

Title Year Translator Original Story

Aichen 哀塵 1903 Lu Xun 魯迅 LOrigine de

Fantine

Can Shehui 慘社會

Can Shijie 慘世界

1903

1904 Su Manshu 蘇曼殊 Les Miseacuterables

10 Throughout this dissertation Chinese names are ordered in accordance with Chinese usage as family names followed by given names contrary to the order in the English appellation 11 Literally Deaf Judges 12 Literally The Short Story Monthly 13 Literally New Fiction 14 Lu Xun is the pen name of Zhou Shuren 周樹人 Because he is better known in his pen name than in his real name this dissertation follows the general usage and refers to him in his pen name throughout

5

Tian Liu Er 天鷚兒 1905 Hei Shi 黑石 Les Miseacuterables

Guer Ji 孤兒記 1906 Zhou Zuoren 周作人 Claude Gueux

Guxing Lei 孤星淚 1907 Unknown Les Miseacuterables

Yifan 逸犯 1907 Chen Jinghan 陳景韓 Les Miseacuterables

Tianmin Lei 天民淚 1915 Xie Wu 解吾 Les Miseacuterables

Guai Ke 怪客 1916 Xiao Zong 孝宗 Les Miseacuterables

Leixie Mengxin 縲紲盟

心 1918 Xue Sheng 雪生 Claude Gueux

The nine translations in this pre-May-Fourth period are the main texts to be

studied in the present dissertation Before the start of discussions two preliminary

clarifications need to be made here First in the no 19 (1915) issue of Yuxian Lu 娛閒

錄 can be found a short story translated jointly by Wu Wo 毋我 and Jue Nu 覺奴

The title of the piece is Can Shijie 慘世界 which is identical to that of Su Manshus

1904 translation This titular identicalness seems to lead some critics to link the

translation by Wu Wo and Jue Nu with Victor Hugo because Su Manshus same-titled

rendition is from Hugos Les Miseacuterables For example Peng Jianhua 彭建華 places

the Can Shijie by Wu Wo and Jue Nu in the list of Hugos works in Chinese

translation (24) However according to Han Yiyu 韓一宇 Wu Wo was an editor of

Yuxian Lu who in the realm of French literature translated just a few works by

Alexandre Dumas pegravere (126) Jue Nu whose original name is Liu Changshu 劉長述

(1889minus1918) was a well-known journalist at the time of the translation and his

collaboration with Wu Wo typically took the form of the latter interpreting and the

former inscribing as evidenced in their co-translated Yanku Wang 岩窟王 which is

based on Le Comte de Monte-Cristo by Alexandre Dumas pegravere The information

provided by Han may be enlisted as an argument against Wu Wo and Jue Nus Can

Shijie being related to Hugo In fact with a perusal of the story in this short piece

which recounts the sad fate of the French workman Duanna 端拿 and his family as a

result of the despotism of Napoleon the present study is unable to identify its origin

except that the narrated tale therein is a far cry from any of the stories about Les

Miseacuterables So far what can be said for sure is that whether it is from Hugo or Dumas

pegravere or neither the joint work of Can Shijie by Wu Wo and Jue Nu has nothing to do

6

with Hugos Claude Gueux LOrigine de Fantine or Les Miseacuterables Therefore it is

excluded from discussion in the present dissertation

The other point that needs to be clarified here concerns the distinction of the three

French works addressed in the present dissertation The incorporation of the plot of

LOrigine de Fantine in Les Miseacuterables causes some critics to make no

differentiation between the two works For instance in listing the early Chinese

translations of French literature Peng Jianhua adds to the item of Lu Xuns Aichen a

parenthetical note informing that the story is based on one of the episodes in Hugos

Choses Vues (16) but then in a later passage when the focus is trained on those of

Hugos works that had been rendered into Chinese in the early period Peng attaches

the parenthetical note of Les Miseacuterables to Lu Xuns Aichen (24) The

informational inconsistency regarding the origin of Aichen betrays that LOrigine de

Fantine and Les Miseacuterables are mixed up here Likewise in introducing Lu Xun Yue

Min 樂敏 writes that Lu Xuns excerpted translation of Aichen (Les Miseacuterables)

was second-handedly rendered from Morita Shikens Fantine no Moto15 芳梯之源 in

Zuikenroku 隨見録16 (139) Here Yue also confuses Aichen with Les Miseacuterables in

the added message in parentheses Actually as has been briefly introduced before

LOrigine de Fantine and Les Miseacuterables are two separate works and Aichen is a

rendition of the story of LOrigine de Fantine not Les Miseacuterables though the

translation is not based on the French original but on Morita Shikens Japanese text

Besides the fact that LOrigine de Fantine was translated into Chinese earlier

than Les Miseacuterables leads some to conclude that Lu Xun is the first Chinese translator

of the novel of Les Miseacuterables An example of this can be seen in Ding Fu-sheng 丁富

生 who once stated that Aichen comes in fact from Fantine the first part [volume]

of Les Miseacuterables It is the earliest translation of Les Miseacuterables done by someone

from China17 (67) Obviously Dings confusion of LOrigine de Fantine with Les

Miseacuterables causes him to believe that Aichen is the earliest Chinese translation of

Les Miseacuterables In comparison She Xiebin 佘協斌 offers a safer but ambiguous way

15 In order to avoid confusion caused by the similarity in titles between the different language versions of the same work in the present dissertation all the terms originally in Japanese are represented in phonetic romanization of the Japanese kanas 16 The original Chinese text 他［魯迅］節譯雨果的《哀塵》（《悲慘世界》）也是由森田思軒

翻譯的《隨見録mdash芳梯之源》轉譯 17 The original Chinese text 《哀塵》其實就是《悲慘世界》中的第一部分《芳汀》這是中

國人最早對《悲慘世界》的翻譯

7

of talking about the issue A fragmented story of the masterpiece Les Miseacuterables first

appeared in translation as Aichen in China in the June 15 (ie May 20 on the lunar

calendar in the Guangxu 光緒 reign) edition of the monthly Zhejiang Chao 浙江潮

in 1903 and the translator is Lu Xun then only twenty-two years of age under the pen

name of Gengchen 庚辰18 (66) What is meant here by a fragmented story of the

masterpiece Les Miseacuterables is somewhat ambiguous and open to interpretation

However the ambiguity serves to put Shes statement on the safer side Since he talks

about the story rather than the work of Les Miseacuterables what he says in the cited

passage is justifiable judging from the close relation between LOrigine de Fantine

and Les Miseacuterables in terms of story plot Indeed if a stricter and more accurate

distinction between story and text is applied and if an attempt is to be made to

elucidate the sources which directly inspired the Chinese translations stress can be

placed on the clarification that Lu Xun basing his version on the story of LOrigine

de Fantine can be credited as the first Chinese translator of Hugo and also the first

one in China to touch upon a translated story which is related but not identical to Les

Miseacuterables while Su Manshu modeling his rendition on the text of Les Miseacuterables is

pioneer in introducing the work of Les Miseacuterables to China through translation The

same principle of distinction should apply to the case of Claude Gueux which is not to

be muddled up with Les Miseacuterables and about which can be said that the first Chinese

translation of the work is done by Zhou Zuoren 周作人 though his is a drastically

reduced and altered version

After the previous clarifications it is time to turn attention to the works to be

studied in the present dissertation Commonly found among the nine Chinese versions

are two correlated facts on the one hand all of them are partial translations with

varying degrees of simplification modification abridgment and even concoction on

the other hand they all show a strong orientation to plot giving the utmost attention to

the unfolding of the main story line but ignoring or reducing minor digressive details

and other elements of fiction such as the original narrative angles authorial reflections

and the original rhetorical strategy This practice is best summed up in the words of the

editor of a much later English version of Les Miseacuterables

What is chiefly lost is the novel of ideas the novel which treats a 18 The original Chinese text 這部傑作［悲慘世界］的故事片斷最早見於光緒 29 年 5 月 20 日

（即 1903 年 6 月 15 日）出版的《浙江潮》月刊該期月刊發表了年僅 22 歲的魯迅翻譯的雨果

短篇小說《哀塵》譯者署名為庚辰

8

number of the central problems and interests of nineteenth-century

France What remains is a novel of character and action seen in much

clearer outline By means of such cutting there emerges more clearly

the moving heroic life of a simple and good man19 (Robinson ix)

The focus on plot together with the translators penchant for rephrasing and creating

characterizes most of the nine Chinese renditions as a particular form of writing based

on the original story but somewhat independent of it It is arguable that all of them are

half translations and half creations

Besides this tendency to focus on plot also recalls Chen Pingyuans 陳平原

observation about a late-Qing phenomenon in the literary circles in China

Distinguishing between the late Qing literary climate (which he periodizes as from

1898 to 1916) and the May Fourth literary climate (which he demarcates as from 1917

to 1927) Chen theorizes that late-Qing novelists while trying to import Western ideas

and exercise some techniques of narration borrowed from the West were unable to go

beyond the conventional confines of domestic classical novel whereas fiction and

poetry by the major writers from the May Fourth Movement onward were Westernized

to a significantly greater extent In the field of translation as Chen argues by the same

token late-Qing translators tended to translate liberally and plot-ize Western novels

from a conventionally Chinese narrative perspective whereas translators in the climate

of the May Fourth evolution frequently practiced literal rendition in the name of

fidelity resulting in abstruse psychologizing and poetizing in the texts rendered (125)

Chens observation is particularly relevant to the previously listed nine texts not only

because the period covering the nine translations (from 1903 to 1918) roughly concurs

with Chens late-Qing periodization of 1898 to 1916 but because the tendencies

exhibited in these renditionsmdashto plot-ize to interpret freely to remodel foreign works

in the frame of Chinese literary convention and so forthmdashall bear witness to Chens

theorization It may well be argued that aside from thematic connections the late-Qing

characteristics of rendition exhibited commonly in these translated works also lend

some coherence to them as a group of texts worth studying together despite the fact

that each relates a different segment of the stories about Les Miseacuterables

The fact which interests and prompts the present study is that translations of the

stories related to Les Miseacuterables like those of so many other works in the 19 Though the editor is talking about his own abridgment rather than any of the nine Chinese translations here his statement is nevertheless applicable to them

9

pre-May-Fourth late-Qing period were not necessarily based on the original works

Many were retranslated through an intermediary text which may or may not be written

in the language of the original This phenomenon has resulted in transformations of

various kinds in the end product of translation and sparked many interesting critical

ideas and discussions In almost all cases late-Qing translators never specified what

material or which version they adopted as their source of rendition Some might reveal

the name of the original author and some might even offer a little sketchy introduction

of the foreign writer but it is doubtful whether the original work was the master copy

used in the course of rendering and it remains a mystery which version was really the

source text from which the translation was created To trace the origin of each

translated text helps to clarify what happened during the process of translation and thus

provides important basic material for further studies in translation-related fields

Therefore this dissertation seeks to find out the source versions used by the translators

as they produced the Chinese versions of the French stories To achieve this end the

present study resorts to the method of interlingual intertextual comparison and

contrast juxtaposing several texts which have been selected from an initial screening

based on authorial or circumstantial information and looking for signs of a possible

kinship relation from the similarities and differences among the chosen versions

Focusing on the verbal aspect of texts this qualitative study is microscopic in

essence as opposed to macroscopic research which goes beyond the text to embrace

contextual factors of any dimension As summed up by Chen Hung-shu 陳宏淑 since

the last decades of the twentieth century translation studies has moved away from the

traditional intra-textual concern with the faithfulness of the translated text and marched

on to a broader extra-textual penchant for issues such as gender power structure and

ideological manipulation (Mystery of a Birth 175-76 Rev of Lin Shu Inc) In this

light my textual study seems at first sight to be an old-fashioned retrograde approach

that falls behind the modern trend in the field of translation studies However the two

modes of research are complementary to each other rather than mutually exclusive or

hierarchically ordered The fruits reaped from microscopic textual analyses provide a

solid foundation on which macrocosmic perspectives can develop and blossom

Without careful meticulous textual study an extra-textual discourse might easily fall

into groundless or over-generalized talk which fails to do justice to the origin and

target of its study Therefore the microscopic research of textual analysis is worth

pursuing in its own right

10

Chen Hung-shu also voices a similar opinion and stresses the importance of close

reading as Michael Gibbs Hill also does (Chen Rev of Lin Shu Inc) The close

reading encouraged by Chen and Hill is aimed at finding extra contextual implications

in the translated texts as opposed to the close reading recommended by New Criticism

which looks upon a literary work as an autonomous self-sufficient organic unity and

disregards any element outside the text Contrastively the intertextual analyses in the

present dissertation also involve the exertion of close reading However my close

reading is different from Chens Hills or New Criticisms in that within the confines

of the scope of this dissertation the present study does not propose to reach beyond the

translated texts for extra-textual discussions which interesting and relevant as they

may be are more suitably left for future studies nor does this research approach the

texts from a self-contained and self-referential perspective and deny the contextual

allusions within the textual body The close reading of which my research avails itself

here is to analyze the relationship between narrations which are expressed in different

languages with a view to identifying an affinity or lineage between the studied texts In

this pursuit the traditional question of faithfulness or fidelity is never my concern My

approach steers away from the fidelity-mindedness of the age-long dichotomous

framework of word-for-word versus sense-for-sense translations and takes a step

forward to concentrate on discerning a possible genealogical relationship between texts

of the same story across languages In other words the close reading in the present

dissertation breaks loose from the boundary penned up by New Criticism and the

traditional mindset in translation discourse and moves beyond the text not up to the

contextual level stated by Chen and Hill but onto another text that alludes to the same

fictional origin It is in a word cross-textually interlingually and genealogically

oriented

The degree to which the nine Chinese versions of the miserable tales diverge from

the original French works varies greatly from text to text In the case of the closest

rendering of them all Lu Xuns Aichen bears a strong resemblance to LOrigine de

Fantine in its preservation of the original narrative mode and the minor deviations

found in the translation are of a linguistic and rhetorical nature that does not affect the

reproduction of the original plot At the other extreme Zhou Zuorens Guer Ji is for the

most part a creative fictional writing with only the latter half of the novel borrowing

some plot elements from Claude Gueux and giving a very rough and loose account of

the original anecdote Can this piece count as translation To include Zhous work in

11

the present research on the pre-May-Fourth translations of the stories associated with

Les Miseacuterables requires a specific definition of translation adopted by the present

dissertation In this respect Andre Lefeveres conception turns out to be illuminating

and useful In clarifying the idea of translation which varies historically culturally

and even personally Lefevere in his Translating Literature Practice and Theory in a

Comparative Literature Context defines translation as rewriting (6-7) a definition that

encompasses all the possible appearances a translation may take on This broad-sense

definition is particularly useful here in that it not only embraces the different forms of

translation discussed in the present dissertation but gives translation an authorial

autonomy granting translation an independent life of its own As Lefevere powerfully

puts it translation of literature does not take place in a vacuum but is constrained

by the times in which they [translators] live the literary traditions they try to reconcile

and the features of the languages they work with (6) Indeed as can be seen from the

respective stance in which each translation is placed the Chinese translators of the

stories related to Les Miseacuterables do not mechanically copy their source texts but

inventively create their own versions which betray the particular conventions and

agendas that motivate the renderings In other words they rewrite their source texts for

purposeful use in the the particular time and space which we call late-Qing and early

Republican China If translation is treated as a type of writing which is closely

connected with but virtually independent of the original then the antiquated

long-debated issues of fidelity versus liberty of word for word versus sense for sense

and so on become secondary or even trivial Therefore the definition of translation as

rewriting allows the nine texts of my investigation to qualify as eligible material for

translation studies and to become a subject of interest to the present dissertation

After the qualifications and justifications of my research in the previous

paragraphs the source-tracing problems of the nine Chinese translations related to Les

Miseacuterables may now be addressed As is mentioned earlier none of the translators of

the nine renditions made it clear as to what source they adopted in translating the

stories Before the appearance of these Chinese versions there had existed some

English and Japanese translations in addition to the French originals In China there

were more translators at the time who could read English or Japanese than those who

could read French and the relatively easy availability of Japanese and English versions

of Western works provided another impetus for translators to select their sources in

favor of the intermediary texts It comes as no surprise that translators of Hugo in this

12

eastern country back then did not necessarily resort to the French texts for translation

but quite often referred instead to renditions in other languages mostly English or

Japanese Therefore the language versions involved in my intertextual juxtapositions

are those written in the four languages of French English Japanese and Chinese

In my academic quest for the source of each Chinese rendition of the French

miserable histories I do not ignore the possibility that a translator in early

twentieth-century China might not refer for rendition to one source text only Indeed

the outcomes of my comparative intertextual analysis show that some Chinese versions

are a synthetic product from more than one textual material In Guxing Lei for

example signs of two English versions are equally persistent and forceful making me

unable to pass any judgment on how the translation was produced without further

evidence In most cases however from the Chinese translation can be detected quite a

number of clues pointing strongly to a foreign version as the major source in spite of

the concurrent existence of some minor evidence which suggests other possibilities

Judging from the fact that some material consulted by the translator may not be

reflected in the translated text and that the formation of the end product of translation

might involve a processing of various kinds which defy any subsequent guesswork or

reconstruction it is next to impossible to track down all the texts and references which

contributed to the ultimate translation even with the help of biographical digging and

delving A more feasible approach is to discern the predecessor version if there is one

which dominates the translation from the way the translated text is presented to us In

other words the present dissertation does not intend to exhaust all the possibilities or

to uncover all the source texts having been consulted by a single translator Rather my

focus is on identifying the main influence that was exerted on the translation ie the

major text employed by the translator in the process of rendering On the premise that

even though a translator may have consulted several versions in advance in the

translating practice usually only one text was used as the model for imitation the

present research contents itself with finding out that major source when the textual

evidence is cogent and convincing enough without assuming to present the whole

picture of what happened all along the translating course

Of the nine texts studied by the present dissertation the source texts of Aichen

and Guer Ji have been affirmed by other critics The prototypical version for Leixie

Mengxin has also been speculated without further exploration and confirmation In

addressing the two renditions whose sources are already known my discussion shall

13

shift from source-tracing to the particular tactics adopted by the translator In doing so

my analyses still rely a lot on cross-language intertextual comparison the methodology

applied by the present dissertation to tracking the major sources of the other seven

Chinese translations As my research seeks to find out the major precedent model of a

Chinese rendition significant counterpart passages will be cited from the versions

chosen after a process of sifting A close examination on the cited texts juxtaposed for

contrast will shed some light on the degree of relationship between the different

versions

As is noted previously a majority of the translations in late-Qing and early

Republican China are more like free rewritings than close renderings of their sources

Quite often the translators tended to alter the original plot which they replaced with

their own concocted tales Such inventions on the translators part are unhelpful or

sometimes even misleading to the present intertextual investigation Besides in

dealing with the translated passages the Chinese translators under discussion were not

as meticulous as the English ones Generally plot-oriented most of the writers of the

nine Chinese versions were inclined to simplify the original narration The roughness

and sketchiness with which they treated the passages rendered is another factor that

conduces to my hardship in sorting out the relationship between different texts What

is more the language styles in which the nine translations were couched are either

classical Chinese or contemporary vernaculars Except for some proper names which

give the texts some exotic flavors through their transliteration the renditions are

generally written in fluent and idiomatic Chinese whether classical or vernacular and

the linguistic constructions and standard usages exhibit little if any likeness to those

of the foreign texts This immunity of the Chinese texts to the influence of Western

language structures is an example of what Lawrence Venuti calls domesticating

practice in translation20 To be sure such a mode of translation also adds to the

difficulty of the present source-tracing

With all the above-mentioned impediments there are still some passages that

betray a close connection to a certain foreign text By attending to both the macro level

of plot structure and the micro level of linguistic subtleties this study manages to find

some helpful clues that indicate some affinity between texts In practice my research

not only compares the plot elements but also pays extra heed to modes of narration

20 See Lawrence Venuti The Translators Invisibility A History of Translation (London Routledge 1995)

14

nuanced choice of diction sentence-patterning and so on Sometimes the difference in

plot is sufficient to exclude certain candidate texts In the cases where the plot

presented by the different versions concurs my study looks deeper into minute details

such as phrasing and wording This way the present dissertation has identified almost

positively the primary source versions for four Chinese renditions The qualification of

almost positively here is just an acknowledgment on my part that despite the potent

textual evidence supporting my conclusions other possibilities are not deniedmdashthat is

if proofs of any sort to the contrary present themselves in the future As to the

remaining three Chinese translations the present research is unable to pinpoint specific

source texts for them with what few clues can be gathered from within the texts

Nevertheless my exploration does manage to recognize the language from which they

are derivedmdashalso almost positively for the same reason as provided above

Specifically the results of my source-tracking study can be divided into two groups

the first group contains those whose major source texts can be discerned they are

Aichen Can Shehui (Can Shijie) Guer Ji Yifan Tianmin Lei and Leixie Mengxin

The other group consists of the remaining three renditions Tian Liu Er Guxing Lei

and Guai Ke in which my study is unable to find any forceful evidence hinting at a

specific source except that the particular language from which they came can be

decided

The chapter division of the present dissertation is based on the grouping of the

results shown above Instead of addressing the texts in chronological order this study

places Aichen and Guer Ji whose source texts are already known previously in one

chapter the source-unknown translations of Tian Liu Er Guxing Lei and Guai Ke

are addressed in another chapter the three renditions of Yifan Tianmin Lei and Leixie

Mengxin whose sources are successfully tracked down by my study are collected in

still another chapter An exceptional case worth noting here is Can Shehui Can Shijie

translated by Su Manshu For one thing Sus multilingualism entails more languages

and more versions to be taken into consideration For another Sus Chinese rendition

entails two versions which need to be distinguished and the authorship of one of them

has remained an issue of controversy Therefore the complexity of Sus translation is

the reason why this dissertation dedicates a full chapter to handling its source-tracing

problems and another chapter to addressing the authorship dispute which the present

thesis contrives to settle through source-tracking

All in all the present dissertation is composed of seven chapters In the first

15

introductory chapter aside from a synopsis of my research subject which has been

given so far inclusive of my motivation aim and scope and methodology I will in the

next section briefly introduce the candidate source versions explored in the present

dissertation embracing French English and Japanese ones The Second Chapter deals

with Aichen and Guer Ji the two texts whose master copies have been uncovered

elsewhere Chapter Three handles Yifan Tianmin Lei and Leixie Mengxin the three

texts whose sources are identified through my interlingual intertextual investigation

The Fourth Chapter elaborates on the complicated issues related to the source-tracing

of Su Manshus Can Shehui or the first eleven chapters of Can Shijie In Chapter Five

the problem of authorship or translatorship of the last three-odd chapters of Can

Shijie is discussed and solved through tracking down the language source of the

translation by means of my intertextual comparative analysis In the Sixth Chapter my

futile efforts at pursuing the sources of Tian Liu Er Guxing Lei and Guai Ke are

demonstrated The concluding Seventh Chapter endeavors to provide a general contour

of translations of Hugos stories connected with Les Miseacuterables in the pre-May-Fourth

period placing special emphasis on the significance of partial translations in helping to

disseminate Hugos works and the phenomenon of translation relaying not only across

languages as from French through English and Japanese to Chinese but also within a

specific linguistic community particularly English and Chinese Hopefully the

outcomes of this research can serve as a basic foundation on which more advanced and

comprehensive studies can be conducted

13 Potential Source Versions Consulted in the Present Dissertation

In tracing the source texts of the nine Chinese translations the present study has

referred to some possible candidate versions in English and Japanese besides the

French originals Theoretically any text depicting stories related to Les Miseacuterables

which appeared before a specific Chinese translation came out would be a potential

source for that Chinese version However with an initial screening my research has

precluded some obviously impossible versions and reserved only some major texts that

show considerable probabilitymdashmajor because it is rather unlikely that the Chinese

translators would rely for translation on lesser texts where for instance parts of the

stories connected with Les Miseacuterables are retold in a drastically simplified manner or

16

adapted with a somewhat different plot development21

In the first section of the present chapter I have profiled the three related French

works of Claude Gueux LOrigine de Fantine and Les Miseacuterables Now it is

necessary to offer brief introductions to the earlier translations of these works which

have survived my preliminary screening in the English and Japanese languages The

sequence shall be arranged chronologically starting with Claude Gueux followed by

LOrigine de Fantine and lastly by Les Miseacuterables

131 Potential Source Versions of Claude Gueux

Of the nine Chinese texts discussed by the present dissertation Zhou Zuorens

Guer Ji and Xue Shengs Leixie Mengxin stem from the story of Claude Gueux In

Hugos original construction the work is composed of two parts the main text and an

epilogue The story is narrated in the straight matter portion followed by the Epilogue

which criticizes the injustice of the social system in France Both of the Chinese

versions deal with the major body text ie the story only with little if any reference

to the critical epilogue This reflects the previously mentioned general tendency of

translators of the time to orient their renditions primarily to plot

Apart from the French original there are quite a few English versions preceding

the two Chinese renditions Some of them are complete translations some are partial

The unabridged versions consulted by the present dissertation include those translated

by Duncombe Pyrke jr (1869) George Burnham Ives (1894) Eugenia de B (1895)

and Arabella Ward (1896) respectively The bowdlerized translations presented in the

present dissertation are Gilbert Campbells rendition (ca 1886) and Nottingham

Societys version (1907) What is remarkable about the partial translations is that they

are abridged in almost the identical way though the translated texts may be diversified

Among the different truncated versions what is deleted and what is modified are

almost the same To illustrate this this study juxtaposes the two aforementioned

simplified versions with a complete English translation and the French original text for

comparison and contrast We may first look at an example where deletion is

involved22

21 An example of such a radically reduced text can be found in a later version Herbert D Laube ed The Story of Jean Valjean Extracted from Les Miseacuterables By Victor Hugo (Geneva NY P of W F Humphrey 1928) 22 In order to pave the way for easier comparison and contrast most of the juxtaposed texts in the present dissertation are put in tables

17

French (Victor Hugo) English (Duncombe Pyrke jr)

Il y a sept ou huit ans un homme

nommeacute Claude Gueux pauvre ouvrier

vivait agrave Paris Il avait avec lui une fille

qui eacutetait sa maicirctresse et un enfant de

cette fille Je dis les choses comme elles

sont laissant le lecteur ramasser les

moraliteacutes agrave mesure que les faits les

segravement sur leur chemin Louvrier eacutetait

capable habile intelligent fort maltraiteacute

par leacuteducation fort bien traiteacute par la

nature ne sachant pas lire et sachant

penser Un hiver louvrage manqua Pas

de feu ni de pain dans le galetas

Lhomme la fille et lenfant eurent froid

et faim Lhomme vola Je ne sais ce quil

vola je ne sais ougrave il vola Ce que je sais

cest que de ce vol il reacutesulta trois jours de

pain et de feu pour la femme et pour

lenfant et cinq ans de prison pour

lhomme (CG 355)

Seven or eight years ago a man named

Claude Gueux a poor workman lived at

Paris With him lived a young woman

who was his mistress and her child I

relate things as they are leaving the

reader to gather the moral lessons which

the facts present on the way The

workman was capable clever intelligent

very badly treated by education very

well treated by nature not knowing how

to read and knowing how to think One

winter work was not to be had There

was neither fire nor bread in the garret

The man the girl and the child were

cold and hungry The man committed a

theft I know not what he stole or where

he stole what I know is that the result of

this theft was three days food and fire for

the woman and child and five years

imprisonment for the man (23)

English (Gilbert Campbell) English (Nottingham Society)

Claude Gueux was a poor workman

living in Paris about eight years ago

with his mistress and child Although

his education had been neglected and

he could not even read the man was

naturally clever and intelligent and

thought deeply over matters Winter

came with its attendant miseriesmdashwant

of work want of food want of fuel

The man the woman the child were


living in Paris about eight years ago with

his mistress and child Although his

education had been neglected and he

could not even read the man was


thought deeply over matters Winter came

with its attendant miseriesmdashwant of

work want of food want of fuel The

man the woman and the child were

18

frozen and famished The man turned

thief I know not what he stole What

signifies as the result was the same to

the woman and child it gave three days

bread and firing to the man five years

imprisonment (309)



signifies as the result was the same to the

woman and child it gave three days bread

and warmth to the man five years

imprisonment (319)

In this instance what is to be noted is that right after introducing the protagonist and

his mistress and her child the complete versions present an authorial remark which is

absent in the shortened versions

Je dis les choses comme elles sont laissant le lecteur ramasser les

moraliteacutes agrave mesure que les faits les segravement sur leur chemin (Hugo)

I relate things as they are leaving the reader to gather the moral lessons

which the facts present on the way (Pyrke)

The versions by Campbell and Nottingham Society both omit this authorial voice In

fact the abridged texts not only delete in the same way but also narrate in the same

way In the remaining parts of the quoted passages similar messages are conveyed

including the heros natural good quality the harshness in a certain winter and the

consequence of the heros theft What is remarkable is that in terms of narration the

truncated versions are in agreement with each other but in distinction from the

complete texts

Je ne sais ce quil vola je ne sais ougrave il vola Ce que je sais cest que de ce

vol il reacutesulta trois jours de pain et de feu pour la femme et pour lenfant

et cinq ans de prison pour lhomme (Hugo)

I know not what he stole or where he stole what I know is that the result

of this theft was three days food and fire for the woman and child and

five years imprisonment for the man (Pyrke)

I know not what he stole What signifies as the result was the same to

the woman and child it gave three days bread and firing to the man five

years imprisonment (Campbell)


the woman and child it gave three days bread and warmth to the man

five years imprisonment (Nottingham Society)

In the complete narration the narrator mentions what he stole (quil vola) and

where he stole (ougrave il vola) whereas the abridged texts both go without where he

19

stole Then in stating the result of the protagonists theft the complete versions adopt

the plain and direct expression the result of this theft was (de ce vol il

reacutesulta ) By contrast the abridged versions employ a different rhetorical strategy

a less lucid and less direct way of expressing the result What signifies as the result

was the same The homogeneity between the two simplified versions is

underscored by the fact that here in this paragraph Nottingham Societys text is

identical to Campbells except for one word toward the end of the paragraph instead

of Campbells bread and firing Nottingham Society offers bread and warmth

Similar instances are too numerous to account here Suffice it to provide one more

example to demonstrate a significant transformation done by the shortened texts


Claude Gueux eacutetait grand mangeur

Ceacutetait une des particulariteacutes de son

organisation Il avait lestomac fait de

telle sorte que la nourriture de deux

hommes ordinaires suffisait agrave peine agrave sa

journeacutee M de Cotadilla avait un de ces

appeacutetits-lagrave et en riait mais ce qui est

une occasion de gaieteacute pour un duc

grand dEspagne qui a cinq cent mille

moutons est une charge pour un ouvrier

et un malheur pour un prisonnier (359)

Claude Gueux was a large eater It was

a pecularity of his organization He had a

stomach of such a nature that the food

which was sufficient for two ordinary

men barely sufficed him for the day M

de Cotadilla had one of these appetites

and made a joke of it but what is a

laughing matter for a duke a grandee of

Spain the possessor of five hundred

thousand sheep is a burden for a

workman and a misfortune for a

prisoner (28-29)


Such popularity ever has its

attendant hatred and though beloved by

the prisoners Claude was detested by

the gaolers To him two mens rations

would have been scarcely sufficient The

inspector laughed at this as his own

appetite was large but what would be

mirth to a duke to a prisoner would be a

Such popularity ever has its attendant

hatred and though beloved by the

prisoners Claude was detested by the

jailers To him two mens rations would

have been scarcely sufficient The




20

great misfortune (311) great misfortune (321)

Here attention is drawn to the narration of the heros capacity for eating In the

complete texts allusion is made to a Spanish duke who jokes about his own great

appetite However the abridged versions make no mention of the Spanish aristocrat

but in its place put forward the prison inspector and turn the self-joking of the duke to

a laughing done by the inspector at the protagonist It is significant that the same

deviation from the original is shared by the two shortened versions it is even more

striking that here in the cited passages Campbell and Nottingham Society present the

exact same translated text except for two insignificant variations in format the

punctuation difference of attendant hatred followed by a comma (Campbell) versus

attendant hatred followed by a semicolon (Nottingham Society) and the spelling

alternative of gaolers (Campbell) versus jailers (Nottingham Society)

All in all the distinction between complete texts and abridged texts of Claude

Gueux in the English translations is useful to the present research in that if in terms of

plot narration one truncated version is disqualified by my intertextual comparing and

contrasting then all the other truncated versions can also be ruled out from further

consideration This saves a lot of energy and time in screening the potential texts

Claude Gueux was translated not only into English but also into Japanese before

the emergence of the Chinese versions In the pre-May-Fourth period covered by the

present dissertation there existed one Japanese version of Claude Gueux titled

Claude クラウド which was translated by Morita Shiken 森田思軒

(1861minus1897)23 This work is included in the memorial collection of Moritas Japanese

translations of Hugos works with the Japanese heading Hugo Shouhin ユーゴー小

品24 Published in 1898 a year after Moritas death the compilation contains several

translated short pieces from Hugos Choses Vues as well as a Japanese version of

Claude Gueux The table of contents shows the time each translation was done and

from here we know that the Japanese Claude Gueux was finished in 1890 There is no

doubt about the fact that the Japanese Claude was rendered from English rather than

from French because Morita did not read French but English

故思軒氏の文學者として半生の事業はユーゴーを我國の讀書界

に紹介するにありき彼は佛語を解せず故にユーゴーの文を譯す

23 Throughout the dissertation Japanese names are in family name first order in accordance with the usage in Japanese as distinct from the order in the English appellation 24 Literally Short Pieces of Hugo

21

るや之を英文よりせざる可らざるの不便ありき25 (Tokutomi 1)

Moritas dependence on English for rendition of Hugos Claude Gueux makes one

wonder which English version he employed in his translating process In this regard

Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 has given us the answer In his Meiji Jidai no Victor

Hugo Morita Shiken no Houyaku o Megutte26 Kawato establishes that the specific

source text used by Morita in his rendition is Gilbert Campbells [ca 1886]27 English

translation (420-22) One of the pieces of evidence proposed by the Japanese critic is

that with the exception of a few minor changes probably done by the translator on

purpose Moritas text is a close rendition of Campbells English version Later in the

next chapter both texts shall be subjected to intertextual juxtaposition and comparison

132 Potential Source Versions of LOrigine de Fantine

After the previous briefing on the possible source texts for the Chinese versions

of Claude Gueux it is time now to continue with LOrigine de Fantine Of the nine

Chinese versions addressed in the present dissertation only Lu Xuns Aichen is

based on the episode of LOrigine de Fantine The source for Lu Xuns Chinese

rendition has been known previously As Kudo Takamasa 工藤貴正 points out rather

than translating from French or English Lu Xun modeled his Chinese version on

Morita Shikens Japanese text of Fantine no Moto (Cong Benshijichu Xiou Wenxue

de Yijie Kan Dangshi de Zhongri Wenxue Jiaoliu 56) Like the Japanese Claude the

Japanese Fantine no Moto is among the short pieces compiled in the 1898

posthumous collection of Hugo Shouhin translated by Morita and the Japanese

rendition of Fantine no Moto was finished in 1888 a year after Hugos original

LOrigine de Fantine was published posthumously in 1887 The fact that Morita not

knowing French had to resort to English for his introduction of western works to

Japan along with the fact that the emergence of Fantine no Moto was antedated by

the French LOrigine de Fantine by one year only clearly underscores the efficiency

with which Japan brought in Western thought and knowledge at the time and the

25 The late Morita Shiken as a man of letters dedicated half of his life to introducing Hugo to our literary circles He did not know French so he had the inconvenience of unavoidable dependence on English for translation of Hugos works 26 The original Japanese title 明治時代のヴィクトルユゴー森田思軒の邦訳をめぐって 27 The publication date of this text is not available in the compilation where it appeared However Kawato saw in the original copy stored as a rare book in the British Library a stamped mark showing the date when it was received by the library as October 1886 (See p422 in his essay mentioned above) In other words Campbells text must be dated earlier than October 1886

22

readiness with which Morita responded to western works through translation In

Fantine no Moto Morita not only translates the Fantine incident but also writes a

translators note which is placed before the main text of the rendition Similarly in Lu

Xuns Aichen attached to the straight matter of the Fantine episode is a translators

epilogue which borrows some of its content from Moritas note It is interesting to see

how the borrowing creates ambiguities regarding the identity of the translator A full

account and discussion shall be given in the section dealing with Aichen in the next

chapter

133 Potential Source Versions of Les Miseacuterables

After informing the potential versions of Claude Gueux and LOrigine de

Fantine attention is now turned to the different versions of the bulky work Les

Miseacuterables A majority six out of the nine Chinese renditions dealt with in the present

dissertation are translated from the stories in Les Miseacuterables Aside from Hugos

original French there are some excerpted versions in French which are deemed

possible sources for some Chinese translations They are extracts rather than

translations of Hugos original novel Three versions deserve particular mention here

they are edited respectively by H C O Huss (1892) F C de Sumichrast (1896) and

Douglas Labaree Buffum (1908) The 1892 abridgment singles out from the original

novel one book which the editor deems most representative of the authors language

style and plot The preface makes this very clear

This extract of Victor Hugos Les Miseacuterablesmdashit is Book Second of Part

Firstmdashrecommended itself for a separate edition partly because it stands

by itself as an independent and well-rounded whole and partly because it

is unusually interesting reading but above all because it is strikingly

characteristic of Victor Hugos thought and style and therefore highly

instructive as a literary study It is surprising how much these four-score

pages reveal of their author what a clear-cut profile they present of him

and how well they thus fulfill the highest requisite of representative prose

Can this latter excellence ever be rated too highly in books destined to

serve as basis for a course in literature (Huss iii)

Out of the total of forty-eight books the Husss version presents only Book Two of

Volume One of the French novel The thirteen chapters in the book are presented as

they are all in the original French and without any alterations The facts that it was

23

published in the United States and that an English preface and English notes to the

major text were provided by the editor indicate that its target audience is directed

mainly to non-native speakers of French mostly English speakers The notes to the

text offer a good guide for anyone interested in learning the French language or

studying a French literary classic through reading the most well-known part of the

story This excerpted French-language version covers the same part of the original that

Su Manshu selects for his Chinese rendition though Sus translation garbles the

original text to a considerable extent The completely overlapping segment treated by

the two texts points to the likelihood that Sus translation may have been based on this

French extract or that Sus decision to select the Second Book of the novels First

Volume for rendition may have been inspired by it

Another version of Les Miseacuterables published in 1896 is abridged by F C de

Sumichrast then assistant professor of French in Harvard University Like the one

edited by Huss although the selected text here is in the French language rather than in

English translation its target readership is also primarily for English students of

French literature as can be discerned from the brief outline of French politics and the

English notes which are included therein to explain allusions events biographies and

political changes in the text In terms of the abridged presentation of Hugos original

the Sumichrast version does not limit itself to a single book as in the case of the Husss

excerpt or to a single volume but extends to the entire five volumes of the novel

Keeping to the order and structure of the original volumes books and chapters this

extract omits the passages the editor regards as minor and replaces them with brief

summaries where necessary

The object sought in making these Selections has been to present within

the compass of a text suitable for class use the story of Jean Valjean The

excisions have necessarily been considerable but in order to preserve at

least the appearance of unity brief summaries of the parts

omittedmdashexcept where the abridgment does not interfere with the

connectionmdashlink the various selections (Prefatory Note unpaged)

The passages deleted may be as small-scale as a few paragraphs within a chapter or as

large-scale as an entire chapter sometimes even several chapters in a row Take the

Second Book of Volume One for example In Hugos original text this book contains

thirteen chapters In dealing with the Fourth Chapter the Sumichrast version preserves

24

only the bracketed heading [Deacutetails sur les fromageries de Pontarlier]28 and cuts out

the content totally (31) Chapters Six and Seven are merged and the original French

titles are juxtaposed in the heading Jean ValjeanmdashLe dedans du deacutesespoir29 Within

the amalgamated text some passages are summarized rather than presented wholly In

relating Jean Valjeans background prior to his release from jail the Sumichrast edition

gives the following bracketed summary

[Jean Valjean agrave vingt-neuf ans a voleacute un pain pour donner agrave manager

aux enfants de sa soeur Arrecircteacute et reconnu coupable il est condamneacute au

bagne Envoyeacute agrave Toulon il y devient le numeacutero 24601 Quatre tentatives

deacutevasion eacutechouent et entraicircnent chaque fois un prolongement de la peine

agrave subir Entreacute au bagne en 1796 il est libeacutereacute en 1815]30 (33)

Moreover Chapters Eight to Eleven of the French original are also combined and

given merely a single synoptic sentence in brackets [Jean Valjean se reacuteveille vole

largenterie de leacutevecircque et senfuit]31 (36) The other parts of the translation are

bowdlerized in similar fashion Its potential as a source for some Chinese translations

of Les Miseacuterables will be discussed in the following chapters of the present

dissertation where the possible sources of Tianmin Lei and Can Shehui are addressed

respectively

A much later shortened version of Les Miseacuterables edited by Douglas Labaree

Buffum is published in 1908 Hugos original bulky five tomes are condensed in this

truncated version into a single volume of which the title page bears the remark Edited

with Introduction Notes and Vocabulary by Douglas Labaree Buffum PhD

Preceptor in Romance Languages in Princeton University From this English remark

can be known that this book is intended for the English-reading audience The

condensation into one volume and the addition of notes and vocabulary are

necessitated by the editors intention to make this version double as a textbook for

English-speaking learners of French [W]ith the aid of the vocabulary and a

knowledge of the elementary principles of French grammar the student should find

little difficulty with the text (Buffum Preface iii) The guiding principle of the

28 Details Concerning the Cheese-Dairies of Pontarlier (Hapgood I iii 74) 29 Jean ValjeanmdashThe Interior of Despair (Hapgood I iii 79 83) 30 [At the age of twenty-nine Jean Valjean stole a loaf of bread in order to feed his sisters children Arrested and found guilty he was committed to prison After he was sent to Toulon he became Number 24601 there Four escape attempts failed and each entailed a lengthening of his suffering in prison He entered the jailhouse in 1796 and was released in 1815] 31 Jean Valjean woke up stole the bishops silverware and ran away

25

editors bowdlerizing act is conditioned by this purpose as the editor states in the first

paragraph of the two-paragraphed preface

In this edition of Les Miseacuterables I have endeavored to reduce the novel

to the limits of a text-book With this in view all extraneous matter such

as the description of the battle of Waterloo the long dissertations on

convent establishments and on the riots of 1832 and the description of

Parisian sewers has necessarily been omitted The early history of

Fantine and a few episodes have also been omitted brief summaries of

these will be found in the notes (iii)

With the large-scale deletion of all extraneous matter only the central plot remains in

this textbook Here some statistics are provided below to show how the original French

novel is abridged In the first place the forty-eight books in five volumes in the

original are reduced to twenty-seven in one volume in the abridgment The following

table diagrams how the books are reduced in each volume

Volume number of books in Hugos Les Miseacuterables

number of books in Buffums Les Miseacuterables

Volume One (Fantine) 8 6

Volume Two (Cosette) 8 5

Volume Three (Marius) 8 6

Volume Four (Saint Denis) 15 2

Volume Five (Jean Valjean) 9 8

The reduced twenty-seven books are not numbered in the single-volume version Each

book bears a title which is for the most part duplicated from the counterpart book in

the original In very rare cases the title is altered to suit the abridging and merging of

books and chapters For instance the original Books Two to Twelve of Volume Four

are integrated into a single book with the new fragmentary title Lidylle rue plumet32

taken from the heading of the Fourth Tome and the Thirteenth to Fifteenth Books of

the same volume are merged into the book Leacutepopeacutee rue Saint-Denis33 also part of

the heading of Tome Four Under the books the original chapters are also reduced and

shortened As a result in the bowdlerized version some books contain only one

combined chapter while in the books with more than one chapter the chapters are

numbered All in all Hugos 365 titled chapters are transformed into Buffums 58

32 The Idyll in the Rue Plumet (Hapgood IV 1) 33 The Epic in the Rue Saint-Denis (Hapgood IV 1)

26

chapters without any title

Within the chapter of the truncated version the text that remains basically

corresponds word for word to Hugos original text The editor does not rephrase or

spice up the narration but deletes and splices the description Typically the editor

erases the original text on the level of paragraphs preserving some passages in

paragraphs and skipping some paragraphic passages For example the preliminary four

paragraphs at the onset of Book One of the original novel run like this

En 1815 M Charles-Franccedilois-Bienvenu Myriel eacutetait eacutevecircque de Digne

Ceacutetait un vieillard denviron soixante-quinze ans il occupait le siegravege de

Digne depuis 1806

Quoique ce deacutetail ne touche en aucune maniegravere au fond mecircme de ce

que nous avons agrave raconter il nest peut-ecirctre pas inutile ne fucirct-ce que pour

ecirctre exact en tout dindiquer ici les bruits et les propos qui avaient couru

sur son compte au moment ougrave il eacutetait arriveacute dans le diocegravese Vrai ou faux

ce quon dit des hommes tient souvent autant de place dans leur vie et

surtout dans leur destineacutee que ce quils font M Myriel eacutetait fils dun

conseiller au parlement dAix noblesse de robe On contait de lui que son

pegravere le reacuteservant pour heacuteriter de sa charge lavait marieacute de fort bonne

heure agrave dix-huit ou vingt ans suivant un usage assez reacutepandu dans les

familles parlementaires Charles Myriel nonobstant ce mariage avait

disait-on beaucoup fait parler de lui Il eacutetait bien fait de sa personne

quoique dassez petite taille eacuteleacutegant gracieux spirituel toute la premiegravere

partie de sa vie avait eacuteteacute donneacutee au monde et aux galanteries

La reacutevolution survint les eacuteveacutenements se preacutecipitegraverent les familles

parlementaires deacutecimeacutees chasseacutees traqueacutees se dispersegraverent M Charles

Myriel degraves les premiers jours de la reacutevolution eacutemigra en Italie Sa

femme y mourut dune maladie de poitrine dont elle eacutetait atteinte depuis

longtemps Ils navaient point denfants Que se passa-t-il ensuite dans la

destineacutee de M Myriel Leacutecroulement de lancienne socieacuteteacute franccedilaise la

chute de sa propre famille les tragiques spectacles de 93 plus effrayants

encore peut-ecirctre pour les eacutemigreacutes qui les voyaient de loin avec le

grossissement de leacutepouvante firent-ils germer en lui des ideacutees de

renoncement et de solitude Fut-il au milieu dune de ces distractions et

de ces affections qui occupaient sa vie subitement atteint dun de ces

27

coups mysteacuterieux et terribles qui viennent quelquefois renverser en le

frappant au coeur lhomme que les catastrophes publiques neacutebranleraient

pas en le frappant dans son existence et dans sa fortune Nul naurait pu

le dire tout ce quon savait cest que lorsquil revint dItalie il eacutetait

precirctre

En 1804 M Myriel eacutetait cureacute de Brignolles Il eacutetait deacutejagrave vieux et

vivait dans une retraite profonde34 (Hugo LM I 5-7)

Buffums excerpted version presents the start of the book in this way



Digne depuis 1806


vivait dans une retraite profonde (Buffum 3)

The juxtaposition of the above quotes reveals that the Buffum abridgment deletes the

second and third paragraphs of the original which contain the narrators observation on

the gossiping nature of the ordinary people rumors about the bishops nobility

background and his early exile as a result of the fall of his family To the two

paragraphs that remain the editor did not do any editing

This jumping-paragraph mode of truncation sets the basic tone of Buffums 34 In 1815 M Charles-Francois-Bienvenu Myriel was Bishop of D---- [Digne] He was an old man of about seventy-five years of age he had occupied the see of D---- [Digne] since 1806 Although this detail has no connection whatever with the real substance of what we are about to relate it will not be superfluous if merely for the sake of exactness in all points to mention here the various rumors and remarks which had been in circulation about him from the very moment when he arrived in the diocese True or false that which is said of men often occupies as important a place in their lives and above all in their destinies as that which they do M Myriel was the son of a councillor of the Parliament of Aix hence he belonged to the nobility of the bar It was said that his father destining him to be the heir of his own post had married him at a very early age eighteen or twenty in accordance with a custom which is rather widely prevalent in parliamentary families In spite of this marriage however it was said that Charles Myriel created a great deal of talk He was well formed though rather short in stature elegant graceful intelligent the whole of the first portion of his life had been devoted to the world and to gallantry The Revolution came events succeeded each other with precipitation the parliamentary families decimated pursued hunted down were dispersed M Charles Myriel emigrated to Italy at the very beginning of the Revolution There his wife died of a malady of the chest from which she had long suffered He had no children What took place next in the fate of M Myriel The ruin of the French society of the olden days the fall of his own family the tragic spectacles of 93 which were perhaps even more alarming to the emigrants who viewed them from a distance with the magnifying powers of terror--did these cause the ideas of renunciation and solitude to germinate in him Was he in the midst of these distractions these affections which absorbed his life suddenly smitten with one of those mysterious and terrible blows which sometimes overwhelm by striking to his heart a man whom public catastrophes would not shake by striking at his existence and his fortune No one could have told all that was known was that when he returned from Italy he was a priest In 1804 M Myriel was the Cure of B---- [Brignolles] He was already advanced in years and lived in a very retired manner (Hapgood I 1-2)

28

version There are nevertheless very rare occasions where the deletion of passages

involves only part of a paragraph instead of the entire paragraph One example shall

suffice In the Fourth Chapter of Book One of the original First Volume there is a

paragraph about Bishop Myriels linguistic versatility his knowledge of several

dialects of southern France Hugos original is as follows

Neacute provenccedilal il seacutetait facilement familiariseacute avec tous les patois du

midi Il disait laquoEh beacute moussu segraves sageacuteraquo comme dans le bas

Languedoc laquoOnteacute anaras passaraquo comme dans les basses Alpes

laquoPuerte un bouen moutou embe un bouen froumage graseraquo comme dans

le haut Dauphineacute Ceci plaisait au peuple et navait pas peu contribueacute agrave

lui donner accegraves pregraves de tous les esprits Il eacutetait dans la chaumiegravere et dans

la montagne comme chez lui Il savait dire les choses les plus grandes

dans les idiomes les plus vulgaires Parlant toutes les langues il entrait

dans toutes les acircmes35 (Hugo LM I 23)

The counterpart passage is presented by Buffum like this


midi Ceci plaisait au peuple et navait pas peu contribueacute agrave lui donner

accegraves pregraves de tous les esprits Il eacutetait dans la chaumiegravere et dans la

montagne comme chez lui Il savait dire les choses les plus grandes dans

les idiomes les plus vulgaires Parlant toutes les langues il entrait dans

toutes les acircmes (Buffum 6-7)

The alignment of the two texts makes it clear that in this particular paragraph Buffum

cuts the three instances of the dialectal sentences which the bishop said while keeping

the remaining text intact This trimming results in a paragraph which contains the same

narration of the bishops linguistic advantages without giving the three minor

illustrations as the original novel did All the above introduction to Buffums abridged

French version provides a background for further elaboration in Chapter Two of the

presentation dissertation where the source-tracing of Tianmin Lei is engaged

Following the three French versions in bowdlerization it is time to direct

attention to the English translations of Les Miseacuterables To be expected there existed 35 Born a Provencal he easily familiarized himself with the dialect of the south He said En be moussu ses sage as in lower Languedoc Onte anaras passa as in the Basses-Alpes Puerte un bouen moutu embe un bouen fromage grase as in upper Dauphine This pleased the people extremely and contributed not a little to win him access to all spirits He was perfectly at home in the thatched cottage and in the mountains He understood how to say the grandest things in the most vulgar of idioms As he spoke all tongues he entered into all hearts (Hapgood I 12)

29

both complete translations and partial renditions of the French novel in English before

the emergence of the Chinese versions The earliest version a full-text translation was

published by the translator Charles E Wilbour in the United States in 1862 within just

a few months after the original work was released Some time later in the same year

Lascelles Wraxall offered a nearly full translation in the United Kingdom Hence the

two versions represent the earliest complete and partial translations respectively While

Wilbours complete rendition seeks to reproduce the original form and content taking

care that every unit of the French text is treated as faithfully as possible Wraxall also

translates meticulouslymdashexcept for the fact that some sections of the original text

which the translator deemed unimportant or irrelevant to the English context are

truncated thoroughly The parts that are left out by Wraxall involve the following three

bundles

1 Chapter Eight of Book Two of the First Volume Titled LOnde et lOmbre36 this

chapter portrays the desperation of a sailor falling in the billowy sea as a simile for

the hopelessness of a powerless man sinking in the treacherous torrents of society

2 Chapter Eleven of Book Five of the First Volume Titled Christus Nos Liberavit37

this chapter deplores the helplessness of Fantine as she was trapped in the nets of ill

destiny

3 Book Seven of the Second Volume Containing eight chapters the whole book

constitutes Hugos dissertation on the convent system in the Christian world

Wraxall did not just erase the said passages he also reduced the original structure

of 365 chapters in his translation The division of the chapters does not follow the three

levels of Volume Book and Chapter in French but is rearranged in a single stratum of

280 chapters represented in Roman numerals from Chapter I to Chapter CCLXXX

The succession of events and narrations are in accordance with the French original

and some of the text shows a chapter-to-chapter correspondence to the French text but

for the most part the translator typically combined two chapters in one or in some rare

cases even merged three chapters together With this reduction comes the erasure of

the original titles of Volumes and Books and the integration of two or three chapters

also means that some chapter headings of the original are sacrificed For instance the

original Chapters Six to Eight in the Fifth Book of the Second Volume with the three

36 Billows and Shadows (Hapgood I iii) 37 Christ Has Freed Us

30

respective titles of Commencement dune Eacutenigme38 Suite de lEacutenigme39 and

LEacutenigme Redouble40 are conjoined into a single chapter (Chapter 104) in Wraxalls

version with the single title The Beginning of an Enigma (LM [1880] I 351)

Besides the major omissions and chapter reductions stated above Wraxall also

deleted some passages in a chapter The 32nd Chapter a combination of the original

Chapters Six and Seven in Book Three of the First Volume has some passages

untranslated Tholomyess speech and Listoliers response in the following passage are

removed from Wraxalls text

mdashQuirites gentlemen Caballeros mes amis voulez-vous ne sentir

aucun aiguillon et vous passer de lit nuptial et braver lamour Rien de

plus simple Voici la recette la limonade lexercice outreacute le travail forceacute

eacutereintez-vous traicircnez des blocs ne dormez pas veillez gorgez-vous de

boissons nitreuses et de tisanes de nymphaeas savourez des eacutemulsions de

pavots et dagnuscastus assaisonnez-moi cela dune diegravete seacutevegravere crevez

de faim et joignez-y les bains froids les ceintures dherbes lapplication

dune plaque de plomb les lotions avec la liqueur de Saturne et les

fomentations avec loxycrat

mdashJaime mieux une femme dit Listolier41 (Hugo LM I 211-12)

In the same chapter the ditty sung by Blachevelle Listolier and Fameuil is also

eliminated in Wraxalls translation

Les pegraveres dindons donnegraverent

De largent agrave un agent

Pour que mons Clermont-Tonnerre

Fucirct fait pape agrave la Saint-Jean

Mais Clermont ne put pas ecirctre

Fait pape neacutetant pas precirctre

Alors leur agent rageant

38 The Beginning of an Enigma (Hapgood II iv) 39 Continuation of the Enigma (Hapgood II iv) 40 The Enigma Becomes Doubly Mysterious (Hapgood II iv) 41 Quirites gentlemen caballeros my friends Do you wish never to feel the prick to do without the nuptial bed and to brave love Nothing more simple Here is the receipt lemonade excessive exercise hard labor work yourself to death drag blocks sleep not hold vigil gorge yourself with nitrous beverages and potions of nymphaeas drink emulsions of poppies and agnus castus season this with a strict diet starve yourself and add thereto cold baths girdles of herbs the application of a plate of lead lotions made with the subacetate of lead and fomentations of oxycrat I prefer a woman said Listolier (Hapgood I 130)

31

Leur rapporta leur argent42 (Hugo LM I 215)

Interestingly enough some later editions of Wraxalls translation contrive to restore the

formal construction and textual intactness of the French original by filling in the

translational blank left by Wraxall with compensatory renditions For instance the

five-volumed edition of Wraxalls Les Miseacuterables published in 1893 by Little Brown

and Company has the omitted chapters and passages specially translated for the

present issue43 (Wraxall LM [1893] I Publishers Preface v) Another Wraxalls

edition published by Donohue around 1900 makes up for Wraxalls omissions and

reductions by supplying Wilbours translation With all the different editions of

Wraxalls Les Miseacuterables however the present study will only adopt Wraxalls primal

version for further intertextual comparison and contrast because the genealogical

relationships to be sorted out among the various versions require genuine and

exclusive texts to be used

A nearly complete English version of Les Miseacuterables known as the Richmond

translation (1863) was a joint effort first done by Professor Alexander Dimitry (up to

page 49) and subsequently taken up by an editor with the initials A F signed in the

Editors Preface What is noteworthy is that as stated in Editors Preface this

Confederate translation from Virginia is a reprint of Wilbours version issued with the

intention of revising and correcting the numerous errors and misapprehensions of

peculiar French idioms in the first English translation (Dimitry and F I iv) Apart

from the corrections the Richmond version duplicates Wilbours text for the most

part with sparse modifications of a trivial nature such as substitution of Miss for

Wilbours Mademoiselle Sir or Mr for Monsieur Mrs for Madame my

lord for monseigneur curate for cureacute and employment of alternative

punctuations such as the use of a semicolon in place of a period Besides this southern

translation was originally intended to be unabridged but then some omissions occurred

in the course of translating including several long and rather rambling

disquisitions exclusively intended for the French readers and a few antislavery

42 The father turkey-cocks so grave Some money to an agent gave That master good Clermont-Tonnerre Might be made pope on Saint Johns day fair But this good Clermont could not be Made pope because no priest was he And then their agent whose wrath burned With all their money back returned (Hapgood I 133) 43 The Publishers Preface was dated 1887 but the five-volumed work was published in 1893

32

paragraphs (qtd in Moore 244-45) For example the original fourteen chapters in

Book One of the first Volume are reduced to ten chapters in the Richmond version

cutting out the last four chapters of the original altogether In fact the rendition does

not just erase on the chapter level but goes up to the level of books The original

forty-eight books are cut down by four making the Richmond version feature

forty-four books one book short in Volume Two and three books wanting in the Fourth

Volume The removed books are the Seventh Book in Volume Two Books Four Seven

and Nine in Volume Four of the French novel However the omitted books do not

necessarily mean the chapters within them are categorically struck out too The first

two Chapters titled Jean Valjean and Marius of Book Nine of the Fourth Volume

are incorporated into its subsequent Book (Book Ten) after the deletion of the Book

where they originally were

In 1887 Isabel F Hapgood produced another unabridged translation of the French

novel Like Wilbours text Hapgoods version is a close rendering of the French

original endeavoring to reconstruct the original narration in every detail In certain

passages Hapgood is even more meticulous and considerate than Wilbour For

instance the love verses recited by the insurgents as they waited at the barricades for

the warfare to start (Chapter Six of the Twelfth Book of Volume Four) are presented by

Wilbour in the French form and content

Vous rappelez-vous notre douce vie

Lorsque nous eacutetions si jeunes tous deux

Et que nous navions au cœur dautre envie

Que decirctre bien mis et decirctre amoureux

Te rappelles-tu nos bonheurs sans nombre

Et tous ces fichus changeacutes en chiffons

Oh que de soupirs de nos cœurs pleins dombre

Se sont envoleacutes dans les cieux profonds (Hugo LM IV 426-28 Wilbour

931-32)

Hapgood also shows the verses in French in the main text (IV 267-68) But unlike

Wilbour who merely left the lyrics as they were Hapgood took one step forward and

offered an English translation of the rhymes in a footnote In the footnote the

translation does not break lines the way the original does but is arrayed in a paragraph

Do you remember our sweet life when we were both so young and

33

when we had no other desire in our hearts than to be well dressed and in

love Dost thou recall our innumerable joys and all those fichus

changed to rags Oh what sighs from our hearts full of gloom fluttered

forth to the heavenly depths (IV 268-69)

All in all because they are both complete translations of the French work the

candidateship of the one would also mean the candidateship of the other Therefore

they are juxtaposed with the same frequency in the subsequent interlingual intertextual

analyses

In addition to the two complete and two abridged renditions in English stated so

far there appeared in 1894 still another full-text version Included in the 28-volumed

series entitled The Novels Complete and Unabridged of Victor Hugo is a full-length

English version of Les Miseacuterables in ten volumes from Volume Eleven to Volume

Twenty rendered jointly by four translators This ten-volumed series has a two-to-one

correspondence to the five-volumed French original and the four translators

cooperated in the following way

volume no in the series French counterpart translator

Volumes 11 and 12 Volume One Fantine William Walton

Volumes 13 and 14 Volume Two Cosette J Carroll Beckwith

Volumes 15 and 16 Volume Three Marius M Jules Gray

Volumes 17

Volume Four Lidylle Rue

Plumet et Leacutepopeacutee Rue

Saint-Denis

(not specified)44

Volumes 18



Saint-Denis

M Edouard Jolivet

Volumes 19 and 20 Volume Five Jean Valjean M Jules Gray

What is noteworthy about this particular English version is that the translators appear

to take their cue of translation primarily from Wraxall and secondarily from Wilbour

In other words the text in this version is strikingly similar to Wraxalls version for the

most part and in some minor cases where Wraxalls version is not followed Wilbours

version is used instead Since this series involves four translators who were assigned 44 Volume 17 does not show any authorship information in the book but judging from the mode of collaboration where one translator is responsible for two serial volumes that are equivalent to a complete French volume the translator of Volume 17 is probably M Edouard Jolivet However without any positive and definite evidence we cannot validate this speculation at the moment

34

different volumes of the work each translators rendition will be inspected individually

For demonstrations I shall compare William Waltons text with Wraxalls first

Lascelles Wraxall William Walton

There was in the first quarter of this

century a sort of pot-house at

Montfermeil near Paris which no longer

exists It was kept by a couple of the name

of Theacutenardier and was situated in the

Rue du Boulanger Over the door a

board was nailed to the wall and on this

board was painted something resembling

a man carrying on his back another man

who wore large gilt generals epaulettes

with silver stars red dabs represented

blood and the rest of the painting was

smoke probably representing a battle At

the bottom could be read the inscription

THE SERGEANT OF WATERLOO

(LM [1880] I 120 emphases added)



Montfermeil near Paris which no

longer exists It was kept by a couple of

the name of Theacutenardier It was situated

in the lane Boulanger Over the door a

board was nailed to the wall On this

board was painted something

resembling a man carrying on his back

another man who wore large gilt

generals epaulettes with silver stars red

dabs represented blood and the rest of

the painting was smoke probably

representing a battle At the bottom

could be read the inscription The

Sergeant of Waterloo (Walton et al

XII 7 emphases added)

In the above cited passages the French-style name of the lane Rue du Boulanger is

converted to a more English-sounding lane Boulanger Apart from this there are

some formal changes First by deleting the connective and in Wraxalls text Walton

turns the two clauses linked by and into two independent sentences without

conjunction Notice the shifts from It was kept by a couple of the name of Theacutenardier

and was situated in the Rue du Boulanger to It was kept by a couple of the name of

Theacutenardier It was situated in the lane Boulanger and from Over the door a board

was nailed to the wall and on this board was painted something resembling a man

to Over the door a board was nailed to the wall On this board was painted something

resembling a man Then at the end of the passages the difference in the

inscription is a question of the upper case versus the lower case of the English letters

With all these trifling distinctions the two versions are essentially the same on the

whole except for some formal and minor modifications made by the later translator

Next it is time to turn to J Carroll Beckwiths text juxtaposed with Wraxalls as

35

follows

Lascelles Wraxall J Carroll Beckwith

Jean Valjean had never loved

anything For twenty-five years he had

been alone in the world and had never

been father lover husband or friend At

the galleys he was wicked gloomy

chaste ignorant and ferociousmdashthe

heart of the old convict was full of

virginities His sister and his sisters

children had only left in him a vague

and distant reminiscence which in the

end entirely faded away he had made

every effort to find them again and not

being able to do so forgot themmdashhuman

nature is thus constituted The other

tender emotions of his youth if he had

any had fallen into an abyss (LM

[1880] I 335 emphases added)

Jean Valjean had never loved anything

For twenty-five years he had been alone

in the world He had never been a father

lover husband or friend At the galleys

he was cross sullen chaste ignorant

and untamedmdashthe heart of the old

convict was full of freshness His sister

and his sisters children had left in his

memory only a vague and distant

reminiscence which in the end entirely

faded away He had made every exertion

to find them again and not being able to

do so forgot themmdashhuman nature is thus

constituted The other tender emotions of

his youth if he had any were lost in an

abyss (Walton et al XIV 21

emphases added)

It is also obvious from the added emphases in the quotes that Wraxalls text is used as a

master copy to which some slight alterations are made to produce the new translation

that is attributed to Beckwith Except for some formal variations ( away he

versus away He ) and synonymous rewordings and rephrasings (effort

versus exertion had fallen into an abyss versus were lost in an abyss) the two

quoted passages are identically patterned a clear indication that Beckwiths translation

is derived from Wraxalls version

Now it is time to examine M Jules Grays translation The following quotes are

available for comparison

Lascelles Wraxall M Jules Gray

it was a beauteous summers

day and Marius was joyous as men are

when the weather is fine He felt as if he

had in his heart all the birds songs that

It was a beautiful summer morning

and Marius was joyous as men are when

the weather is fine He felt as if he had in

his heart all the birds songs that he

36

he heard and all the patches of blue sky

of which he caught a glimpse between

the leaves He went straight to his

walk and when he reached the end he

noticed the well-known couple seated on

the same bench but when he drew near

he found that while it was the same

man it did not seem to be the same girl

The person he now saw was a tall and

lovely creature possessing the charming

outlines of the woman at the precise

moment when they are still combined

with the most simple graces of the

childmdasha fugitive and pure moment

which can alone be rendered by the two

words fifteen years (LM [1880] I

523 emphases added)

heard and all the patches of blue sky of

which he caught a glimpse between the

leaves

He went straight to his walk and

when he reached the end he noticed the

well-known couple seated on the same

bench However when he drew near he

found that while it was the same man it

did not seem to be the same girl The

person he now saw was a tall and lovely

creature possessing the charming






words fifteen years (Walton et al

XVI 13-14 emphases added)

Here is another piece of evidence demonstrating Wraxalls influence on the later

rendition Again the two versions here are identically structured and organized with a

minor revision of a beauteous summers day with a beautiful summer morning and

some insignificant stylistic variations such as the replacement of but with however

In a word the two translations are homogeneous

Now we come to the last translator M Edouard Jolivet whose translation seems

to be based on a different source The following juxtaposition reveals a close

resemblance which Jolivets version bears to Wilbours rendition

Charles E Wilbour M Edouard Jolivet

In the spring of 1832 although for

three months the cholera had chilled all

hearts and thrown over their agitation

an inexpressibly mournful calm Paris

had for a long time been ready for a

commotion As we have said the great


three months the cholera had chilled

minds and cast over their agitation I

know not what mournful calm Paris

had been for a long time ready for a


37

city resembles a piece of artillery when

it is loaded the falling of a spark is

enough the shot goes off In June 1832

the spark was the death of General

Lamarque

Lamarque was a man of renown and

of action He had had successively

under the Empire and under the

Restoration the two braveries necessary

to the two epochs the bravery of the

battlefield and the bravery of the

rostrum He was eloquent as he had

been valiant men felt a sword in his

speech Like Foy his predecessor after

having upheld command he upheld

liberty (890 emphases added)


it is loaded it needs only that one spark

should fall the gun goes off In June

1832 the spark was the death of General

Lamarque

Lamarque was a man of renown and of

action He had had successively under

the Empire and under the Restoration

the two braveries necessary to the two

epochs the bravery of the battle-field

and the bravery of the tribune He was

eloquent as he had been valiant men felt

a sword in his words Like Foy his

predecessor after having upheld

command he upheld liberty (Walton

et al XVIII 115 emphases added)

Here in this case Jolivets text is modeled on Wilbours version rather than on

Wraxalls translation It is as if Jolivet had done some editing on Wilbours translation

to generate a revised text which was used as a new rendition The editorial alterations

like those in the previous examples are all minor ones mostly rewordings and

paraphrasings

As a matter of fact Wilbours version is not only used for adaptation in the

volume ascribed to Jolivet The present thesis has previously stated that Wraxalls

version erases three major sections which are found in Volumes One and Two of the

original French work In the ten-volumed joint translation which claims to be

complete and unabridged as the title manifests the two Volumes are covered by

William Walton and J Carroll Beckwith respectively and their translations have been

shown to be based on Wraxalls rendition However where Wraxall leaves the original

text untreated Wilbours version is adopted as a draft for revision into a new

translation Thus in Waltons and Beckwiths volumes Wraxalls and Wilbours

translations are both present

In the final analysis the ten-volumed series of translation of Les Miseacuterables is a

joint effort of four translators who model their translations largely on Wraxalls

rendition and secondarily on Wilbours translation with varying degrees of

38

modification in different passages of the work This enterprise though not strictly

original has managed to produce a different translation of the French novel Therefore

it shall also be included in later intertextual comparative studies

In 1897 appeared a differently titled version The Story of Jean Valjean From

Victor Hugos Les Miseacuterables edited by Sara E Wiltse As the heading suggests the

story of Jean Valjean constitutes the major plot line of this version and as can be

expected this is a partial rather than complete version of Hugos novel Intending this

text for school reading the editor expresses in the introduction that her purpose is to

bring out its central character because there are few studies of the development of

character that equal Victor Hugos chief hero Jean Valjean (iii-iv) Interesting is the

fact that without any acknowledgment this excerpted version is based on Hapgoods

1887 translation keeping the majority of the original translation intact while pruning

away a few insignificant passages and chapters so that the forty-eight books in the

original are shortened to thirty-nine in the condensation

Apart from chapter elimination there are some omissions within the preserved

chapters in Wiltses bowdlerized text One instance suffices to demonstrate this where

the counterpart passages in Wiltses and Hapgoods texts are quoted for comparison

and contrast as follows

Isabel F Hapgood Sara E Wiltse

The sweat the heat the journey on foot the dust

added I know not what sordid quality to this

dilapidated whole His hair was closely cut yet

bristling for it had begun to grow a little and did not

seem to have been cut for some time

No one knew him He was evidently only a chance

passer-by Whence came he From the south from

the seashore perhaps for he made his entrance into

Dmdash by the same street which seven months

previously had witnessed the passage of the Emperor

Napoleon on his way from Cannes to Paris This man

must have been walking all day He seemed very

much fatigued (I 56)

The sweat the heat the

journey on foot the dust

added I know not what

sordid quality to this

dilapidated whole His hair

was closely cut yet

bristling for it had begun to

grow a little and did not

seem to have been cut for

some time

This man must have been

walking all day He seemed

very much fatigued (40)

While Wiltses first paragraph in the quote is identical to Hapgoods the second

paragraph exhibits obvious removal of some sentences including the speculation on

39

where the stranger came from and the allusive mention of Napoleons previous route of

journey from Cannes to Paris Because this version overlaps in some parts of the story

with some Chinese translations it shall be subject to the intertextual scrutiny to be

conducted subsequently

So far my research has introduced six English versions of Les Miseacuterables of

which three are complete full-text translations (Wilbour Hapgood Walton et al) and

the other three are abridged renditions (Wraxall Richmond Wiltse) Next we move to

Japanese versions of the French novel Two important Japanese translators had

translated stories of Les Miseacuterables prior to the appearance of the Chinese versions

Hara Houitsuan 原抱一庵 (1866minus1904) and Kuroiwa Ruikou 黒岩淚香

(1862mdash1920) Hara Houitsuans Jean Valjean ジャンバルジャン was initially

serialized sometimes weekly sometimes biweekly or triweekly from May 8 to August

28 1892 in Kokumin Shinbun 国民新聞45 As the title suggests this excerpted work

narrates Jean Valjeans history from his childhood up to the time when he was

repeatedly rejected in the town of Digne and the translation covers Chapters One Six

Seven and Eight of Book Two in Volume One of the French novel What is distinctive

about this version is that the translator turns the original flashback narration into a

chronological account Chapters Six to Eight the flashback part which recounts Jean

Valjeans tale prior to his liberation from jail are introduced first in the translation It is

only after Chapter Eight is finished that the Japanese narration jumps back to the First

Chapter to deal with the treatment the protagonist received in society as an ex-convict

This adjustment to the narrational sequence results in a story that is told in

chronological order As to the strategy of translation with the exception of a few

untreated passages the translator generally follows the original text rather closely

giving due attention to almost every phrase and sentence

Besides Jean Valjean Hara also translated ABC Kumiai ABC 組合 which

was initially serialized in the magazine Shounenen 少年園 in 1894 and later appeared

as a separate edition in 1902 The identically titled but textually enlarged reprint ABC

Kumiai in which Hara expressed in 例言二則46 that the newly translated part

accounts for eighty percent of the entire text (ABC Kumiai unpaged) is a partial

translation of the passages about the 1832 insurgency organized by those affiliated

45 Literally National News 46 Literally Two Notes by the Translator

40

with the Society of the Friends of the A B C in Les Miseacuterables The content of the

rendition extends from the latter half of Volume Four to the beginning of the Fifth

Volume of the French novel Because none of the Chinese translations treat this

particular segment of plot except Guxing Lei and because Guxing Lei is obviously

rendered from English versions neither the old translation of ABC Kumiai nor the

new translation of ABC Kumiai is a possible source for any of the Chinese texts

In 1896 Hara published another piece Mizu Mei Hen 「水冥」篇 in the

magazine Bungei Kurabu 文芸倶楽部 47 Translated from Chapter Eight of the

Second Book in Volume One this text is entirely covered by Jean Valjean for the

latter also embraces the same Chapter in its rendition In other words Mizu Mei Hen

can be said to be a selective offprint of Jean Valjean One wonders whether the two

completely overlapping chapters in their respective publications are textually identical

or not and a juxtaposition of them shows that they are almost the same except for a

few minor phrasal differences which do not alter the general intent and contour of the

chapter such as the variation of 那一人48 versus 渠49 in referring to the man

overboard (Jean Valjean 391 Mizu Mei Hen 119)

Several years later Kuroiwa Ruikou known as a prolific writer and translator in

Meiji 明治 Japan produced another significant Japanese version of Les Miseacuterables

The longest Japanese version of Les Miseacuterables so far at the time Aamujou 噫無情50

was first published serially from October 8 1902 to August 22 1903 in 150

installments in Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 In 1906 the translation was reprinted

separately by Husoudou 扶桑堂 with a total of 152 chapters in two volumes the first

78 chapters in Volume One and the remaining chapters in the Second Volume Also a

partial translation Aamujou was abridged in a way that is very dissimilar from Haras

Jean Valjean Unlike Hara who selected only a few chapters for close rendition

Kuroiwa sought to cover the major plot network of his source text in the manner of

retelling the stories with some sections narrated elaborately or even inventively some

described succinctly or summarily and others left untranslated This way the original

48 books and 365 chapters are reductively re-segmented and re-sectionalized into 152

chapters each with a new title given by the translator In the translators foreword to

47 Literally Literatures and Arts Club 48 that one or that man 49 that one or he 50 Literally Oh Heartless

41

Aamujou Kuroiwa explained that the chapter reduction was intended to allow the

reader to absorb the story within the confines of average human memory

若も

し原書げんしよ

を句每くごと

に譯述やくじゆつ

すれば五百回くわい

にも達たつ

す可べ

し少すな

くとも三

百回より以下いか

なる能あた

はず然しか

れども余よ

は成な

る可べ

く一般ぱん

の讀者どくしや

が初はじ

め

の部分ぶゞん

を記憶きおく

に存ぞん

し得う

る程度ていど

を限かぎ

りとし百五十回くわい

乃至ないし

二百回くわい

以

內ない

に譯やく

し終おわ

らんとを期き

す51 (Kuroiwa Foreword 4)

To be sure the final settlement for 152 chapters entails considerable deletions of the

original text Instead of treating the story from the beginning of the original work

Kuroiwas version starts from the Second Book of the original It is because the

Japanese translator believed that the account would fascinate the reader more if started

with the anecdote of Jean Valjean introduced in Book Two than if begun with Bishop

Myriel the opening figure in Book One

思おも

ふにミリールは先生せんせい

が理想りそう

とせし人ひと

なる可べ

けれは卷首くわんしゅ

に之これ

を揭かか

ぐるが當然とうぜん

なる可べ

きも晚年ばんねん

に及およ

び讀者どくしや

に與あた

ふる感覺かんかく

の如何いかん

に從したが

ひて次章じしょう

に移うつ

したるならんか余よ

は新聞紙しんぶんし

に揭かか

ぐるには後者こうしゃ

の

順序じゅんじょ

が面白おもしろ

かるべきを信しん

じ其そ

れに從したが

ふ事こと

としなり52 (Kuroiwa

Foreword 3)

It has seemed common for plot-oriented versions of Les Miseacuterables to start narration

from the Second Book where the protagonist Jean Valjean is introduced as has been

exemplified by Husss 1892 abridgment53

In rendering Kuroiwa did not treat the original on a phrase-by-phrase or

sentence-by-sentence basis like Hara did Additions omissions and adaptations were

51 If the original novel had been translated sentence by sentence my translation would have run up to 500 chapters and it is not possible to cover it in less than 300 chapters However in consideration of the limitation of average human memory I decided that 150 chapters or at most 200 chapters would be suitable for a reader to finish reading the novel without forgetting the beginning part of the story 52 I regarded it as only natural to begin the story with narration of Bishop Myriel because he was the ideal figure in Hugos mind Later however I began to ponder whether to move it to the second chapter considering how the reader would feel When I serialized the story in the newspaper I believed that the later adjusted sequence [to relocate Myriel to the second chapter] would probably appeal the reader more so that is what I have done accordingly 53 Some later condensed texts in English and Japanese alike also follow this practice such as Takano Yaichis 高野彌一 1929 version of Miserable ミゼラブル and James K Robinsons 1996 abridged text

42

bound to occur in his rewriting of the original stories Kuroiwas typical process of

translation is best expressed in an essay co-authored by Graham Law and Morita

Norimasa 森田範正 as follows Kuroiwas adaptations were remarkably

unrestrained His preferred technique was to read a section of the novel in hand at

home the previous evening and then go to the newspaper office to compose the

Japanese version without taking the work in question with him (120) This practice of

translation was voiced by Kuroiwa himself in the specific case of rendering Les

Miseacuterables In the translators foreword to Aamujou Kuroiwa unambiguously stated

that his translation strategy was to treat the original story in the fashion of retelling

stories

譯述やくじゅつ

の體裁ていさい

は余よ

が今いま

まで譯やく

したる諸書しょしょ

と同おなじ

く余よ

が原書げんしょ

を讀よみ

て余よ

の自みずか

ら感かん

じ得え

たるが儘まま

を余よ

の意い

に従したが

ひて述の

べ行ゆ

く者もの

なれば

翻訳ほんやく

と云い

はんよりも人ひと

に聞き

きたる話はなし

をば我われ

が知し

れる話はなし

として人ひと

に話はな

すものなり若も

し此これ

を讀よ

みて原書げんしょ

に引ひき

合あわ

せ以もっ

て原書げんしょ

を解讀かいどく

す

るを欲ほっ

する人ひと

あらば失望しつぼう

す可べ

しhelliphellip54 (Kuroiwa Foreword 3-4)

Kuroiwas practice of free translation in the manner of story-retelling is shared by

many a Chinese translator In the next chapters his Japanese text shall be included for

juxtaposition in the source-tracing of some Chinese renditions

54 The way I translate [this novel] is like I always have done with other books After going through the original work I narrated the story according to the feeling I got from itmdashjust like that Hence it was not so much a translation as a story which I retold in my own words after hearing it from others Anyone who attempts to read the original work by juxtaposing my book with it will feel disappointed

43

Chapter Two Aichen and Guer Ji The Role of Translator

as (Re)Writer

Of the nine Chinese translations related to Les Miseacuterables that were published

before the advent of the May Fourth Movement two will be addressed in this chapter

Lu Xuns 魯迅 Aichen 哀塵 (1903) and Zhou Zuorens 周作人 Guer Ji 孤兒記

(1906) each of which will be given an independent section in what follows Since the

sources of these Chinese translations have been unveiled previouslymdashby critics for

Aichen and by the translator himself for Guer Jimdashmy discussions shall shift from

source-tracing to the translation strategy in each particular case

21 Aichen and Its Source The Ambiguous Identity of the Translator

Lu Xun became the first Chinese translator of Hugo through his rendition of

Aichen literally The Mournful Dusty World which recounts an episode of

Fantines experience of being wronged The story originates from Hugos LOrigine de

Fantine an incident in 1841 which is registered in the 1887 posthumous compilation

Choses Vues Published in the fifth issue of the monthly Zhejiang Chao 浙江潮55

released on June 15 1903 the Chinese version of LOrigine de Fantine consists of

two parts the main text which is a nearly complete rather close rendering of the

original story and a translators note which is enclosed after the straight matter As is

not uncommon at the time of its appearance the translated text is couched in classical

Chinese the literary language used for creative writing and communication among

men of letters across China from ancient times down to the early Republican period

Approximating as it is to the original text Aichen still leaves some French

passages untranslated The most prominent omission is the footnote provided by Hugo

about the change of opinion in General Bugeaud who came to be convinced of the

benefits of annexing and colonizing Algeria five years after his encounter narrated in

the main text of LOrigine de Fantine with Hugo at Madame de Girardins in 1841

when he originally saw no point in the conquest and government of Algeria by France

En 1846mdashcinq ans apregravesmdashlopinion de Bugeaud eacutetait entiegraverement

changeacutee Il vint trouver Victor Hugo alors pair de France pour le prier

55 Literally Zhejiang Tide Zhejiang is a sea-bordering province in eastern China

44

de parler dans la question du budget Bugeaud dit quapregraves expeacuterience il

avait acquis la conviction que lannexion de lAlgeacuterie agrave la France avait

dexcellents cocircteacutes quil avait trouveacute un systegraveme de colonisation

applicable quil peuplerait la Mitidja grand plateau au milieu de

lAfrique de colons civils quagrave cocircteacute il eacutelegraveverait une colonie de troupes Il

prit pour comparaison une lancemdashle manche serait un civil la flegraveche la

troupe de faccedilon que les deux colonies se touchassent sans se mecircler etc

etcmdashEn reacutesumeacute le geacuteneacuteral Bugeaud que lAfrique avait fait mareacutechal et

duc dIsly eacutetait devenu tregraves favorable agrave lAfrique56 (Note de Victor

Hugo) (Hugo LOrigine de Fantine 204)

Aside from this salient curtailing the other truncations in the translation are minor and

trivial mostly on the level of phrases and words An example is available in the

following paragraph

Victor Hugo Lu Xun

Mme de Girardin mit le geacuteneacuteral agrave sa droite et V

H agrave sa gauche La conversation seacutetablit entre le

poegravete et le troupier Mme de Girardin servant de

truchement57 (LOrigine de Fantine 203)

席拉覃夫人令將官坐其右

囂俄坐其左而自處其中

於是此詩人與武人之間乃

生縱論58 (Aichen 165)

Here the French description of Madame de Girardin acting as interpreter (servant de

truchement) for the two guests finds no counterpart in the Chinese text

Another point worthy of mention here is that the Chinese translator attached to

the end of the story a translators note which the original French text does not contain

In the form of a short essay this note expresses the translators lament over the

helplessness of the ill-fated Fantine and the injustice in society Later I will have a

detailed discussion of the note Currently suffice it to point out that apart from the 56 In 1846mdashfive years afterwardsmdashthe opinion of Marshal Bugeaud had completely changed He came to see Victor hugo then a Peer of France to beg him to speak on the subject of the Budget Bugeaud said experience had convinced him that the annexation of Algeria to France had excellent points that he had discovered a suitable system of colonization that he would people the Mitidjamdasha great table-land in the interior of Africamdashwith civilian colonists that side by side he would establish a colony of soldiers He took a lance as a comparison the handle would be the civilians the spear the troops so that the two colonies would join without being intermingled etc etc To sum up General Bugeaud whom Africa had made a marshal and Duke dIsly had become very favourable to Africa (Hugo Origin of Fantine 43) 57 Madame de Girardin placed the general on her right and V H on her left A conversation sprang up between the poet and the soldier Madame de Girardin acting as interpreter (Hugo Origin of Fantine 42) 58 Madame Girardin sat the general on her right and Hugo on her left herself inbetween the two men Then a conversation ensued between the poetic man and the military man

45

above-shown omissions and addition Aichen is rather close to the French original

The question arises as to whether Lu Xun translated Aichen directly from

Hugos text In its initial appearance in the magazine under the title of the piece are

specified the names of the original author and the translator 法國囂俄著庚辰譯59

However as was typically the case back then no information is profferred as to

whether the translator produced the text directly from French or indirectly from any

other language Even so the source of Lu Xuns rendition is not difficult to trace for

the translators background and the translated text both offer enough clues for us to

make sure that its inspiration lies with the Japanese writer Morita Shiken 森田思軒

To begin with because Lu Xuns education background did not include French training

it is fairly unlikely that he referred to Hugos original piece for translation The

linguistic schooling he had received at the initiation of Aichen provides important

suggestions as to the source of his rendition As of 1903 Lu Xun had learned English

and German in Nanjing 南京 China (Lu Xun Lu Xun Zizhuan 26-28) and Japanese

in Tokyo Japan (Zhou Zuoren Lu Xun de Qingnian Shidai 33) not to mention his

native tongue Chinese His knowledge of English and German at the time was a rather

basic one which hardly enabled him to read a literary work in those languages60

Contrastively his command of Japanese advanced rapidly as his stay in Japan

continued for about a year In this light Japanese was more likely than English and

German to be the medium for Lu Xun to gain access to Hugos works at the time of his

rendering

Indeed Kudo Takamasa 工藤貴正 points out that rather than rendering from

French Lu Xun based his Chinese version on Morita Shikens Japanese text of

Fantine no Moto 芳梯之源 (Cong Benshijichu Xiou Wenxue de Yijie Kan

Dangshi de Zhongri Wenxue Jiaoliu 56) Following the year of the death of Morita

Shiken a memorial collection of Moritas translation of Hugos works into Japanese

was published in 1898 titled Hugo Shouhin ユーゴー小品 61 Included in this

59 written by Hugo in France translated by Gengchen 庚辰 [Lu Xun] 60 Lu Xuns proficiency in the German language was not cultivated until he studied in Sendai Medical Academy 仙台醫學專門學校 from 1904 to 1906 He never had a good command of English throughout his life See Zhou Zuoren 周作人 Lu Xun yu Yingwen 魯迅與英文 [Lu Xun and English] Zhitang Jiwai Wen Yibao Suibi 知堂集外文《亦報》隨筆 [Miscellanies in Knowledge Hall Short Pieces in the Yi Daily] ed Chen Zishan 陳子善 (Changsha 長沙 Yuelu Shushe 嶽麓書社 1988) 588 61 Literally Short Pieces of Hugo

46

compilation are among others selected translations of Hugos Choses Vues as well as a

Japanese version of Claude Gueux The table of contents shows the period of time

during which the translator did each piece and Fantine no Moto is shown to be

finished in 1888

In terms of translation strategy Lu Xuns Aichen is almost a literal

word-for-word rendering of Fantine no Moto The Japanese versions paragraph

arrangement similar to that of a popular English version62 but different from that of

the French original is strictly followed by Lu Xun Both the Chinese and the Japanese

texts contain twenty-nine paragraphs with a one-to-one correspondence to each other

Later an example in this respect will be in order when intertextual comparisons are

conducted

A careful perusal of the Chinese and the Japanese texts also reveals striking

matches throughout their contents A few interesting examples that follow will suffice

to illustrate the lineage of the Chinese text from the Japanese source For the first

instances we have a case of error two cases of omission and a case of rhetorical

choice of diction to demonstrate in what follows The error is addressed here first

Comparing the Chinese translation with the French original Chen Mengxiong 陳夢熊

finds that the original mardi63 in the beginning sentence of the first paragraph is

rendered wrongly as 土曜日（禮拜六）64 in Chinese and suspects that the mistake

might be traceable to the Japanese version on which Lu Xun bases his translation (9)

Without recourse to the Japanese text Chen can only speculate on the reason behind

the slip in rendition Here I may substantiate Chens suspicion by providing the four

related texts for illumination

French (Victor Hugo) English (Anonymous)

V H fut nomeacute agrave lAcadeacutemie un mardi

(LOrigine de Fantine 203)

V H was elected to the Acadeacutemie one

Tuesday (Origin of Fantine 42)

62 The English source of Morita Shikens Fantine no Moto is not clear as yet and it is not among the problems to be dealt with in the present dissertation Because as demonstrated in the case of the English versions of Claude Gueux translators in the late nineteenth century frequently felt free to copy existing English versions in their rendition of a work resulting in the general similarity between different versions chances are that the different English versions of LOrigine de Fantine are similar to each other in content For this reason we have conveniently chosen the most popular version of Origin of Fantine published by Estes and Lauriat and reprinted over and again subsequently and will refer to this particular version where necessary in our later discussions 63 Tuesday 64 Saturday

47

Japanese (Morita Shiken) Chinese (Lu Xun)

ウ井クトルユーゴー去る土曜日に於て學士

會院の員に舉げられたり 65 (Fantine no

Moto 46)

惠克德爾囂俄既於前土曜日（禮

拜六）舉學士院會員66 (Aichen

165)

The quotes show clearly that whereas the French and the English texts agree on the

day as Tuesday Moritas Japanese version does contain the wrong message of 土曜

日67 which impacts on Lu Xuns text Another noteworthy distinction can also be

discerned here While the French and the English texts give Hugos name in

abbreviation V H Morita restored the name in full in his Japanese translation ウ井

クトルユーゴー which was transliterated by Lu Xun into 惠克德爾囂俄 Clearly

the Chinese texts deviation from the French original is due to the Japanese source

which inspires it

Incidentally in commenting on Chen Mengxiongs essay Ge Baoquan 戈寶權

claims that he finds in Lu Xuns text another lapse which he presumes to result from

the Japanese translators mispronouncing of a French name Bugeaud translated

phonetically as 球歌特 (pronounced qiugete in Chinese) by Lu Xun (qtd in Chen

18)68 Like Chen without access to the Japanese text Ge bases his supposition on the

gap in pronunciation between the Chinese transliteration and the French original and

postulates that the discrepancy is caused by their intermediary linkage the Japanese

text However if we examine Moritas text which serves as Lu Xuns master copy we

find that Moritas rendering of Bugeaud as ビュウゴード (buugoudo) obviously

derives from the English pronunciation of the French name This observation is

supported by the fact that Moritas translation is from English not French

Pronunciationally speaking the Japanized name is so to speak faithful to the English

one though a far cry from the original French This source-tracing analysis enables me

to argue that the judgment of whether or not the deviation of Lu Xuns translation of

the proper name from the French original is caused by the Japanese translators

mispronunciation really depends on which source is being used as the point of

reference Ge Baoquans judgment basis is clearly on the original French text which

65 Victor Hugo was elected to be an Academician on a past Saturday 66 Victor Hugo was elected to be an Academician last Saturday 67 Saturday 68 Ge Baoquans Chinese version of the French name Bugeaud is Biru (比茹)

48

surely betrays the Japanese departure from the French However if placed in his own

context the Japanese translator does not exactly mispronounce considering the

English source he adopts It may also be added that Moritas reliance on English for

introducing Western works is characteristic of the Meiji 明治 climate in Japan Cases

of second-hand translation such as Moritas Fantine no Moto and Claude Gueux are

abundant not only in Meiji Japan but in many other countries all through the history of

translation It seems more fruitful to contextualize each translation for analysis than to

judge absolutely by the ultimate origin

Similarly the evaluation of Lu Xuns rendition of the French name is more

productively based on its relation with the Japanese text than on the French original

Contrasting Lu Xuns 球歌特 with Moritas ビュウゴード we see that the initial

phonemic in ビ (resembling the English consonant b as in boy) is peculiarly

represented as q (similar to the English ch as in chair) in the Chinese This

discrepancy marks Lu Xuns phonetic deviation from his Japanese predecessor

Because the Japanized name is proper in terms of its original English pronunciation as

is mentioned previously the divergence of the Chinese phonetic translation from the

French cannot be ascribed to the Japanese translator but to Lu Xun himself It is not

the purpose of the present dissertation to judge whether Lu Xuns treatment of this

particular name in translation is appropriate or not but just to point out that in the case

of the name Bugeaud the Japanese version is not responsible for Lu Xuns performance

in Chinese translation69 It may also be added in passing that Lu Xuns borrowing from

the Japanese for importing Western thought is not uncommon in late-Qing and early

Republican China If Moritas text is a second-hand translation then Lu Xuns

rendition is a third-hand one Many implications can be drawn from this process of

transformation such as linguistic incompatibility cultural influence the image-making

of self and other and the blending of authorial and translatorial voices To exhaust all

the possibilities would go beyond the scope and range of the present dissertation and is

in fact practically impossible Suffice it to conclude briefly that in this relay process of

translation where the French original travels through English and Japanese to Chinese

69 It is unclear why Lu Xun chose the sound of qiu (球 literally ball) for the Japanese ビュ

ウ Whether pronounced in Mandarin Chinese or in the Shaoxing 紹興 dialect which is Lu Xuns mother tongue the character qiu does not approximate the Japanese phonetic representation A possible explanation is that Lu Xun might have mistaken the Japanese katakana ビ for ヂ owing to their similarity in form

49

metamorphoses of different kinds due to various reasons are bound to occurmdasha

phenomenon that makes it partial and futile to employ the French original as the only

reference in discussing each translation version

Besides the common error regarding the rendition of Tuesday in French I have

previously mentioned Lu Xuns erasure of the French description of Madame de

Girardin functioning as interpreter between her two guests Now with Lu Xuns source

of translation known to us it is not surprising that the Japanese versions omission of

this description is the reason why the Chinese translator turned a blind eye to the

narration of Madame de Girardins role in the original story as the following

juxtaposition of the two texts reveals


ジラーデン夫人は將官を其右にユーゴーを其

左に座せしめり斯くしてジラーデン夫人其中

に處り此の詩人と武人との間に一場の會話起れ

り70 (Fantine no Moto 47)





In the above citations the Japanese text does not describe Madame de Girardins role

as interpreter as the French original does Unaware of this omission the Chinese

translator can never have recovered Hugos account once the Japanese text was

adopted for rendition

Another example of omission concerns Hugos footnote Mention is made earlier

of Lu Xuns ignoring an original footnote which has been quoted previously Without

doubt the Chinese translators skipping of the footnote results from its deletion by the

Japanese translator In the original note Hugo chronicles how five years from their

encounter General Bugeaud changed his views on the colonization of Algeria by

France from opposing to favoring Ge Baoquan notices Lu Xuns exclusion of the

footnote from his translation and surmises that the Japanese text might also leave the

passage undealt with (qtd in Chen 18) Ges conjecture can be confirmed through an

inspection of Moritas translation where the said passage is not found So we may rest

assured that the omission of Hugos note by the Japanese translator explains why the

note is also absent in Lu Xuns text

70 Madame Girardin sat the general on her right and Hugo on her left thus placing herself inbetween the two men Then a conversation arose between the poetic man and the military man 71 Madame Girardin sat the general on her right and Hugo on her left herself inbetween the two men Then a conversation ensued between the poetic man and the military man

50

Furthermore the shift in rhetoric caused by translation is also an interesting topic

to note A close scrutiny of the choice of diction betrays the commonality of the

Japanese text and the Chinese one as differentiable from the French (and the English)

The following citations in the four languages in question serve to illustrate this point


V H quitta dassez bonne heure

Mme de Girardin Ceacutetait le 9 janvier Il

neigeait agrave flocons Il avait des souliers

minces et quand il fut dans la rue il vit

limpossibiliteacute de revenir agrave pied chez

lui Il descendit la rue Taitbout sachant

quil y avait une place de cabriolets sur

le boulevard au coin de cette rue Il ny

en avait aucun Il attendit quil en vicircnt

Il faisait ainsi le planton quand il vit

un jeune homme ficeleacute et cossu dans sa

mise se baisser ramasser une grosse

poigneacutee de neige et la planter dans le

dos dune fille qui stationnait au coin du

boulevard et qui eacutetait en robe

deacutecolleteacutee

Cette fille jeta un cri perccedilant tomba

sur le fashionable et le battit Le jeune

homme rendit les coups la fille riposta

la bataille alla crescendo si fort et si

loin que les sergents de ville

accoururent (LOrigine de Fantine

204-205)

V H left Madame de Girardin rather

early It was on the 9th of January It was

snowing in large flakes He had on thin

shoes and when he was in the street he

saw that it was impossible to return home

on foot He went along the Rue Taitbout

knowing that there was a cab-rank on the

boulevard at the corner of that street

There was no cab there He waited for one

to come

He was thus waiting like an orderly on

duty when he saw a young man well and

stylishly dressed stoop and pick up a

great handful of snow and put it down the

back of a woman of the streets who stood

at the corner of the boulevard in a

low-necked dress The woman uttered a

piercing shriek fell upon the dandy and

struck him The young man returned the

blow the woman responded and the

battle went on in a crescendo so

vigorously and to such extremities that the

police hastened to the spot (Origin of

Fantine 43-44)


ユーゴーは差々早めにジラーデン夫人を辭せ未既囂俄辭席拉覃夫人

51

り時方さに一月九日なりき大片の雪紛々ふり

居りユーゴーは薄き半靴を穿てり街上に立ち出

でたるに迚も步しては家に歸へる可らざるとを

知れりユーゴーはタイトボート町を進み行けり

此町の角に至れば大通りの馬車の溜場あるとを

知りたればなり至り見れば馬車は一輛もあら

ずユーゴーはそこに立ちて馬車の過きるを待て

り

ユーゴーが主命を受けたる僕の如く斯くソコ

に立ちて待ち居るうち忽ち見る一個の立派なる

ハヤリの衣服を着けし少年あり俯して雪を手一

杯に掬し之を大通りの角に立てる短領の着物き

たる街上の一個の婦人の背に投せり婦人は忽ち

驚き叫ひ彼の風流少年に飛ひかゝりて之を打て

り少年も亦打ち返へせり婦人も復た之に答へ

り斯して兩人の闘は益々烈けしくなりゆける

か餘りに盛に甚しかりしかは遂に巡查の其場に

走せつくるに及へり72 (Fantine no Moto 48-49)

以行時方一月九日雪花

如掌繽紛亂飛囂俄僅着

薄半鞋徑出街上知不能

以徙步歸也乃往泰波的

街蓋以素知街角有馬車之

憩場故既至則萬徑寥寂

絕無輪音囂俄遂鵠立路

隅以待馬車之至

囂俄如受主命之僕鵠立

以俟瞥見一少年衣裳麗

都俯而握雪以投立路角

着短領衣之一女子之背女

子忽驚呼奔惡少年而擊

之少年亦返擊女子復答

之於是兩人闘益烈以其

益烈也瞬間而巡查至73

(Aichen 166)

72 Hugo left Madame de Girardin very early It was the 9th of January Large flakes of snow were falling wildly Hugo was wearing thin shoes When he was out in the street he knew that he could not possibly return home on foot through the lanes He went along the Rue Taitbout knowing that at the corner of the block there was a coach station on the boulevard Arriving there he found no coach there so he stood there waiting for one to come Hugo stood there waiting like a servant following the instructions of his master when suddenly he saw a stylishly dressed young man bend down to pick up a handful of snow and throw it at the back of a streetwalker who stood on a corner of the boulevard in a low-necked dress The woman shrieked suddenly as she dashed over to strike the dandy The young man returned the blow the woman responded and the fight was growing increasingly fierce It was so fierce that the police hastened to the spot 73 Hugo left Madame de Girardin before the dinner ended It was the 9th of January Palm-sized flakes of snow were falling wildly He was wearing thin low shoes When he was out in the street he knew that he could not possibly return home on foot so he headed for the Rue Taitbout because he knew that at a corner of the street there was a coach station Arriving there he found the street deserted and the station empty of vehicles so he stood there waiting for a coach to come Hugo stood waiting like a servant following the instructions of his master Then he saw a stylishly dressed young man bend down to pick up a handful of snow and throw it at the back of a girl who stood on a corner of the street in a low-necked dress The girl shrieked suddenly as she dashed over to strike the bad boy The rascal returned the blow the woman responded and the fight was growing increasingly fierce It was so fierce that the police arrived at the spot

52

What is remarkable here is that the original phrase Il faisait ainsi le planton74 in the

second paragraph of the quote rendered into English in a similar mode of expression

as He was thus waiting like an orderly on duty is replaced with a substantially

different form of rhetoric in Japanese as ユーゴーが主命を受けたる僕の如く斯く

ソコに立ちて待ち居るうち75 which is reduplicated into Chinese as 囂俄如受主

命之僕鵠立以俟76 The Japanese simile 主命を受けたる僕の如く斯く turns the

military metaphor in the French faisait le planton and the English like an orderly on

duty into a domestic hierarchy where a servant follows the instructions of his master

This domestic analogy finds its way into the Chinese text where it materializes as the

figurative 如受主命之僕 Lu Xun cannot have employed the same type of phrasing

as the Japanese version had he not adopted the Japanese text rather than the French and

the English ones for translation

Moreover the above excerpts show that apart from the French original which

narrates the occurrence in three paragraphs the Japanese and the Chinese (as well as

the English) merge the second and the third paragraphs in the original passage into one

Lu Xuns following up closely on the Japanese text is obvious here As has been

mentioned before a general survey on the Japanese and Chinese texts manifests that

the paragraph arrangements in both versions are identical as distinct from the French

original on several spots Therefore from what has been presented so far the close

kinship between the Chinese text and the Japanese one can be established without

doubt

To say that Lu Xuns text is one hundred percent true to the Japanese version is

too naive and one-sided a view to see the different aspects of his translation In fact Lu

Xun does not exactly follow Moritas text to the letter While generally the Chinese

text is very close to the Japanese an exception or two can still be picked out showing

some nuanced differences Here one example will suffice Following the deposition

made by V H in the streetwalkers favor there is a passage describing the surprised

reaction of the girl For this the Japanese text has the passage as 此の辯護のうちに

婦人は益々驚きて懽喜と感激の色を發灼せり77 (Morita Fantine no Moto 54)

74 He stood waiting like an orderly on duty 75 Hugo stood there waiting like a servant following the instructions of his master 76 Hugo stood waiting like a servant following the instructions of his master 77 During the defense the woman was more and more surprised as a look of joy and gratitude beamed on her face

53

By comparison Lu Xuns counterpart text goes 辯護既畢此女子懽喜與感激交見於

面78 (Lu Xun Aichen 169) Here attention is first drawn to the difference in the

temporal phrases employed by the two versions The Japanese literally talks about an

event happening during the defense (此の辯護のうちに) whereas the Chinese

phrasing gives the impression that the womans reaction happened after the defense (

辯護既畢) In addition the womans growing surprise (益々驚きて) conveyed in

the Japanese sentence is not rendered in the Chinese text Lastly in narrating the

womans facial expressions the Japanese text adopts the metaphorical diction 發灼せ

り79 which characterizes her face as seemingly giving out light This rhetorical

strategy is not retained in the plain matter-of-fact description 交見於面80 of the

Chinese sentence With all these minute differences Lu Xuns text generally follows

the Japanese semantics rather closely

Not only does Lu Xun render the main text of Fantine no Moto but he also

includes in his translation a translators note at the end What is intriguing here is that

this note borrows a significant part of Moritas introductory note to Fantine no Moto

In its first appearance in Zhejiang Chao in 1903 this translated note was placed right

after the main text without any heading but later it was commonly known as Aichen

Yizhe Fuji 〈哀塵〉譯者附記81 A first glance at the texts in the two languages draws

attention to the interesting contrast that while the Japanese note precedes the main text

like an introduction or foreword the Chinese note is attached to the end of the main

body in the form of an epilogue Besides since Lu Xuns borrowing of Moritas note is

partial containing some ambiguities as well as omissions and additions the identity of

the speaker in the note becomes an issue open to interpretation It is advisable to make

a comparison here to illuminate the question In the first place Moritas preliminary

note starts with a quote from Hugos preface to his 1866 novel Les Travailleurs de la

Mer82

ユーゴー氏か水夫傳の序に曰ふ「宗教社會天物是れ人の三敵

78 The defense having finished an expression of joy and gratitude showed on the womans face 79 beamed brightly 80 showed on the womans face 81 Literally Translators Note to Aichen This heading is given in later reprints of the note See for example Lu Xun Aichen Yizhe Fuji 〈哀塵〉譯者附記 [Translators Note to Aichen] Yuwai Yinjie Ji 域外引介集 [Works from Across the Boundaries] (Taipei Fengyun Shidai 風雲時代 1991) 173-75 82 Literally Toilers of the Sea

54

なり而して人の三要も亦た茲に存せり人は必す歸依の處あるを要

す故に寺院あり人は必す立つ所あるを要す故に市邑あり人は必す

活くるを要す故に地を耕し海に航す三の者の要此の如くにして其

害又た更に甚し凡そ人生の艱苦にして其由を悟り難きもの皆な斯

の三の者より來るに非さるなし故に人は常に迷執の為めに苦めら

れ弊習の為めに苦められ風水火土の為めに苦めらる是に於てか宗

教教義の人を危くし殺すに足るあり社會法律の人を壓抑するあり

天物の人力もて奈何ともす可らさるあり作者嘗てノートルダムに

於て第一者を發し哀史に於て第二者を表し今ま此書に於て第三者

を示す」とhelliphellip83 (Fantine no Moto 43-44)

Lu Xuns version also quotes the exact same passage in Chinese translation

氏之水夫傳敘曰宗教社會天物者人之三敵也而三要亦存是人

必求依歸故有寺院必求存立故有都邑必求生活故耕地航海

三要如此而為害尤酷凡人生之艱苦而難悟其理者無一非生於斯

者也故人常苦於執迷常苦於弊習常苦於風火水土於是宗教教

義有足以殺人者社會法律有足以壓抑人者天物有不能以人力

奈何者作者常于諾鐵耳譚發其一于哀史表其二今于此示其三云

84 (Aichen 170)

What is notable here is that Lu Xuns quoted passage is not the beginning of the

paragraph in his translation Before the quote he adds another piece of information as

the starting sentence of the paragraph

譯者曰此囂俄隨見錄之一記一賤女子芳梯事者也85 (Aichen 170)

83 The preface to Hugos Les Travailleurs de la Mer says Religion society and nature are three enemies of mankind but three essentials of mankind also lie therein Humans need a spiritual home so there are temples humans need establishment so there are towns and cities humans need living so they cultivate land and go out to sea The three essentials are so vital that they can also cause great harm It cannot be denied that generally ones suffering whose cause one does not realize is attributable to any of the three Hence people often suffer for obsession for ill practice for the elements As a result the doctrine of a religion can kill the law of a society can oppress nature cannot be overpowered by humans The author used to demonstrate the first in his Notre-Dame de Paris the second in Les Miseacuterables and now here in this book the third one is shown 84 Because Lu Xuns Chinese translation here follows the Japanese text rather closely with almost a one-to-one correspondence its English translation can be shared with the Japanese text cited above For economy of space the English translation of Lu Xuns text is omitted here but referrable to the one provided previously for Moritas Japanese note 85 The translator says This is one of the pieces in Hugos Choses Vues and it relates an incident about a miserable girl named Fantine

55

Here the question arises as to who the 譯者 (translator) refers to in Lu Xuns words

and different interpretations occur as a result For example Zhang Yaojie 張耀杰

seems to regard the translator as Lu Xun himself when in Lu Xun yu Zhou Zuoren 魯

迅與周作人86 he writes that Following The translator says Lu Xun states his case

by making a connection between the Western order which began to practice separation

of government and religion only recently and the Chinese order which despotically

integrates politics and religion in the theory of unity of man and nature Religion

society and nature are three enemies of mankind 87 (97) Zhangs identification of

the translator with Lu Xun is a reading which usually comes to mind when a reader

approaches the translators note without any reference to its original However there is

another way of understanding what is meant by the translator in Lu Xuns text In his

Lu Xun Zaoqi Sanbu Yizuo de Fanyi Yitu 魯迅早期三部譯作的翻譯意圖88 Kudo

Takamasa points out that the translator at the start of the note actually refers to

Morita Shiken though Lu Xun does not state it clearly (39)89 Kudos conclusion may

have been reached through finding the fact that Lu Xuns epilogue note bears a close

resemblance to Moritas

However the answer to the identity of the translator in the translated note does

not seem so definite and absolute if more factors are taken into consideration The

difference in interpretation is further complicated if we continue to compare Lu Xuns

text with Moritas After quoting the same passage as Morita did Lu Xun goes on to

follow Moritas subsequent content which in the original Japanese goes

フハンティーンは哀史ﾗﾐゼﾗｰブﾙ

中の一人にて即ち社會の弊習缺陷に苦めら

るゝ一人なり無心なる薄命なる賤しき女子と生れ中ころ不幸なる

一女兒を舉け哀史の中に在て母なる者の哀を閱し盡すものはフハ

ンティーンなりhelliphellip90 (Fantine no Moto 44-45)

86 Literally Lu Xun and Zhou Zuoren 87 The original Chinese text 魯迅在「譯者曰」中借題發揮把西方社會初步實現的政教分離

的現代法治與中國本土天人合一加政教合一的皇權專制掛起鉤來「宗教社會天物者人

之三敵也helliphellip 88 Literally Lu Xuns Intentions in His Three Earliest Translations 89 The passage is cited from a Chinese translation of Kudo Takamasas Japanese essay The Chinese translation of the cited passage is as follows 有一點須加說明的是「譯者曰」的譯者實為

森田思軒魯迅未予言及 90 Fantine is a character in Les Miseacuterables who suffered in a society of ill practice Born an innocent ill-fated and poor girl she gave girth to an unhappy daughter in the story The one who tastes

56

This passage in Lu Xuns translation runs like this

芳梯者哀史中之一人生而為無心薄命之賤女子復不幸舉一女

閱盡為母之哀而轉輾苦痛於社會之陷阱者其人也91 (Aichen 170)

After this roughly close rendering of Moritas first half of the note Lu Xun skips a

passage in which Morita tells his own experience of reading Fantines story and then

jumps to a quote by Morita from the textual body of Fantine no Moto The original

Japanese quote 六個月間からきめみるべし92 is a sentence fragment (Fantine no

Moto 45) It is extracted from the utterance which the police investigator makes to the

prostitute in the main text Of the investigators expression in full the Japanese text

and the Chinese translation are quoted for comparison as follows

其方は此科により六個月間からきめみるべし93 (Fantine no Moto

50)

依定律請若嘗試此六閱月間94 (Aichen 167)

Interestingly enough Lu Xuns Chinese translation contains the phrases 依定律

(according to the law) and 嘗試 (try) These additional senses are found neither

in Moritas partial citation in the preliminary note nor in the main text of the Japanese

version The two phrasal deviations from the Japanese source deserve our close

scrutiny To begin with the Chinese translation of according to the law obviously

takes its cue from the Japanese phrase 此科により which should mean according

to your wrongdoing rather than according to the law The addition of the law

message seems to fit in with the context in Lu Xuns translation it serves as a turning

point where what precedes is translation and what follows is creative writing By

inserting the concept of law in the sentence Lu Xun is able to introduce what he has

to say in the following passage so that the idea of law becomes something like

hinges

噫嘻定律胡獨加此賤女子之身頻那夜迦衣文明之衣跳踉大躍

all the bitterness as a mother in Les Miseacuterables is no other than Fantine 91 Fantine is a character in Les Miseacuterables The poor girl was born innocent ill-fated and poor Her misery is deepened with the birth of her daughter The one who tastes all the bitterness as a mother and falls into the trap of society is no other than Fantine 92 to suffer for six months 93 You will have to suffer for six months for your misdemeanor 94 According to the law we will have you try for six months This sentence when quoted in Lu Xuns Chinese note is phrased somewhat differently as 依定律請若嘗試此六月間 in which the character 閱 from the main textual body is missing Notwithstanding with or without the lost character both sentences are identical in meaning so no problem arises here

57

於璀璨莊嚴之世界而彼賤女子者乃僅求為一賤女子而不可得誰

實為之而令若是老氏有言聖人不死大盜不止彼非惡聖人也

惡偽聖之足以致盜也嗟社會之陷阱兮莽莽塵球亞歐同慨滔滔

逝水來日方長使囂俄而生斯世也則剖南山之竹會有窮時而

哀史輟書其在何日歟其在何日歟95 (Aichen 170)

This passage is not a translation of Moritas work but an expression of Lu Xuns own

mind It is clear that the inclusion of the law message in the quote makes it possible

for the writer to deplore the injustice of the law and the evils of human society in the

latter half of the note Nevertheless the law message is Lu Xuns creation rather than

a translation from the Japanese version

Also interesting about the policemans sentence is the fact that Lu Xun uses the

verb try in his Chinese version which renders the whole sentence meaningless and

unintelligible in the Chinese context The employment of the peculiar verb may have

resulted from Lu Xuns misinterpretation of the Japanese sentence for the Japanese

expression contains the kanas からきめみる without offering any kanjis which in

this particular case can cause confusion if parsed incorrectly Lu Xun may have broken

the original phrase in the wrong way and got the sense of try from the supposed

phrase きめみる or 決き

め見み

る an ancient form of 決き

めて見み

る which denotes

try deciding or try judging However the more likely parsing in this context should

be からき (or 辛から

き an old form of 辛から

い meaning harsh) plus め (or 目め

signifying experience) plus みる (or 見み

る conveying the sense of suffer or

meet with) This reading forms the concept of to meet with a harsh experience or

to suffer from pain which is totally lost in Lu Xuns verbal try This lapse in

translation is coupled in the supplementary note with another lapse in citation where

Lu Xun quotes Laozi 老子 (or Liaoshi 老氏 in the citation) as saying 聖人不

95 Alas the law Why does it have to impose itself on this miserable girl Vinayaka throws his weight around in his civilized clothes in the magnificent and majestic world whereas the miserable girl cannot even afford to remain miserable Who caused her to drift into this condition Laozi used to say If no saint is alive no thief will arise The speaker does not actually find saints repulsive but the fact that a hypocrite saint will bring about the practice of theft Alas society is full of pitfalls and in this boundless globe people in Europe and Asia lament together The river of no return surges on with no end of days to come If Hugo were to live to this day the South Mountains bamboos for recording evil deeds might have been used up but when can we ever put a stop to what happened in Les Miseacuterables When can we

58

死大盜不止96 when the actual one quoted is not Laozi but Zhuangzi 莊子

Lu Xuns translators note in Aichen ends with the close of his self-expressing

passage cited above leaving untranslated the original Japanese ending where Morita

expresses his preference of LOrigine de Fantine to Les Miseacuterables on the grounds

that a plain factual record is better than an artificially polished work (Fantine no

Moto 45-46)

From the comparison in previous paragraphs we know that Lu Xun combines

translation with creation in his epilogue to Aichen In order to weigh the proportion

of translation in Lu Xuns text here I may attempt to roughly calculate in the Japanese

source how much is translated and how much is left out and in the Chinese translation

how much is rendition and how much is creation First let us take a look at Moritas

original text my calculation shows that more than half of Moritas original

introduction is carried over to Lu Xuns translatorial note the remaining untranslated

part being relatively little In other words Lu Xun relies on much of Moritas

introduction for his epilogist note Likewise in Lu Xuns version what belongs to

creative writing only constitutes the lesser part of the text while the majority of it falls

in the realm of translation a rendition based on Moritas text Therefore as far as the

proportion of translation is concerned Lu Xuns text contains more translation than

creation

What is translated says a lot indeed but what is left out of translation may be just

as revealing In Moritas original Japanese text of introduction the unrendered part

contains a passage about Moritas own experience of reading Hugos works and a

passage about Moritas assessment of LOrigine de Fantine and Les Miseacuterables The

two passages are both highly personalized expressions attributable to Morita but not to

Lu Xun By contrast the great majority of what is translated in Lu Xuns text is not

from Moritas own words but a quote from another of Hugos novels Les Travailleurs

de la Mer as is mentioned earlier Though it also says something of Moritas mind in

this very choice the quote is relatively impersonalized in that anyone including Lu

Xun can quote it without the risk of mixing their personality with Moritas Hence the

omission of the two Moritaized passages together with the fact that the translated part

is largely a quote but not rendition of Moritas own words seems to suggest that Lu

Xun was attempting to suppress or even erase Moritas voice in his Chinese translation

96 if no saint is alive no thief will arise

59

of the note This probability becomes even greater if we look at what is creation rather

than translation in Lu Xuns text Aside from the initial sentence which provides the

reader with some basic information about the main text halfway through the note Lu

Xun adds the concept of law to Moritas quote from the textual body and uses it as a

vantage point from which he begins to elaborate his viewpoints in the passage that

follows The utterance of his opinion from this point to the end of the attached note

indicates the deliberate exertion of Lu Xuns personal voice in the note Therefore

whether from the rendition omission or creation in Lu Xuns version of Morita we

know that Lu Xuns voice dominates the translators note whereas Moritas voice with

the exception of his choice of the citation is weak almost inaudible

From the previous analysis two contradictory findings are obtained on the one

hand Lu Xuns translators note to Aichen contains more translation than creation and

that on the other hand Lu Xuns voice reigns supreme in this epilogue With such a

contradiction can the translators note Aichen Yizhe Fuji qualify as a translation or

should it be categorized as creative writing To be sure the answer to the question

depends on how one defines translation and creative writing respectively and different

definitions would certainly lead to different conclusions The seemingly lucid starting

phrase the translator says gives the impression that Lu Xun the translator is making

the introduction but a significant part of it is Moritas text in translation In modern

terms this is doubtless a plagiarized work an infringement of Moritas copyright

However to approach the question by modern standards is to take it out of context a

failure to do it justice If historical context is taken into consideration it is found that

the concept of intellectual property was not in circulation in Lu Xuns time Translators

then tended to half translate and half create basing their translation on a certain

foreign text while tampering with the form and content of the original mixing the

translators voice with the foreign authors As Fan Ling 范苓 points out translators in

late-Qing China and Meiji Japan commonly manipulated their jobs by adding deleting

and modifying their source texts to suit their purposes of educating the public and

improving the society (98)97 As a result the boundary between translation and

creative writing is blurred to the extent that fidelity is beside the question

As Lu Xun adopts Moritas text and rewrites it the end product turns out to be a

97 The original Chinese text 在明治晚清意譯之風盛行的時代中日兩個譯本均以開啟民智

為目的譯者的翻譯策略自然重在影響目標讀者群的思想使譯文能夠為社會改良起到作用因

而操作上難免有意的增刪或改變原文

60

text which takes on a dual identity so that the translator in the inceptive sentence

The translator says is both Lu Xun and Morita Shiken or neither to put it differently

The apparently transparent phrase The translator says is in this case actually rather

ambiguous and misleading Lu Xuns manipulation of the identity of the translator

exemplifies the conception which characterizes the translator as a writerrewriter with

a considerable degree of independence from the confines of the source text

Hugos original LOrigine de Fantine does not have any opening note nor is a

translators note with the same content as the two oriental versions found in any

English translation available It is Morita Shiken who adds the note in his translation

The comparison and contrast between Lu Xuns attached note to Aichen and Morita

Shikens introductory note to Fantine no Moto has provided another piece of

evidence that in rendering LOrigine de Fantine into Chinese Lu Xun does not resort

to the original French or a then more popular English version but turns to the Japanese

translation for inspiration

22 Guer Ji and Its Source More Creation than Translation

Zhou Zuorens Guer Ji98 was first published in 1906 under the pen name of Ping

Yun 平雲 by Xiaoshuolin Press 小說林社 a modern publishing house specialized in

the publication of novels Written in classical Chinese the work is divided into

fourteen chapters which are preceded by a preface (序言) a section of general

notices (凡例) and a preamble (緣起) and followed by a remark (識語) and an

appendix (附錄) The work was initially meant by the author to be a creative novel

but midway through the job the writing partially morphed into translating with the

latter part of the plot taken from Hugos Claude Gueux Zhou Zuoren himself admitted

that the second half of the life of Afan 阿番 the hero in the story was the life of

Claude Gueux

一九０六年的夏天住在魚雷堂的空屋裡忽然發心想做小說定名曰

《孤兒記》敘述孤兒的生活上半是創造的全憑了自己的貧弱的

想像支撐過去但是到了孤兒做賊以後便支持不住了於是把囂俄的

文章盡量的放進去孤兒的下半生遂成為 Claude 了99 (Zhou Zuoren

98 Literally Story of an Orphan 99 In the summer of 1906 when I lived in the empty Yu Lei Dormitory the idea flashed through my mind to write a novel titled Guer Ji on the life of an orphan The first part of the story was my

61

Xuexiao Shenghuo de Yiyie 50)

The fact of basing the second half of his story on Claude Gueux was also mentioned

elsewhere in Zhous writings (Jiu Riji lide Lu Xun 306 Yu Lei Tang 214-15)

In Guer Ji there is a section of general notices preceding the main text The

author indicates in the notices that the Tenth and Eleventh Chapters of the novel are for

the most part a rough translation of Hugos Claude Gueux (498) However a close

examination on the texts of Guer Ji and Claude Gueux reveals that the translation is

not limited to the two chapters but that the similarity in plot between the two works

can be found present from Chapters Eight to Fourteen in the fourteen-chaptered Guer

Ji Specifically the likeness starts from the end of the Eighth Chapter where Afan was

condenmed to five-year imprisonment for stealing and sent to the prison workroom

just like what Claude Gueux had gone through Chapter Nine carries Claudes plot by

describing the hunger Afan suffered in the jail and his newly established friendship

with Difu 笛夫 a counterpart of Albin in Claude Gueux who satiated Afans stomach

by sharing his bread with him The Tenth Chapter continues the thread with Afans

forced separation from Difu and his futile attempts to plead for Difus return in his

company Chapter Eleven presents Afans slaughter of Haina 海那 the opposite

number of the jailer Monsieur Dmdash in the French story and his trial and death sentence

The next chapter contains descriptions of the poor environment of the jailhouse and the

miserable life of the inmates Though the major proportion of the account in the

chapter is the authors own invention rather than translation there do exist some bits of

text that are rendered from Claude Gueux For example in addressing the hardships of

the populace the narrator quotes Hugo as saying 諸君試黜此八十人之刑吏以其俸

供教師當可得六百也100 (535) This sentence is taken from the critical epilogue in

Claude Gueux where Hugo expresses that Puisque vous ecirctes en verve de

suppressions supprimez le bourreau Avec la solde de vos quatrevingts bourreaux

vous payerez six cents maicirctres deacutecole101 (382-83) Chapter Thirteen narrates the

procedure of preparations for Afans execution with details about the priest and the

executioner comparable to those in Claude Gueux The final chapter wraps up the story creation fueled up by my feeble imagination but as the orphan became a robber I could not continue my narration I incorporated as much of Hugos text as possible into my novel and so the orphan was virtually turned into Claude [Gueux] in the second half of his life 100 If you dismiss eighty hangmen the salaries spared will be enough to afford six hundred teachers 101 Since you are so set on suppressions supress the executioner you could defray the expenses of six hundred schoolmasters with the wages you give your eighty executioners (Eugenia de B 218)

62

of Claude Gueux by presenting the scene of the execution site where Afan ultimately

succumbs to the scaffold To sum up what is illustrated so far of the fourteen chapters

of Guer Ji seven chapters (from the eighth to the fourteenth) are found to draw on the

content of Claude Gueux in varying degrees Hugos original work consists of two

parts the main body which recounts the story and an epilogue which voices the

authors criticism on the injustice of the social system in France It is interesting to note

that while the plot of the last seven chapters of Guer Ji is based mostly on the main

text of Claude Gueux some of the content of the critical epilogue also appears in the

Chinese text as the instance in Chapter Twelve cited above

As for the source on which Zhou Zuoren based his translation there were

versions of Claude Gueux in English and Japanese besides the original French prior to

the appearance of Zhous Guer Ji Since Zhou did not know French for him to

translate from the French work is out of the question His education in English and

Japanese makes the English and Japanese versions worthy of our consideration

However fortunately in this case Zhou mentioned more than once in his reminiscent

short pieces of prose how he got hold of an eight-volume English collection of Victor

Hugos works published in the United States (Xuexiao Shenghuo de Yiyie 50 Jiu

Riji lide Lu Xun 305 Yu Lei Tang 215 Choubei Zazhi 262 Wu Yizhai 218)

Some of the writings even specifically point out that it is in the collection that he

gained access to the story of Claude Gueux (Xuexiao Shenghuo de Yiyie 50 Jiu

Riji lide Lu Xun 306 Yu Lei Tang 215) This information not only rules out any

version in Japanese but also narrows the English versions down to one What remains

is for us to find out what the collection of eight volumes really is and what version of

Claude Gueux is compiled in it In this regard the Japanese critic Matsuoka Toshihiro

松岡俊裕 has done some research and discovered that at the time when Zhou obtained

the copy of Hugos works in 1904 there were two different sets of eight-volume

collections of Hugos works in English namely The Works of Victor Hugo (1896) and

The Romances of Victor Hugo (1896) each including a different version of Claude

Gueux (68) By comparing the English terms offered by Zhou in the appendix of Guer

Ji with the two English versions of Claude Gueux Matsuoka concludes that Zhous

source is from The Works of Victor Hugo where Claude Gueux translated by Arabella

Ward is placed in the Second Volume (68)102

102 In The Romances of Victor Hugo a different version of Claude Gueux translated by George

63

With Matsuokas contribution we may proceed to examine how the Chinese

translator handled his source A comparison between Wards Claude Gueux and Zhous

Guer Ji reveals that the translation is a sketchy rather than close one and that the

translator does not hesitate to make changes to his original and even invent his own

plot In naming the characters in the Chinese text the translator does not follow the

original story but invents his own names Claudes intimate inmate Albin is altered to

Difu and the superintendent M D (Mr D) in the penitentiary is renamed Haina The

difference in the names of the protagonists ie the original Claude Gueux versus the

Chinese Afan is relatively inevitable because the Chinese name is a continuation from

the creative writing in the first half of Guer Ji and is thus unchangeable as the plot

begins halfway to draw on the English translation Aside from rechristening the

translator sometimes adds some extra narrations that are absent in the English Claude

Gueux As already mentioned earlier the portrayals of the prison life and environment

in the Twelfth Chapter of the Chinese text are largely created by the translator There is

no lack of other descriptional additions of a smaller scale in the chapters based on the

English version One example will suffice here about the prison the English

description runs Clairvaux was an abbey which had been turned into a bastile a cell

turned into a prison an altar changed to a pillory (Ward 329) In Guer Ji we have the

counterpart passage 場本為神寺所改僧房改為囚室神龕改為立枷而長老則

易之以獄吏103 (523) In this instance the depiction of how the prison was rebuilt

from a religious institute is similar in both versions with the exception that the

Chinese translator gives the additional description of jailers taking the place of senior

monks (長老則易之以獄吏)

Apart from additions omissions are also characteristic of the Chinese version

While Claude Gueux was in the cell awaiting his execution the English text contains a

narration of how other prisoners tried to provide him with various escape tools which

he refused to take (Ward 347-48) The Chinese version by contrast does not offer any

such plot but comes up with an alternative description of how Afans cell was jealously

guarded and how the hero in there reminisced about his deceased mother (535-36) The

reminiscence plot serves to hark back to the beginning part of Afans story which is

creation rather than translation To cite one more example for illustration of omission

Burnham Ives is in the Eighth Volume 103 The place was a temple resconstructed into a prison with the rooms for monks changed to cells the altars turned into pillories and in place of senior monks were jailers now

64

let us look at the following passages The English text reads as follows

Claude Gueux was a hearty eater This was a peculiarity of his

temperament His stomach was such that the food of two ordinary men

was scarcely enough for him Monsieur de Cotadilla had a similar

appetite and used to laugh about it but what is a subject for mirth in a

duke a Spanish noble who has five hundred thousand sheep is a

troublesome thing for a workman and a misfortune for a prisoner (Ward

332)

The parallel Chinese text runs like this

阿番善啖為其性昔西班牙貴族柯達第拉氏亦有是癖人以為笑

然氏家富有五萬頭之羊故啖癖同而其效異一在侯爵僅為笑謔

之資一在囚人則入餓鬼之道矣104 (523)

Despite the similarity between the two quoted texts the original message of Claudes

stomach being more than two mens food could fill is omitted in the translation And

then the phrase is a troublesome thing for a workman in the last sentence of the

English version finds no representation in the Chinese text Besides the two

conspicuous omissions also noticeable is the difference in the subjects who laugh

about the appetite of the Spanish nobleman In the English it is Cotadilla himself who

jokes about his own big stomach whereas in the Chinese the laughers are others than

Cotadilla himself (人以為笑) Moreover there is also the disagreement in the title of

Cotadilla which the English text specifies as duke but the Chinese version renders as

侯爵 (marquis) A final disparity lies in the number of sheep owned by Cotadilla

in the English it is 500000 but the Chinese text reduces the number to one tenth of it

Changes in narrative details can also be found elsewhere Two more examples are

enough to demonstrate this With regard to the fare in prison the English version

narrates that Claude Gueux in prison worked all day and invariably received for his

trouble one pound and a half of bread and four ounces of meat (Ward 332) The 15

pounds of bread and four ounces of meat are reduced to one pound of bread and two

taels of meat in the Chinese translation 今在獄力作竟日照常例得一磅之麵包

104 Afan was a big eater This was his inborn nature In former times the Spanish nobleman Cotadilla had the same appetite and people used to laugh about it However since the rich nobleman had 50000 sheep in his household the same big appetite did not cause him the same trouble To a marquis it was topic of mirth and entertainment to a prisoner it meant starvation

65

與二兩之肉食之105 (523-24) One last instance of plot change has to do with the

heros attitude before execution The English text is narrated in the following way

The priest arrived then the hangman Claude was humble with the

former gentle with the latter He refused them neither his soul nor his

body

He listened to the priest with great attention accusing himself greatly

and regretting that he had not been taught the Bible (Ward 348)

The Chinese version is described in a different way

其時牧師亦至為阿番懺悔令自陳惡業求天帝恕

阿番拒之曰「吾心無玷勿須爾爾helliphellip」106 (537)

Other differences aside here attention is drawn to the attitude of the death convict In

the English version the protagonist repented of his faulty past and humbly turned his

soul over to the priest In contrast the Chinese text portrays the hero as a man who

confident in his own moral purity refused to go through the ritual of repenting

To sum up in Guer Ji we see a combination of writing and translating the greater

first half of the story being creative composition and the lesser latter half being

translation The Chinese authors initial intention was to write a novel and the foreign

text was appropriated to make up for the shortage of imagination in the writer Here the

boundary between translation and creative writing is blurred and the translators role

as a writerrewriter is thrown into sharp relief Although the novel bases nearly half of

its plot on Claude Gueux the Chinese author-translator does not refrain from

tampering with the original story and creating his own version of narration In terms of

translation the rendition is a rather free and rough one despite the fact that the

translated plot is generally similar to that in the source text

105 Now imprisoned he labored all day and received according to the rules one pound of bread and two taels of meat for his daily fare 106 At the time the priest also arrived to hear confession He asked Afan to confess his wrongdoings and implore Heavens condonation Afan uttered his rejection saying My soul is immaculate I dont need this ritual

67

Chapter Three The Sources of Leixie Mengxin Yifan and

Tianmin Lei

This chapter tackles the problems involved in tracking down the sources of Xue

Shengs 雪生 Leixie Mengxin 縲紲盟心 (1918) Chen Jinghans 陳景韓 Yifan 逸

犯 (1907) and Xie Wus 解吾 107 Tianmin Lei 天民淚 (1915) The order of

presentation will be arranged topically rather than chronologically starting from

Claude Gueux followed by Les Miseacuterables Thus first in the sequence is Leixie

Mengxin a Chinese version of Claude Gueux Then discussions will be conducted on

Yifan and Tianmin Lei both taken from Les Miseacuterables With varying degrees of

difficulty and different problems entailed in source-tracing each text will be handled

in a separate section

31 Leixie Mengxin A First-hand Translation from the French

A translation of Hugos Claude Gueux Xue Shengs Leixie Mengxin108 was first

serialized in two installments on July 25 and August 25 1918 respectively in

Xiaoshuo Yuebao 小說月報109 Hugos original work consists of two parts the main

body which recounts the story and an epilogue which voices the authors criticism on

the injustice of the social system in France The Chinese translation only deals with the

major body leaving the epilogue untreated However in the translated part which

constitutes the major proportion of the original work Xue Sheng was on the whole

faithful to Hugo On the whole this is not a complete version but it basically is a close

translation though in terms of closeness to the original Lu Xuns translation of Morita

Shiken has the upper hand Besides like Aichen and Guer Ji the language used in

the story is classical Chinese Like the other works addressed in the present

dissertation the translator gives the authorship information 法國 Victar Hngo [sic]原

著110 below the title but does not reveal the source he used in translation

107 Since there is as yet no biographical information about the translator it is not clear whether 解

吾 is the autonym or a pseudonym If it is the real name of the translator then the character 解 constitutes the surname and should be romanized as Xie If it is a false name or pen name then 解 can be either Xie or Jie Unable to decide which is the case the present dissertation tentatively adopts the romanization of Xie 108 Literally Prison Brotherhood 109 Literally The Short Story Monthly 110 Originally written by the French author Victor Hugo

68

To trace the version from which a Chinese translation is derived one frequently

resorts to the linguistic background of the translator for clues In the case of Leixie

Mengxin however the present research is unable to obtain any information about what

language training Xue Sheng had undergone at the time of his rendition because there

has been as yet no way of even knowing who Xue Sheng was Without knowledge of

the translators biography this study can only dig into the text to see if it directs us to

any possible or specific source In this regard Han Yiyu 韓一宇 has noticed

something in Leixie Mengxin that is revealing Basing her argument on the evidence of

the voustu contrast narrated in the Chinese text Han believes it was translated directly

from the French original (78) The passage mentioned by Han is about the rude

condescending manner in which the superintendent of the jail talked to Claude Gueux

as the latter approached him with his last desperate plea for the return of Albin We

may take a look at how it is presented in French and Chinese respectively

French (Victor Hugo) Chinese (Xue Sheng)

mdashQue fais-tu lagrave toi dit le

directeur pourquoi nes-tu pas agrave ta

place

Car un homme nest plus un

homme lagrave cest un chien on le

tutoie111 (CG 370-71)

監督曰汝耶汝何為汝胡不歸汝原

位監督言時不稱 Vous 而稱 Tu其意

蓋不以克洛特為人類直視之如家畜耳

（Vous 為多數Tu 為單數稱呼必用多

數禮意也惟至親不在此例）112 (14212)

The derogatory tu in the French text is replaced with a neutral 汝 (you) in the

Chinese version so that the superintendents words do not sound as impolite in

Chinese as they are in French In order to underscore the rudeness of the speaker after

the jailer finished his words the translator informs the reader of the superintendents

use of tu in place of vous in the original and then adds a parenthetical note to

explain the French distinction between the two forms of you The appearance of

vous and tu here in the Chinese text is the single example offered by Han Yiyu as

evidence showing that Hugos French original is the source of Xue Shengs Chinese

Claude Gueux In fact this is not the only place in the Chinese text where the

111 What are thou doing here the superintendent said why are thou not in your place Since a man is no longer a man but a dog there they address him as thou 112 The superintendent said Its you What are you doing here Why dont you return to your place As he addressed Claude the superintendent used Tu instead of Vous as a way of treating him like a domestic animal rather than a human (Vous is plural Tu is singular To address a person one uses the plural to show respect with the exception of when one addresses a close relative)

69

differentiation between vous and tu appears In the court scene where the hero was

put to trial for his murder of the superintendent there is a long speech made by Claude

Gueux to explain how he had long been provoked by the jailer The speech includes

the following expressions


Je lui dis vous agrave lui mouchard il me

dit tu113 (CG 376)

吾稱之為 Vous敬謹陳詞彼則呼我為

Tu賤如雞狗114 (14216)

Since in addressing second person classical Chinese does not have a distinction

between a polite you and a discourteous you the translator has to present the

original French words in the Chinese text to show the discrimination that Vous is 敬

謹陳詞 (a respectful address) while Tu is 賤如雞狗 (as worthless as a chicken

or a dog)

The total of two presences of the voustu contrast in the Chinese version is

suggestive of the likelihood that Leixie Mengxin was translated directly from French

As a matter of fact the phonetic translations of the proper names in the Chinese

version also hint at the same probability The transliterations of the prison of Clairvaux

as 格列窩 of the convict Faillette as 費列德 and of another inmate Pernot as 佩

懦 all approximate French pronunciations (Xue Sheng 14035 14039 14040)

However it would be dangerous to close our case based on these little pieces of

evidence alone for they do not provide a solid ground on which we may rest assured

of Hans conclusion More substantial supporting material from the text is needed for

confirmation Hence it is advisable to select some possible source texts and subject

them to comparison and contrast to see if there are other clues which point to the same

result As to what texts are to be singled out for comparison the lack of biographical

information of the Chinese translator offers us no standard on which to make our

choice What can be done is to venture some conjectures based on probability China in

the late Qing and early Republican periods saw the importation of a great many

Western works through translation and English and Japanese were the most commonly

used mediums for translators to approach and translate literatures from all over the

world Placed in this context Leixie Mengxin might also have arisen from either of the

113 I say you to him to the spy and he says thou to me 114 I call him Vous a respectful address and he calls me Tu as if I were as worthless as a chicken or a dog

70

two language sources besides the original French In other words my speculation of

the possible linguistic sources of the Chinese Claude Gueux includes three candidate

languages French English and Japanese

Before the publication of the Chinese version of Claude Gueux in 1918 there was

a Japanese version by Morita Shiken as well as several English translations in

circulation Together with the French original these are all possible sources for the

Chinese Claude Gueux The Japanese text titled Claude クラウド was translated

in 1890 from English rather than French which leaves no room for doubt because as

was illustrated in the opening chapter of the present dissertation Morita did not read

French but English Moreover in his Meiji Jidai no Victor Hugo Morita Shiken no

Houyaku o Megutte115 Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 establishes that the specific

source text used by Morita in his rendition is Gilbert Campbells [1886]116 English

translation (420-22) One of the proofs proposed by Kawato is that with the exception

of a few minor changes probably done by the translator on purpose Moritas text is a

close rendition of Campbells English version

Besides the Campbell text there were several other English versions of Claude

Gueux in distribution before the publication of the Chinese text in 1918 so they

qualify as possible sources of the Chinese rendition What is remarkable here is that

the different versions bear resemblance to each other in varying degrees Identical

sentences can be found readily among them which is not explainable except by the

calculation that it was customary for translators back then to refer to existing versions

other than the ultimate original and to freely adopt expressions and sentences from

their reference material This practice of standing on the shoulders of giants of the

past also found in the history of Bible translation seems to have been very common

before intellectual property rights came to be a widely recognized concept For this

reason it would be practically unnecessary and make little sense to present for

comparison and contrast all the English texts published before 1918

The present research on the available relevant material in the said period shows

that among the English versions of Claude Gueux two types of translation can be

distinguished one is a complete close rendering of the French work and the other is a

115 The original Japanese title 明治時代のヴィクトルユゴー森田思軒の邦訳をめぐって 116 The publication date of this text is not available in the compilation where it appeared However Kawato saw in the original copy stored as a rare book in the British Library a stamped mark showing the date when it was received by the library as October 1886 (See p422 in his essay mentioned above) In other words Campbells text must be dated earlier than October 1886

71

mildly abridged translation What lends substance to this seemingly tautological

distinction is the remarkable fact that as was demonstrated in the First Chapter of the

present thesis in the second type the manner of abridgment in the different texts is

surprisingly similar and that what is omitted and what is reserved in translation are

almost identical among them The left-out untranslated parts which constitute only a

very little portion of the translation are mostly narratorial interference irrelevant to the

plot of the story as will also be shown in the textual comparison to be made shortly

Here I may well mention some other English texts in addition to the Campbell version

and fit them to the two categories of translation distinguished here The translations

respectively by Duncombe Pyrke jr (1869) George Burnham Ives (1894) Eugenia de

B (1895) and Arabella Ward (1896) fall into the first group (of complete close

rendition) whereas Campbells text (in the 1880s) and Nottingham Societys version

(1907) belong to the second group (of slightly reduced translation) The striking

similarity between texts within the set of truncated versions has been illustrated in the

introductory chapter of the presentation dissertation This provides reason for me to

select only one version from each group for comparison here in order that what will be

compared and contrasted is essential and wont fall into futile triviality From the group

of complete versions the present thesis decides on Duncombe Pyrke jr not only

because his rendition is the closest to the French original among the versions in the

group but because he sometimes gives the original French text of his translation in the

footnote for readers reference a fact that increases the versions probability as a source

for the Chinese rendition As for the partial versions since I have demonstrated in

Chapter One that the renditions by Campbell and Nottingham Society are highly

homogeneous to each other it makes very little difference which one is chosen I shall

just select the earlier one ie Campbell text Hence in the textual criticism that

follows Pyrkes and Campbells texts are juxtaposed with the Chinese version as well

as the French original and the Japanese rendition

In the first place how the beginning paragraphs are presented in the five texts

selected illuminates something about the genealogy this study is trying to trace here of

Xue Shengs Leixie Mengxin






72



cette fille Je dis les choses comme

elles sont laissant le lecteur ramasser

les moraliteacutes agrave mesure que les faits les


capable habile intelligent fort

maltraiteacute par leacuteducation fort bien traiteacute

par la nature ne sachant pas lire et

sachant penser Un hiver louvrage

manqua Pas de feu ni de pain dans le

galetas Lhomme la fille et lenfant

eurent froid et faim Lhomme vola Je

ne sais ce qursquoil vola je ne sais ougrave il

vola Ce que je sais cest que de ce vol

il reacutesulta trois jours de pain et de feu

pour la femme et pour lenfant et cinq

ans de prison pour lhomme

Lhomme fut envoyeacute faire son temps

agrave la maison centrale de Clairvaux

Clairvaux abbaye dont on a fait une

bastille cellule dont on a fait un

cabanon autel dont on a fait un pilori

Quand nous parlons de progregraves cest

ainsi que certaines gens le comprennent

et lexeacutecutent Voilagrave la chose quils

mettent sous notre mot

Poursuivons

Arriveacute lagrave on le mit dans un cachot

pour la nuit et dans un atelier pour le

jour Ce nest pas latelier que je blacircme

Claude Gueux honnecircte ouvrier

naguegravere voleur deacutesormais eacutetait une

Paris With him lived a young woman who

was his mistress and her child I relate

things as they are leaving the reader to

gather the moral lessons which the facts

present on the way The workman was

capable clever intelligent very badly

treated by education very well treated by

nature not knowing how to read and

knowing how to think One winter work

was not to be had There was neither fire

nor bread in the garret The man the girl

and the child were cold and hungry The

man committed a theft I know not what

he stole or where he stole what I know is

that the result of this theft was three days

food and fire for the woman and child and

five years imprisonment for the man

He was taken to the central

establishment of Clairvaux to undergo his

sentence Clairvaux which was formerly

an abbey now converted into a bastile

where the monastic cell has been turned

into a prison cell and the altar into a

pillory When we speak of progress it is

thus that certain people comprehend it

and carry it into effect That is what they

place under our word

Let us continue

Arrived there he was placed in a cell at

night and in a workshop by day It is not

the workshop that I blame

Claude Gueux an honest workman but

lately henceforth a thief was of a grave

73

figure digne et grave (CG 355-56) and dignified appearance (23-24)

English (Gilbert Campbell) Japanese (Morita Shiken)

Claude Gueux was a poor

workman living in Paris about eight

years ago with his mistress and

child Although his education had

been neglected and he could not

even read the man was naturally

clever and intelligent and thought

deeply over matters Winter came



man the woman the child were



signifies as the result was the same

to the woman and child it gave three

days bread and firing to the man

five years imprisonment

He was taken to Clairvaux the

abbey now converted into a prison

its cells into dungeons and the altar

itself into a pillory This is called

progress

But to continue our story Claude

クラウドと云へるは八年ばかり前巴里バリ

にありて其の妻子と俱とも

に暮せる貧しき傭

夫なりき教育とても受たることあらざれ

ば物讀むことさへ能はず去れども此の男

生れ得て敏く明かにして物事に慮おもんば

かり

深かり

冬は其の種々なる不幸を伴ふて至れり

仕事の空乏食物の空乏薪料の空乏此の

男此の妻此の子は凍ひ

へ且つ飢へをれり斯

くて此の男は遂に盜ぬすみ

となれり余は渠かれ

が

何物を盜めるやを知らず何物を盜めるに

せよ其の結果は同じきなり妻子は以て三

日の麵包パン

と火とを得たり此の男は以て五

年の禁錮を得たり

渠はクライルボーに押送されたり昔し

の寺は今や監獄と為れり其の諸室は今や

牢舍となれり其の神を祭れる机は今や直

117 Claude Gueux lived with his wife and child in Paris about eight years ago He was a poor workman He did not receive any education so he could not read Even so he was naturally smart and intelligent and thought deeply over matters Winter came with all kinds of miseries Lack of work lack of food and lack of firewood left the man and his wife and child frozen and famished As a result the man became a thief I did not know what he stole Whatever it was that he stole the result was the same His wife and child got three days bread and firing the man got five years imprisonment He was sent to Clairvaux The former abbey was now used as a prison the former rooms in the abbey became the cells and the former altar was directly turned into a pillory This is what people called progress Claude Gueux the honest workman who was forced into theft by such desperate circumstances had a countenance that tugged at peoples hearts

74

Gueux the honest workman turned

thief from force of circumstances

had a countenance which impressed

you (309)

ちに枷くびかせ

となれり人は之を進步と謂ふ

さて斯く事情の為めに迫られて盜とな

れる律義なる傭夫クラウドは其容貌以て

人を動かすべしhelliphellip117 (Claude 181-82)

Chinese (Xue Sheng)

距今七八年前有貧工名克洛特者挈一女子一男孩居巴黎女乃其情人

孩則所生也工性絕敏習無弗能能無弗日精顧得天極厚而以幼年失學

故不知讀但知思某冬百工咸歇陋室中無火無麵包三人凍且餒

瀕死工遂盜其以何術盜盜於何地余皆弗詳所知者自是婦與孩得三

日糧工人則獲五年禁錮罪被囚於格列窩監獄中

此獄由修道院改建而成齋宮易作勞舍講堂易作工場堂上祭台易作縛人

示眾之柱凡因盜罪者咸度活於此中夜則幽處牢舍晝則赴工場操作焉

克洛特篤實工人也今始不幸以盜聞其儀容謹肅一如曩時helliphellip118 (14035)

To infer the most probable one or ones my exploration shall start from examining the

Japanese version which will be compared with the Chinese translation as well as the

three Western texts First attention is drawn to an observation made by Kawato As is

pointed out in Kawatos essay mentioned above despite the incredible correspondence

between the two texts there is one prominent deviation of Moritas Japanese from

Campbells English in the beginning paragraph of the story the word mistress in

English is transformed into 妻 (wife) in Japanese (Kawato Meiji Jidai no Victor

Hugo Morita Shiken no Houyaku o Megutte 421) Here the motivations or effects in

the transformation are not my concern What is at issue is that the Chinese version of

118 Seven or eight years ago there was a poor workman named Claude Gueux who lived with a girl and a boy in Paris The girl was his mistress and the boy was from her Claude Gueux was very intelligent and learned things quickly and profoundly That was a rare innate gift However since he did not get to receive education in his childhood he could not read Even so he knew to think independently One winter all work was suspended There was neither fire nor bread in the humble room The three of them were frozen and famished to the point of dying The workman turned thief I did not know how and what he stole What I knew was that the woman and the child got three days food while the man got five years imprisonment He was confined in the prison of Clairvaux The prison was reconstructed from a monastery The rooms were changed into cells the studies were used as a workroom the altar was turned into a pillory Those who were convicted of robbery spent their time working here At night they stayed in the cells in the daytime they labored in the workroom Claude Gueux was an honest workman but was now unfortunately tainted with the reputation of theft His countenance was as serious as it used to be

75

the term is 情人 which synonymous with the English mistress and the French

original maicirctresse is distinct from the Japanese translation If the Chinese translator

had based his text on the Japanese version he could not possibly have changed the

perfectly normal husband-wife-child relationship (其の妻子) shown favorably in the

Japanese into a relationship with immoral overtones ie one involving a man and a

paramour and an illegitimate child (女乃其情人孩則所生也) Besides Campells

text the other English version of Pyrkes also narrates about the mistress of the

protagonist Therefore in this first instance the Japanese version is the least likely

source for the Chinese translator

Besides two phrases which are translated differently in the Japanese and the

Chinese deserve our scrutiny Regarding the time of the episode the Japanese text

narrates 八年ばかり前 (about eight years ago) while the Chinese description is

距今七八年前 (seven or eight years ago) An examination of the Western texts

reveals two modes of description the Japanese translation is derived from Campbells

about eight years ago whereas the Chinese narration is in line with the French Il y a

sept ou huit ans or Pyrkes Seven or eight years ago The other phrasal difference

between the Japanese and the Chinese concerns the misery in winter the former text

talks about 食物の空乏 (lack of food) whereas the latter renders it as 無麵包

(no bread) An inspection of the Western texts manifests again two types of narration

the Japanese expression is inspired by Campbells want of food while the Chinese

phrase is in accord with the French ni de pain or Pyrkes nor bread In these two

instances the phrasal differences appear to have more to do with rhetorical strategy

than with semantic value In other words the Chinese expressions seem to be basically

synonymous with the Japanese ones in the two cases However in the context of the

early Republican China bread was not a common food It is rather unlikely that the

Chinese translator would deliberately change the Japanese 食物 (bread) into the

Chinese 麵包 (bread) when 食物 the Chinese characters which are identical

with the Japanese kanjis both in form and in meaning was more commonly used to

refer to food in China Hence here again the Japanese text is the least probable

version to be related to the Chinese rendition

Another piece of evidence against the Chinese texts relationship with the

Japanese has to do with paragraph arrangement The content of the first two

paragraphs in the cited Japanese passage is comparable to the first paragraph of the

76

Chinese text In Moritas treatment of Campbells text the Japanese version breaks the

single English paragraph in two and this is done with good reason in the new

paragraph division the first paragraph provides the background information of the

protagonist while the second paragraph narrates what happens in one particular winter

However this reasonable rearrangement of paragraph does not appear in the Chinese

version which like the two English texts and the French original presents the same

content in one single paragraph This also makes the Japanese text less likely than the

other versions to be the model for the Chinese rendition

Furthermore even more decisively against the Japanese texts relation with the

Chinese rendition is the passage about the construction of the jailhouse arranged in the

third paragraph in the Japanese quote and the second paragraph in the Chinese

respectively where mention is made about the prison being once a religious institute

Here the Japanese refers to the establishment as formerly a 寺 (temple) Loaded

with Buddhist reference this term should have found easy entry into the Chinese text

if the Chinese translator had based his version on the Japanese but what we have here

in the Chinese passage is a Christian 修道院 (monastery) a rather uncharacteristic

transformation given the fact that Chinese society was dominantly more Buddhist than

Christian back at the time The conformity of the Chinese translation to Hugos

abbaye Pyrkes abbey and Campbells abbey illustrates that the Western texts

are more genealogically related to the Chinese version than the oriental one is

Finally and decisively in the same passage the Chinese text contains a

description about the activity of the prisoners there 凡因盜罪者咸度活於此中夜則

幽處牢舍晝則赴工場操作焉 119 Obviously this description harks back to the

French narration Arriveacute lagrave on le mit dans un cachot pour la nuit et dans un atelier

pour le jour120 or Pyrkes counterpart sentence Arrived there he was placed in a cell

at night and in a workshop by day though the Chinese is expressed in a collective

manner as opposed to the individual description in the French and the English What is

noteworthy here is that no passage of similar import can be found in the Japanese text

As has been observed before Campbells version is a slightly abridged translation My

textual citation above demonstrates that Campbell also leaves out this particular part of

description which is found present in the texts by Hugo Pyrke and Xue Sheng

119 Those who were convicted of robbery spent their time working here At night they stayed in the cells in the daytime they labored in the workroom 120 Arriving there he was put in a cell at night and in a workroom by day

77

respectively The fact that Morita inherits Campbell in his translation of Claude Gueux

serves to explain the omission in the Japanese text here in this specific example

Therefore not only can the Japanese version be dismissed here but Campbells

English text can also be safely excluded from further consideration in the present

search for the source of the Chinese Claude Gueux

After the exclusion of Morita and Campbell from my discussion the candidates

for the most probable source referenced by Xue Sheng are reduced to the texts by

Duncombe Pyrke jr and the French author Although Pyrkes translation is so close to

the French original that both qualify as highly probable sources of Xue Shengs

Chinese version some nuances in the texts can be detected to help clarify their

relationships with the Chinese translation As the story gets to the part where Claude

Gueuxs persistent and repeated petitions for Albins return began to tire the

superintendent out there is a passage deserving of our notice


Le directeur fatigueacute lui infligea une

fois vingt-quatre heures de cachot

parce que la priegravere ressemblait trop agrave

une sommation (CG 365)

The director wearied out once inflicted on

him twenty-four hours of the dark cell

because the petition bore too strong a

resemblance to a summons (38)

Chinese (Xue Sheng)

［監督］hellip終乃科以黑牢二十四小時之罪謂其呼籲煩瀆形同迫脅云121

(14040)

Concerning the reason for the protagonists solitary confinement we have the three

texts narrating that Claudes request borders on une sommation (French) a

summons (English) and 迫脅 (Chinese) respectively Here it is advisable to take a

closer look at the three terms to distinguish the subtle differences The Chinese 迫脅

is a combination of coercion and intimidation the English summons indicates an

authoritative command and the French sommation denotes a menacing demand In

short all three versions agree in communicating a coercive request but the French and

the Chinese expressions share a threatening gist which the English word does not

convey Therefore the French original is more likely than the English version to be the

121 The superintendent finally gave him twenty-four hours of solitary in the dark cell saying that his request was repetitious and even went out of line like coercion and intimidation

78

source for the Chinese rendition

So far my comparative analyses of the interlingual versions concerned have

pointed to Hugos French original as the most probable source Now let us return to the

two previously mentioned passages where the distinction between vous and tu in

French appears in the Chinese text




place

Car un homme nest plus un homme

lagrave cest un chien on le tutoie122 (CG

370-71)

What art thou doing there said the

director why art thou not in thy place

For a man is no longer a man there he is a

dog they thee and thou him (47)


dit tu123 (CG 376)

I say to himmdashto him a spymdashyou he says

to me thou (55)

Chinese (Xue Sheng)

監督曰汝耶汝何為汝胡不歸汝原位監督言時不稱 Vous 而稱 Tu

其意蓋不以克洛特為人類直視之如家畜耳（Vous 為多數Tu 為單數稱呼必

用多數禮意也惟至親不在此例）124 (14212)

吾稱之為 Vous敬謹陳詞彼則呼我為 Tu賤如雞狗125 (14216)

With Pyrkes English text juxtaposed with the other two versions the genealogical

relationship between the French text and the Chinese rendition is even more evident

The English version employs the differentiation of you versus thou in place of the

French discrimination of vous versus tu whereas the Chinese translator is lavish in

explicating the French distinction which finds no expression in classical Chinese

Pyrkes version of you and thou cannot have been the material adopted by Xue

Sheng in the translating process Judging from the textual proofs the present research

122 What are thou doing here the superintendent said why are thou not in your place Since a man is no longer a man but a dog there they address him as thou 123 I say you to him to the spy and he says thou to me 124 The superintendent said Its you What are you doing here Why dont you return to your place As he addressed Claude the superintendent used Tu instead of Vous as a way of treating him like a domestic animal rather than a human (Vous is plural Tu is singular To address a person one uses the plural to show respect with the exception of when one addresses a close relative) 125 I call him Vous a respectful address and he calls me Tu as if I were as worthless as a chicken or a dog

79

has gathered abovemdashincluding the Chinese transliterations of the French proper names

the deviation of the Japanese and English versions from both the French and Chinese

texts and the approximation of the Chinese rendition to the French originalmdashthe

Chinese text is most probably translated from Hugos original French work It is the

only one of the nine Chinese versions addressed in the present dissertation that is

directly derived from the French original

One last point to be made here about the Chinese text of Claude Gueux is its

degree of closeness to the French original Like many of his contemporaries Xue

Sheng seems to orient his translation mainly to the story and this can be inferred from

the fact that as mentioned earlier he selected only the story-narrating main body to

translate leaving out the critical epilogue attached by the French author to the end of

the story This tendency to be plot-oriented is also witnessed in the translated text

Despite his general closeness and fidelity exhibited in the translation additions and

omissions in the service of the plot can be identified in his text Passages that are left

untreated by the translator usually contain descriptions that do not bear direct

relationship to the development of plot Two examples of omission can be found in the

first two paragraphs in the cited passages above After introducing the three characters

the French text has the narrator turn up to emphasize the truthfulness of his account

Je dis les choses comme elles sont laissant le lecteur ramasser les moraliteacutes agrave mesure

que les faits les segravement sur leur chemin126 This expression of the narrators stance

does not exist in the Chinese translation Another instance is a passage that follows the

description of the prison construction and here the French original goes Quand nous

parlons de progregraves cest ainsi que certaines gens le comprennent et lexeacutecutent Voilagrave la

chose quils mettent sous notre mot127 Here the subject of progress broached by the

narrator in a sarcastic tone is not part of the plot line Its omission in the Chinese

version seems to reveal the translators impatience with the narratorial interference in

the plot made by the original author This tendency on the translators part is also

evidenced in the treatment of the ending of the story The Chinese translation ends with

the decapitation of the protagonist a climax arranged in the last but one paragraph in

the main body of the original text The last paragraph in the original is a sarcastic

remark on public executions beginning with the sentence Admirable effet des 126 I state the facts as they are and let my reader derive the moral lessons as realities get them around on the road 127 When we talk about progress this is how some people see it and practice it That is what they say in their own words

80

exeacutecutions publiques128 (Hugo CG 379) It is not surprising that this part of the

French ending anticlimactic to the plot was eliminated in the plot-oriented Chinese

translation

Interestingly while the Chinese translator felt free to cut the narrators voice

supplied by the French author he did not hesitate to add some accounts to enhance the

effect of the plot and include his own narratorial comments on the story during the

process of translating Here two examples will be given to demonstrate this First after

the prison inspector informed Claude Gueux that his mistress had become a prostitute

and the childs whereabouts were unknown the French original says nothing about the

protagonists reactions but shifts immediately to a new paragraph relating how the hero

got used to prison rule after a while Claude demanda froidement ce queacutetait devenu

lenfant On ne savait Au bout de quelques mois Claude sacclimata agrave lair de la

prison 129 (Hugo CG 358) The sparing description in the French original

becomes a well-developed passage in the Chinese text which not only describes the

main characters reactions but also interpolates a commentary passage

而幼兒亦不知蹤跡矣克洛特大慟幾欲自戕其生喈乎男子安

貧食力窮極而陷於法網少婦夫囚子散無依而墜入青樓淪落天

涯滔滔皆是其人寧曰無過然強半為惡社會之潮流驅之使然有

未可專為匹夫匹婦咎者

匝月後漸習獄中風氣helliphellip130 (Xue Sheng 14036)

Here in the quote between the first sentence 而幼兒亦不知蹤跡矣 (stating the

childs missing status) in the former paragraph and the first sentence 匝月後漸習獄中

風氣 (describing the heros adaptation to the prison environment) in the latter

paragraph both taken from the French work there is this long passage absent in the

original text but inserted by the translator in the target text This interpolation consists

of an extended narration (of the protagonists suicidal thought) and a comment (about

128 What an admirable effect of public executions 129 Claude inquired coldly what happened to the child No one knew After a few months Claude accustomed himself to the prison environment 130 No one knew the childs whereabouts It grieved his heart so that Claude nearly put his thought of suicide into practice Alas the man earned his living by his own labor but was led astray by poverty and caught in the meshes of law The young woman was forced into prostitution and drifting in the world because her imprisoned husband and lost child left her forlorn and helpless Such anarchy was all over the world Can we say they were blameless However people like them were mostly driven by the development of a deteriorating society The blame cannot after all be ascribed to the man and woman only A month later he was accustomed to the climate of the prison

81

the judgment of the heros situation) in the narrators voice

The other intriguing instance of extra messages offered by the Chinese translator

concerns the final desperate attempt of Claude Gueux to plea to the superintendent for

the return of Albin to his former ward During the interactions between the hero and

the inspector the other convicts whose number was described to be eighty-one in a

previous passage were watching closely Here the French text is inconsistent with its

former passage in narrating that les quatrevingts voleurs regardaient et eacutecoutaient

haletants131 (372) The eighty-one inmates described formerly are now reduced to

eighty in the French original The Chinese translator smooths out this inconsistency by

supplying the following explanatory remark in parentheses right after the incoherent

number of eighty appears 場中除克洛特外實有八十一人此云八十者因有一少

年不敢正視即上文所敘諦視克洛特而顫慄者是132 (14213) This explicative note

is not part of the French text but is appended by the Chinese translator to make the plot

sound more reasonable The additions together with the omissions exemplified by the

preceding instances characterize Xue Shengs Chinese translation of Claude Gueux a

practice of rendition common among translators in the early twentieth-century China

Although the translation is generally true to the original story Xue Sheng also exhibits

something of a rewriter in his translating practice

32 Yifan An Adaptation Based on a Japanese Version

Yifan133 was serialized in Shibao134 時報 from August 16 to September 4 1907

by the translator Leng 冷 one of the pen names of Chen Jinghan (1878minus1965)

Divided into 15 chapters in 18 installments the translation is concentrated on Mayor

Madeleines surrendering himself to justice in order to rescue the wrongly accused

Champmathieu The selected story covers parts of Book Five (Chapters One and Two

of thirteen chapters) Book Six (Chapter Two of two chapters) and Book Seven

(Chapters Two Five Seven Eight to Eleven of eleven chapters) in Volume One of the

original novel leaving untranslated the episodes about Fantine and Fauchelevent in the

three books The translators effort at such an excerpting results in a single plot line

131 The eighty thieves watched and listened breathless 132 Besides Claude there were actually eighty-one people in the scene Here we say eighty watchers because a young man dared not turn his head to look and that is the one who formerly looked at Claude tremblingly 133 Literally Prisoner at Large 134 Eastern Times a translation offered on the front page of the newspaper

82

that is very focused and coherent The language adopted in the rendition is vernacular

rather than classical Chinese in which the majority of translations addressed in the

present dissertation are written

Besides the translated text proper the translator gives two remarks on the plot

one at the end of Chapter Four (the August 21 edition) and the other at the conclusion

of Chapter Fifteen (the end) of the translation The remarks feature the translators

comments on the story as well as his purpose of rendition First the latter part of the

Fourth Chapter contains a long depiction of the inner struggles of the protagonist who

was torn between the easy choice of leaving the wrongly accused Champmathieu

condemned to life imprisonment and the difficult option of turning himself in for

Champmathieus rescue but at the expense of sacrificing the welfare of thousands of

workers in the town of Montreuil-sur-Mer who depended on his factories for

livelihood The narration of the dilemma lasts until the end of the chapter upon which

the translator supplements a note by the side of the main text

冷曰閱者試捫心思之二者果孰是而孰非也此之謂天人之際135

(558)

This comment underscores the difficulty the mayor was faced with and invites the

reader to think in the shoes of the main character The other note is placed right after

the ending of the story as the translators general comment on the whole translated text

冷曰寫蒙都市長自首心地何等光明人情何等周緻世無此人則

已世有此人若佛若耶若孔無多讓哉又曰我譯此文非

偶然也蓋以愧彼恐禍及己殺友滅口之卑怯小人也卑怯小人其

善讀之136 (131)

Aside from specifying the general intent of the original story this final remark shows

the translators edifying purpose in selecting it for rendition the heros sacrificing his

own benefit for the good of others was a saintly act that set a good example for the

scoundrels in Chinese society

135 Leng says Readers please think of the two options with your conscience Which is the right one and which is wrong Such is an example of a conflict between heaven and earth 136 Leng says The story depicts how the mayor of Mondu [Montreuil-sur-Mer] surrendered himself to justice With how clear and noble a conscience and how thoughtful and considerate an understanding of the way of the world he fulfilled his part The world may not find someone like him But if someone like him does exist it will be like Buddha or Jesus or Confucius reincarnatemdashhe will be comparable to any of them Leng adds I did not translate this story by mere chance or on a whim If one feels guilty and afraid that some catastrophe might befall oneself one is a mean person who will sacrifice ones friends life to conceal ones evil action Such a person should read the story well

83

The mode of translation in Yifan is rather free and unfettered with innumerable

omissions additions and alterations This would make origin-tracing a difficult task if

the background of the translator were not sufficiently known Fortunately for the

present research it is known that Chen Jinghan studied in Japan from 1899 to 1902 (Li

Zhimei 33-36 Xu Yonggang Liang Yan 134) and that it was during this period of time

that Chen was exposed to a lot of literary works from the West This piece of

information offers the important message that he had a background in Japanese

training which points to the possibility that his partial translation of Les Miseacuterables

may have been based on a Japanese version rather than an English version or the

French original

Before the appearance of Chens Yifan in 1907 there were a lot of Japanese

translations of Les Miseacuterables in Japan They were all partial translations each dealing

with a certain part of plot in the original stories Numerous as they were only one

translation covered the story narrated in the Chinese version and that is Kuroiwa

Ruikous 黒岩淚香 Aamujou 噫無情 Longer than any other Japanese version of Les

Miseacuterables at the time Aamujou was initially serialized from October 8 1902 to

August 22 1903 in 150 installments in Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 Then a separate of

152 chapters was released in 1906 by Husoudou 扶桑堂 dividing the work into two

volumes of 78 and 74 chapters respectively Chapters Fourteen to Thirty-Seven contain

the episodes narrated in the Chinese translation though a large portion in this segment

of the Japanese plot was not found in the Chinese version such as Father

Fauchelevents being caught in the wheels confrontation between Javert and

Madeleine about Fantines arrest and Madeleines careful arrangements for Fantine

and her daughter Obviously the Chinese deletions were done for the purpose of

concentrating the plot on Madeleines inner and physical struggles as he hurried to the

court to rescue the wrongly identified victim

It is noteworthy that in the Chinese newspaper serial the heading Yifan was

accompanied by the superscript remark 哀史之一節137 This annotation is revealing

enough for Aishi 哀史 was a Japanese title for Les Miseacuterables in the literary circles

in Meiji Japan The adoption of the Japanese term by the Chinese translator to refer to

the French novel suggests the possibility that Chen Jinghan might owe his knowledge

of the French story to Japanese translations Indeed although Chens mode of

137 a segment of Aishi

84

rendering has characterized his translation as an adaptationmdasha form of

rewritingmdashmaking the Chinese text quite distinct from the original story as well as

from Kuroiwas narration a meticulous comparison between Chens translation and

Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou betrays a close affinity and establishes that the Chinese

version is derived from Kuroiwas text

The kingship between the Chinese rendition and the Japanese version can be

shown on three levels proper nouns terms and plot narration In the first place

Chens treatment of some proper nouns in the story exhibits a direct lineage from

Kuroiwas Japanese text The town where Jean Valjean was imprisoned is called

Zulong 祖龍 a phonetic transliteration in the Chinese version (498) As far as

phonetic transcription is concerned the initial consonant [t] of the original Toulon is

rather unlikely to be represented as [z] in Chinese whether the original is pronounced

in French or in English when to a Chinese ear the two sounds are far removed from

each other and in the Chinese language there are other consonants available which are

more similar-sounding to the original [t] such as [t] and [d] However the eccentricity

in which Toulon is transliterated as Zulong in Chinese becomes totally

understandable and even inevitable if Kuroiwas version is included in the comparison

The Japanese transcription Tsulon ツーロン clearly explains how the Chinese

translator came up with Zulong instead of say Tulong or Dulong which sounds

more similar to the original Toulon precisely because the Japanese consonant [ts]

easily reminds a Chinese ear of the sound of [z] in Chinese (Kuroiwa I 92) Another

example has to do with the rendition of Champmathieu which is transcribed

respectively as Mashilang 馬十郎 in Chinese and Umajurou 馬十郎うまじふらう

in Japanese

(Chen Jinghan 510 Kuroiwa I 95) Here in this case the pronunciation of the Chinese

name is vastly dissimilar from that of the Japanese (or the French or the English)

However to users of languages with the written representation system of kanji (or

Chinese characters) nothing is more conspicuous than the plain-to-see fact that the

Chinese translator directly loaned the Japanese kanji in the service of his rendering

resulting in a Chinese name that is the same in form with but disparate in

pronunciation from the Japanese In still another instance the protagonist Jean Valjean

morphed into Yemaozi Jinboer 野貓子金鉢兒 when translated into Chinese (498)

Contrastively Kuroiwas counterpart version is Janbarujan 戎瓦戎ぢゃんばるぢゃん

a phonetic

85

transliteration of the French name (Kuroiwa I 95) What is notworthy here is that the

Chinese version contains two parts a nickname Yemaozi (literally wildcat)

followed by a personal name Jinboer While it is without doubt that Jinboer is a

product of phonetic transcription the nickname added by the Chinese translator

deserves closer attention In fact though the Japanese text here offers nothing related

to the Chinese nickname it did use Noneko 野猫のねこ

(literally wildcat) as an abusive

nickname for Jean Valjean in a previous passage when the hero surprised at Bishop

Myriels kindness in receiving him blurted out helliphellip 私わたく

しをエ追拂おひはら

ひもせずに

前科者ぜんくわもの

を貴君きくん

などと貴方あなた

は誰だれ

でも此こ

の野猫のねこ

めなどと云い

ひますのにhelliphellip138

(Kuroiwa I 18) The Chinese Yemaozi obviously mirrors the Japanese epithet with

similar kanji characters and similar meanings The three examples of rendition of

proper names illustrated above are evidence enough to demonstrate the close

connection between the Chinese and the Japanese

Traces of the Japanese origin of the Chinese text can be found not only in

rendition of proper nouns but also in rendition of some terms Three examples in this

regard are in order In the first two the terms adopted in the Chinese translation are

peculiarly Japanese and Kuroiwas texts again provide elucidation for the peculiar

usage of Chinese The last instance involves a term which is not Japanized but is

nevertheless derived from the Japanese First as Javert informed Madeleine of

Champmathieus arrest the Chinese text has the description 那馬十郎偷了人家的果

物被那邊的警察們拿到helliphellip139 (510) Kuroiwas counterpart text runs 馬十郎うまじふらう

と

云い

ふhelliphellip者もの

が或家あるいえ

の果物くだもの

を盗ぬす

んで賣う

ッたのです140 (Kuroiwa I 95) Despite the

fact that the Chinese text does not mention Champmathieu sold the stolen things as the

Japanese does what is intriguing here is that the Chinese translators choice of words

involves the Japanized term 果物 which is clearly borrowed from the Japanese

果物くだもの

Here the appropriation of the Japanese kanji for use in Chinese results in

138 You didnt throw me out I am an ex-convict and you address me as Monsieur Everybody else calls me a damned wildcat 139 This Mashilang [Champmathieu] stole someone elses fruit and other things and was arrested by the police there 140 The man called Umajurou [Champmathieu] stole the fruit from someones house and sold it

86

semantic disparity for the Japanese 果物くだもの

signifies fruit alone while the Chinese 果

物 inspires the Chinese reader to think of both fruit 果 and other things 物

Another example is also found in Javerts information of Champmathieus arrest in the

Chinese we have 葛羅溪的警署因此便將罪人送往阿勒斯裁判所141 (522) and in

the Japanese we find 本統ほんとう

の戎瓦戎ぢゃんばるぢゃん

がアラスの裁判所さいばんしょ

へ引ひ

き出だ

されて居ゐ

る142

(Kuroiwa I 95) Here the Chinese use of the term 裁判所 for courthouse is

peculiarly Japanized a more idiomatic alternative would be 法院 or 法庭

Apparently the Chinese translator could not have come up with the Japanized term on

his own if he had not based his rendition on the Japanese 裁判所さいばんしょ

One last example

concerns a scene at the entrance to the courthouse The Chinese text goes 上了樓只

見有一個警察兵立在門口helliphellip143 (42) In the French original the one who stood at

the entrance was un huissier (Hugo LM I 398) which denotes an usher in this

context not the 警察 (police officer) described in the Chinese version The

Chinese texts deviation from the original as far as this term is concerned is explainable

by its conformity with the Japanese text which reads 彼か

れはhelliphellip傍聽席ぼうちょうせき

の入い

り口ぐち

に進すす

んだ茲ここ

には警吏けいり

が立た

って居ゐ

る144 (Kuroiwa I 127) Manifestly the Japanese

警吏けいり

(police officer) is what induced the Chinese translator to narrate a police

officer instead of an usher at the entrance to the courthouse The above three

instances all testify to the fact that Chen Jinghans translation of Yifan is contingent on

Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou

The affinity between Chens Chinese rendition and Kuroiwas Japanese version

also manifests itself in narration of plot Suffice it to cite three examples to illustrate

this Firstly Mayor Madeleines admission into the courtroom where the trial was

underway involves the following process

Quand lhuissier ouvrant discregravetement la porte qui communiquait de la

chambre du conseil agrave laudience se pencha derriegravere le fauteuil du

141 Therefore the Police Administration of Geluoxi [Ailly-le-Haut-Clocher] dispatched the criminal under police escort to the courthouse in Arras 142 The real Jean Valjean was sent under police escort to the courthouse in Arras 143 He [Madeleine] went upstairs and saw no one but a police officer standing at the entrance 144 He (Madeleine) proceeded to the entrance to the gallery where a police officer stood

87

preacutesident et lui remit le papier ougrave eacutetait eacutecrite la ligne quon vient de lire

[M Madeleine maire de Montreuil-sur-mer] en ajoutant Ce monsieur

deacutesire assister agrave laudience le preacutesident fit un vif mouvement de

deacutefeacuterence saisit une plume eacutecrivit quelques mots au bas du papier et le

rendit agrave lhuissier en lui disant Faites entrer145 (Hugo LM I 400-401)

The Chinese translation has a counterpart passage which goes like this

警察兵便將名片送至問官處問官一看面上甚是驚喜因想遠近有

名的蒙市長今日也來這裡觀審我等如何榮幸一面便將名片遞授至

各個陪審官處同看一面因命警兵請市長上來146 (Chen Jinghan 59)

The two quoted texts exhibit similar but different plot descriptions Among the

differences two deserve our attention First in the original narrative the usher handed

the judge a piece of paper (le papier) with Mayor Madeleines name on it By

contrast in the Chinese text it is a name card (名片) instead that was handed to the

judge The other noteworthy difference lies in the judges reaction to the message on

the paper or the name card In the French original upon reading the paper the judge

immediately expressed approval on the paper and told the usher to allow Madeleine in

In the Chinese version the judge also voiced his approval of the mayors entrance but

there is an extra action which is absent in the French text the judge passed the name

card around for the jurors to see The two cases of the Chinese versions departure from

the original plot can be traced to Kuroiwas text The counterpart passage in Japanese

is quoted as follows

警吏けいり

はhelliphellip内うち

に入はい

って名刺めいし

を裁判官さいばんくわん

に取次とりつい

だが裁判官さいばんくわん

は其そ

の

表面へうめん

を見み

て聊いささ

か意外いぐわい

の思おもひ

を為な

した容子ようす

であるモントファーメ

ール147の市長しちゃう

斑まだら

井ゐ

此この

名な

は數す

年來ねんらい

徳望とくぼう

の附牒ふてふ

として此土地このとち

へま

145 When the usher discreetly opening the door which connected the council-chamber with the court-room bent over the back of the Presidents arm-chair and handed him the paper on which was inscribed the line which we have just perused [M Madeleine Mayor of M sur M] adding The gentleman desires to be present at the trial the President with a quick and deferential movement seized a pen and wrote a few words at the bottom of the paper and returned it to the usher saying Admit him (Hapgood I 249-50) 146 The police officer handed the name card to the judge The judge was pleasantly surprised as he glanced through it thinking how he and his colleagues were honored by the presence of the widely-known mayor of Montreuil-sur-Mer He passed the card around for each of the jurors to see and at the same time ordered the police officer to usher the mayor in 147 Here in the Japanese text Madeleine is described as mayor of モントファーメール (Montfermeil a town where the evil Theacutenardiers resided) This is a momentary misrepresention on the

88

で聞きこ

えて居ゐ

る誰たれ

とて尊敬そんけい

せぬ者もの

は無な

い裁判官さいばんくわん

は此人このひと

の來臨らいりん

を得え

て職務しょくむ

の上うえ

に光榮くわうえい

を加くは

へた様やう

に感かん

じた卓子てーぶる

の影かげ

から其その

名刺なふだ

を

同僚どうれう

の手て

から手て

に廻まわ

し終つひ

に撿察官けいさつくわん

の手て

にまで傳つた

はツた 148

(Kuroiwa I 128)

Here in the Japanese version the term 名刺めいし

(a name card) is used in place of the

paper in the original plot and there is a depiction of the under-the-table circulation of

the name card among the judiciary officials The similarity between the Chinese and

Japanese texts along with their deviation from the original French indicates the

Chinese translations hereditary relation to the Japanese version

The last two instances are about Madeleines effort to to reveal his true identity

They are words said by Madeleine in court to Brevet and Cochepaille respectively

both his former inmates in order to prove that he was the true Jean Valjean Now

attention is first drawn to what Madeleine said to Brevet in the French novel

Te rappelles-tu ces bretelles en tricot agrave damier que tu avais au bagne149

(Hugo LM I 427)

The comparable passage in the Chinese version is as follows

helliphellip又叫那蒲拔脫道蒲拔脫我在祖龍牢內的時候我將我的衣褲

懸在鐵格上和你相戲你難道忘了150 (119)

The knitted suspenders with a checked pattern (bretelles en tricot agrave damier) in the

French story is lost in the Chinese translation which tells instead about clothes

suspended on iron gratings (衣褲懸在鐵格上) This peculiar shift is also traceable to

part of the Japanese translator because elsewhere in the Japanese rendition the translator correctly identifies Madeleine as mayor of モントリウル (Montreuil-sur-Mer) The 2005 revised reprint of Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou has rectified this error See Kuroiwa Ruikou 黒岩淚香 trans Aamujou (Zenpen) 噫無情（前篇） [Alas Heartless (I)] by Victor Hugo (Tokyo Harushobo はる書房 2005) 127 148 The police officer went in and handed the name card to the judge The judge gave a look of surprise as he glanced at the surface of the card and found on it the name of Madeleine mayor of Montfermeil [Montreuil-sur-Mer] a name which had been equivalent to great virtue and reputation for the past years and which had spread to the present soil where there was no one who did not respect it To the judge the advent of this person felt like an honor bestowed on his duty From under the table he passed the card around among his colleagues and at last the card found its way to the hand of the prosecutor 149 Do you remember the knitted suspenders with a checked pattern which you wore in the galleys (Hapgood I 266) 150 [Madeleine] called to Brevet saying Brevet back in the time when I was imprisoned in Toulon I used to suspend my clothes on the iron gratings to play with you Dont you remember

89

the Japanese version which goes like this

『オ武ぶ

ラバツトよお前まえ

は忘わす

れたのか己おれ

と一いっ

緒しょ

にツーロンの牢らう

に居ゐ

たとき市松格子いちまつがうし

に染分そめわ

けた筒袴吊つぼんつり

を懸か

けて自慢じまん

して居ゐ

た事こと

を』151 (Kuroiwa I 147)

The Japanese text also talks about checkered suspenders (市松格子いちまつがうし

に染分そめわ

けた

筒袴吊つぼんつり

) like the French original and unlike the Chinese rendition Although the

Chinese text also deviates semantically from the Japanese the characters used in the

translation betray something of a connection between the two The Chinese noun 鐵

格 (iron gratings) may be based on the Japanese 格子がうし

(grating or lattice) and

the Chinese verb 懸 may come from the Japanese verb 懸か

ける (suspend or

hang) with an identical kanji However the Japanese 格子がうし

when combined with a

preceding 市松いちまつ

(checkered pattern) conveys a checkered pattern rather than a

grating This is an instance of the Chinese translators misreading of the Japanese text

and the misinterpretation may be due to semantic disparity in the shared characters

between the two languages

The final example concerns how Madeleine identified himself to Cochepaille The

original narration goes like this

Cochepaille tu as pregraves de la saigneacutee du bras gauche une date graveacutee en

lettres bleues avec de la poudre brucircleacutee Cette date cest celle du

deacutebarquement de lempereur agrave Cannes 1er mars 1815 Relegraveve ta

manche152 (Hugo LM I 427)

Here is the Chinese passage

市長又叫著谷希培道谷希培你曾在那破崙上陸那年那月那日你在

兩腕上彫著一千八百十五年三月一號幾個字在字的旁邊恰有一個黑

151 Hey Brevet dont you remember while we were in the prison in Toulon you used to playfully flaunt your checkered suspenders 152 Cochepaille you have near the bend in your left arm a date stamped in blue letters with burnt powder the date is that of the landing of the Emperor at Cannes March 1 1815 pull up your sleeve (Hapgood I 267)

90

痣你試捲了你的左袖看看是還有或沒有153 (131)

Here attention is drawn to two significant differences between the French and the

Chinese The first is about the spot of the burnt letters In the original French story the

letters of the date of Napoleons landing were stamped on the prisoners left arm (bras

gauche) whereas the Chinese version positioned the characters of the date on two

wrists (兩腕) The other difference consists in the extra description of a mole (黑痣

) beside the burnt date in the Chinese textmdasha description which is absent in the

original French narration The discrepancy between the Chinese text and the original

plot is also a result of the Japanese version being the source of the Chinese translation

The counterpart passage in the Japanese text is as follows

『お前まへ

は皇帝くわうてい

拿翕なぽれをん

がカンに上陸じゃうりく

した年月日ねんぐわつぴ

を二の腕うで

に彫附ほりつ

けて

居ゐ

たが今いま

でも一八一五年ねん

三月ぐわつ

一日じつ

の文字もじ

が讀よ

めるだらう確たしか

に其そ

の傍そば

に黒子ほくろ

も有あ

つたドレ左ひだり

の手て

の袖口そでぐち

を捲まく

つてお見み

せ』154

(Kuroiwa I 147-48)

According to the Japanese narration the date of Napoleons landing was tattooed on

二の腕うで

(the upper arm) which is close to the description of the original story

However the Chinese translator may have been misled by the kanji combination of

二 and 腕うで

to take it as meaning two wrists because the two kanji characters are also

used in Chinese and mean two and wrists respectively As for the additional

message of a mole beside the burnt marks in the Chinese version it is clear now that it

results from the Japanese text which contains an account of a 黒子ほくろ

(mole) beside

the date marks The two points of deviation of the Chinese version from the original

story again confirm the fact that the Chinese story of Yifan is translated from Kuroiwas

Japanese Les Miseacuterables

All in all judging from the translators language backgound and from the

instances of proper nouns terms and plot narration illustrated above it is beyond

153 The mayor then called to Cochepaille saying Cochepaille on the date of Napoleons landing you tattooed on both your wrists the characters of March 1 1815 beside which there happened to be a mole Try lifting up your left sleeve and let us see if there are still there 154 You had the date of Emperor Napoleons landing at Cannes tattooed on your upper arm Now the sign of March 1 1815 should still be visible there I remember there was a mole beside it Lift up your left sleeve and let us have a look

91

doubt that Chen Jinghans Yifan is rendered from Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou

Though basing his text on Kuroiwas version the Chinese translator actually did

more adapting than rendering For example in the Chinese version the inner struggles

of the mayor Madeleine are given a prolonged and vivid description with many details

of psychological workings which are not part of the Japanese narration In fact the

Chinese translator adapts and rewrites the story to such an extent that it is hard to

juxtapose the Chinese text with its master copy in a recognizable way save for the few

examples illustrated above as evidence for their genealogical relations

33 Tianmin Lei A Close Rendition from a Second-hand French Text

In June 1915 in the journal Yuxian Lu155 娛閒錄 appeared a short piece entitled

Tianmin Lei156 a story about the selfless beneficence and immaculate morals of

Bishop Myriel in Les Miseacuterables Below the title is the authorship information 法國

囂俄Victor Hugo 原著解吾譯157 The translated text is couched in classical Chinese

just like the majority of the Chinese texts addressed in the present dissertation

Translated by Xie Wu the main text of this short piece is preceded by a note which

states the translators purpose of introducing Hugos great work to Chinese society

是書都十萬餘言描寫社會狀態窮形盡相而又能推極其所以然之

故過去之因未來之果種種難題苦心研究世界小說家多馳騖

乎情文無甚裨於世道囂俄先生十九世紀名大家也以愛人之心

為救世之論掃去一切舊習獨於身心性命之中發揭自然真理之微

妙有功社會不少至其結構之精思筆之奇神昧之永特為餘事

法人幾家手一編歐美各國靡不競相翻印以公諸世譯者目擊吾

國現況不盡悲傷用以貢獻借作他山我輩欲造社會社會自不

能離我輩而獨立也譯者識158 (8755)

155 Literally Leisure Entertainment Pieces 156 Literally Tears of Heavenly People 157 Originally written by the French author Victor Hugo translated by Xie Wu 158 The original novel consists of over 100000 words It is a comprehensive depiction of society at large an in-depth exploration into the roots of social phenomena which explains the unusual length of the work The author traces everything to its past cause and future effect endeavoring hard to probe into the core of every problem The novelists in the world tend to let their expressions of emotions run amok This does not help to improve the way of the world Mr Hugo was a celebrated master in the nineteenth century With a loving heart he expressed his theory to save the world emphasizing the breaking of convention and the revealing of the mystery of natural truth through exercising the innate intuition which cultivates body and mind character and destiny What he did is of great benefit to society The novel is so well-structured so well-written so full of intriguing episodes and lasting relish

92

As in the case of Yifan the translation of Tianmin Lei was intended to ameliorate the

Chinese society by enlightening the people on the importance of morals and providing

a good model for them to follow The short text of the Chinese translation is suffused

with descriptions of the impeccable benevolence the sublime self-sacrifice the frugal

life and the moral wisdom of the saintly bishop

Besides the general title of the story the text is also given a heading 第一部義

士159 and at the end of the piece can be found the remark 未完160 in parentheses

This clearly indicates that Tianmin Lei was originally meant to be the first episode of a

serial in the periodical According to Han Yiyu the translator may have proposed or

even finished a complete rendering of the French novel but only the first episode

[Book One] went to publication161 (74) and this is what is left of Tianmin Lei so far

However even in the published piece the translation is excerpted rather than complete

if it is compared with Hugos original work The translated story is taken from the First

Book (Un Juste) of Volume One (Fantine) of the French novel The Chinese

heading mentioned above is obviously a rendition of the French title Un Juste of the

book In this inceptive episode the Chinese translator treats the first six chapters of the

original fourteen-chaptered book with the exception of Chapter Three which is left

totally untranslated This fact alone disqualifies the Chinese translation from being a

complete version Then in the five chapters handled by the translator omissions are

done on a large scale All in all Xie Wus Chinese version of Les Miseacuterables gives the

first impression of a greatly reduced and roughly translated one just like most of the

other translations addressed in the present dissertation

However the first impression of reduction and simplification in terms of the

completeness of the translation is gradually undermined as the tracing of the source of

the Chinese rendition proceeds I will come to the question of the undermined

impression after addressing the problem of source-tracing At present very little is

known about Xie Wu Without sufficient background knowledge of the translator it is

hard to narrow down the scope of linguistic sources from the repertoire of world

languages and the source-tracing will be a difficult task without promise of success that almost every household in France has a copy of it and the countries in Europe and America all vie to translate it for their populace to see Deploringly sad at seeing the status quo in China the present translator contributes this translation to provide a model for our society After all as we seek to create a brave new society the society cannot work without our model mdashBy the translator 159 Book One A Man of Integrity 160 to be continued 161 Hans original Chinese 天民淚似乎有譯全文的計畫或實蹟但只刊出一次

93

Fortunately in the case of Tianmin Lei however the mode of translation is revealing

enough to compensate for the lack of authorial information The first important clue is

found in the translators treatment of the proper names the phonetic properties of the

proper names in Chinese transliteration point to the positive fact that they are derived

from the French pronunciations Examples will be offered later in my intertextual

comparison A more important and decisive lead is taken from the manner of

truncation in the Chinese translation As is already mentioned previously the Chinese

version combines in translation some passages from the original Chapters One Two

Four Five and Six of the First Book and leaves out the Third Chapter altogether In

the treated chapters the translator typically skips passages on a paragraph basis For

instance the First Chapter of the original work comprises seventeen paragraphs and

the Chinese translator preserves only eight paragraphs (Paragraphs One Four Five to

Eight Twleve and Thirteen) in his version This practice of paragraph-skipping is

shared by two foregoing versions of Les Miseacuterables F C de Sumichrasts 1896

excerpted version and Douglas Labaree Buffums 1908 shortened edition both texts

expressed in the French language The Sumichrast version can be ruled out here for it

is short of some passages which are presented in the Chinese version In Chapter Four

of the French original for example the second paragraph about the Bishops joking

about his own grandeur to Madame Magloire is deleted by Sumichrast but is treated

in the Chinese rendition (Hugo LM I 20 Xie Wu 8756) The Chinese translator

cannot have retained this passage if he had based his translation on the 1896 version by

Sumichrast Therefore Sumichrasts text can be excluded from further consideration

As for the version edited by Buffum it is streamlined in the same way as the

Chinese version whether on the level of chapters or on the level of paragraphs Like

the Chinese text Buffums version also keeps the First Second Fourth Fifth and

Sixth Chapters of the original First Book leaving out the remaining chapters altogether

Even more significant is the fact that the French abridgment also agrees with the

Chinese version in the textual truncation done to the selected five chapters resulting in

a striking correspondence between the two texts A scrutiny on them shows a

conspicuous similarity in content The initial seven paragraphs serve as a good

example for demonstrating the relationship between the two versions In the following

quotes for ease of comparison numbers in brackets are added to counterpart passages

signifying a unit of paragraph as the Chinese text following the ancient Chinese

tradition of textual presentation is not divided into paragraphs in its maiden

94

appearance on the periodical Heres Buffums French text and the Chinese version in

juxtaposition

French (Douglas Labaree Buffum) Chinese (Xie Wu)

[1] En 1815 M Charles-Franccedilois-Bienvenu

Myriel eacutetait eacutevecircque de Digne Ceacutetait un vieillard

denviron soixante-quinze ans il occupait le siegravege de

Digne depuis 1806

[2] En 1804 M Myriel eacutetait cureacute de Brignolles Il

eacutetait deacutejagrave vieux et vivait dans une retraite profonde

[3] Vers leacutepoque du couronnement une petite

affaire de sa cure on ne sait plus trop quoi lamena agrave

Paris Entre autres personnes puissantes il alla

solliciter pour ses paroissiens M le cardinal Fesch

Un jour que lempereur eacutetait venu faire visite agrave son

oncle le digne cureacute qui attendait dans lantichambre

se trouva sur le passage de sa majesteacute Napoleacuteon se

voyant regardeacute avec une certaine curiositeacute par ce

vieillard se retourna et dit brusquement

[4] mdashQuel est ce bonhomme qui me regarde

[5] mdashSire dit M Myriel vous regardez un

bonhomme et moi je regarde un grand homme

Chacun de nous peut profiter

[6] Lempereur le soir mecircme demanda au cardinal

[1] 西曆一千八百一十五

年有底業主教沙爾勒佛

朗刷彼顏斐呂密爾野

者甚老近七十五歲其

位置底業始自一千八百零

六年 [2] 當一千八百零

四年時密爾野為伯衣蹶勒

教士年已老矣生活頗受

優待 [3] 其加冠期中

教士忽赴巴黎人莫測也

後乃知彼為勢力中人特為

會友事請求大主教耳一日

法皇來晤其伯父教士時在

側廳瞻仰頗覺天威咫尺

拿破崙奇之漫語之曰

[4] 「視朕之懦夫為誰」

[5] 密爾野曰「陛下見懦

夫臣仰英雄均益也」

162 [1] In 1815 M Charles-Francois-Bienvenu Myriel was Bishop of Dmdash [Digne] He was an old man of about seventy-five years of age he had occupied the see of Dmdash [Digne] since 1806 [2] In 1804 M Myriel was the Cure of Bmdash [Brignolles] He was already advanced in years and lived in a very retired manner [3] About the epoch of the coronation some petty affair connected with his curacymdashjust what is not precisely knownmdashtook him to Paris Among other powerful persons to whom he went to solicit aid for his parishioners was M le Cardinal Fesch One day when the Emperor had come to visit his uncle the worthy Cure who was waiting in the anteroom found himself present when His Majesty passed Napoleon on finding himself observed with a certain curiosity by this old man turned round and said abruptlymdash [4] Who is this good man who is staring at me [5] Sire said M Myriel you are looking at a good man and I at a great man Each of us can profit by it [6] That very evening the Emperor asked the Cardinal the name of the Cure and some time afterwards M Myriel was utterly astonished to learn that he had been appointed Bishop of Dmdash [Digne] [7] M Myriel had arrived at Dmdash [Digne] accompanied by an elderly spinster Mademoiselle Baptistine who was his sister and ten years his junior (Hapgood I 1-3)

95

le nom de ce cureacute et quelque temps apregraves M Myriel

fut tout surpris dapprendre quil eacutetait nommeacute eacutevecircque

de Digne

[7] M Myriel eacutetait arriveacute agrave Digne accompagneacute

dune vieille fille mademoiselle Baptistine qui eacutetait

sa soeur et qui avait dix ans de moins que lui162

(3-4)

[6] 是晚皇帝詢教士之名

於大主教已而密爾野遂被

任為底業主教矣 [7] 至

時攜其妹巴低市底勒老

處子也少其兄十歲163

(8755)

In the above citations the seven consecutive paragraphs in Buffums version are a

result of the editors deleting some of Hugos original passages in between them The

Chinese versions likeness to Buffums text here in preserving only the same seven

counterpart paragraphs in translation argues for the likelihood that Buffums abridged

version is the source of the Chinese translation This likelihood becomes almost a

certainty if we look more closely and compare the contents of the seven paragraphs in

French and Chinese Indeed the Chinese text can be said to be a rather close

translation almost a sentence-for-sentence rendering of the abridged French version

despite the existence of some semantic simplifications and minor deviations In

paragraphs one and seven the Chinese text describes the exact same message as the

French The only exception is that in both paragraphs the French abbreviation M for

Monsieur which is used to address Bishop Myriel is not transferred to the Chinese

translation Nevertheless this ignorance of the prefix to a name is a minor problem

and the bishops name without a prefix works rather well here in the Chinese context

Leaving the prefix aside the bishops name in fullmdasha combination of four

namesmdashis carried whole-sale over to the Chinese text rendered as 沙爾勒佛朗刷

彼顏斐呂密爾野 obviously a phonetic transliteration from French not English The

extraordinarily long name in thirteen Chinese characters is hard enough for a Chinese

reader to bear as a Chinese name typically contains two to four characters merely It is

163 [1] In 1815 there was a bishop named Charles-Franccedilois-Bienvenu Myriel in Digne He was very old almost seventy-five years old His ordainment in Digne started from 1806 [2] In 1804 Myriel was the cure of Brignolles He was already old and lived a well-treated life [3] In the period of the coronation the cure went to Paris abruptly and nobody could make any speculation about this Only later did people know that the cure a prestigious personage went there to solicit help from the Cardinal for his parishioners One day the French emperor came to visit his uncle The cure who happened to be in the lobby of the wing looked up to him in awe and admiration Napoleon was curious about the cures manner and asked casually [4] Who is this coward who is staring at me [5] Myriel said Sire you are looking at a coward and I am looking at a hero Either way is good [6] That evening the emperor asked the Cardinal the name of the cure Some time later Myriel was appointed bishop of Digne [7] When the time came for him to go to Digne Myriel took along his sister Baptistine an old spinster who was ten years younger than her brother

96

even more buffling and disconcerting to the Chinese audience that in Yuxian Lu where

the Chinese translation was published the thirteen characters were presented in the old

conventional formatmdashie in close succession without any separating punctuatin

between the namesmdashresulting in an impression of a strange meaningless combination

of thirteen successive characters that are not easily decipherable at first sight In the

face of long Western names of a person most Chinese translators usually adopt the

strategy of shortening the names into workable numbers of characters to make them

more easily readable and acceptable to Chinese readers Xie Wus unusual treatment of

the bishops long names is caused by his strict adherence to the original French names

and herein lies a little piece of evidence for his close translation

In paragraph two the semantic content of the French text is also conveyed in the

Chinese translation except the ending phrase vivait dans une retraite profonde

translated into 生活頗受優待 in Chinese The original sense of living in a retired

manner is replaced by the translator with living a well-treated life The reason for

this shift is not clear for the context does not seem to necessitate it and the shift does

not seem to serve the edifying purpose for which the translator did the rendering A

possible explanation may be attributed to the translators misinterpretation In fact a

few cases of misreading can be found in this piece of translation Suffice it to cite one

example for illustration In paragraph three there is an account of Napoleon finding

himself looked at with curiosity by the bishop (se voyant regardeacute avec une certaine

curiositeacute par ce vieillard) So the curious one is originally the bishop The Chinese

translation 拿破崙奇之 (Napoleon was curious about it) makes Napoleon the

curious one and betrays the translators misreading of the French text

While some deviations from the French text may be ascribed to the translators

unconscious misconstruction some are clearly intentional on the translators part The

dialogue between Napoleon and Myriel described in paragraphs four and five

involves a contrast between great man (grand homme) and good man

(bonhomme) For this pair the Chinese version sets hero (英雄) and coward (

懦夫) in contradistinction Now to turn the great man into a hero in a context

where Napoleon is the subject in question may not be an exact translation on the

phrasal level but it is nevertheless acceptable and works well in the Chinese context

not only because the two terms are closely related to the point of almost being

regarded as synonyms by some but also because Napoleons status as a heroic figure is

97

widely recognized in China What seems questionable here is the the suitability of

coward as a substitute for good man The two nouns are far from synonymous and

to use the one for the other raises the suspicion of the translators misinterpretation

However if this peculiar conversion is approached from the contextual perspective it

is not difficult to see the reason for the translators strange choice of diction it is

precisely because coward forms a far better contrast with hero than good man

does that the translator opted for the former instead of the latter In other words once

the translator adopted the word choice of hero for great man the purpose for

contrast in this context would certainly require that coward be used as a better match

with hero than a synonymous Chinese term for good man In the final analysis the

Chinese deviation of 懦夫 from the original bonhomme results not so much from

the translators misunderstanding of the French term as from his deliberate intention to

form a sharply contrastive pair with its precedent 英雄

Paragraph six manifests another type of deviation from the original In this part

the Chinese text corresponds to the French in narrating that Monsieur Myriel was

appointed bishop of Digne some time after Napoleon inquired about Myriels name on

the evening of the day the conversation between the two took place The only disparity

in translation is that the message of Myriels surprise upon knowing his appointment is

not present in the Chinese text Hence the deviation in this paragraph is caused by the

translators omission whether intentional or not

There is still another kind of deviation which may not be imputed to

misinterpretation or deliberate intention but to a momentary lapse of attention on the

part of the translator An example of this goes beyong the seven paragraphs cited above

to a later passage about the list of Bishop Myriels household expenses For easy and

clear comparison the original French text is put in parentheses after each Chinese item

in the following quotation

修理房室用款一覽表 (Note pour reacutegler les deacutepenses de ma maison)164

164 The French text is translated by Hapgood as follows (I 5)

NOTE ON THE REGULATION OF MY HOUSEHOLD EXPENSES For the little seminary 1500 livres Society of the mission 100 For the Lazarists of Montdidier 100 Seminary for foreign missions in Paris 200 Congregation of the Holy Spirit 150 Religious establishments of the Holy Land 100 Charitable maternity societies 300 Extra for that of Arles 50

98

初修道院 (Pour le petit seacuteminaire) 一千五百佛郎 (quinze cents

livres)

勸教會 (Congreacutegation de la mission) 一百佛郎 (cent livres)

莽的底兒之昧增爵會 (Pour les lazaristes de

Montdidier)

二百佛郎 (cent livres)

巴黎外國教士之修道院 (Seacuteminaire des

missions eacutetrangegraveres agrave Paris)

二百佛郎 (deux cents livres)

聖神會 (Congreacutegation du Saint-Esprit) 一百五十佛郎 (cent cinquante

livres)

聖地之教士建築物 (Eacutetablissements

religieux de la Terre-Sainte)

一百佛郎 (cent livres)

慈善賑濟社 (Socieacuteteacutes de chariteacute maternelle) 三百佛郎 (trois cents livres)

又阿爾勒慈善賑濟社 (En sus pour celle

dArles)

五十佛郎 (cinquante livres)

改良監獄之工程 (Œuvre pour lameacutelioration

des prisons)

四百佛郎 (quatre cents livres)

賑恤獄犯 (Œuvre pour le soulagement et la

deacutelivrance des prisonniers)

五百佛郎 (cinq cents livres)

償清獄犯家人之欠債 (Pour libeacuterer des

pegraveres de famille prisonniers pour dettes)

三千佛郎 (mille livres)

補足教區學校窮困教員之薪金

(Suppleacutement au traitement des pauvres

maicirctres deacutecole du diocegravese)

二千佛郎 (deux mille livres)

補足阿爾伯士山之倉穀 (Grenier

dabondance des Hautes-Alpes)


Work for the amelioration of prisons 400 Work for the relief and delivery of prisoners 500 To liberate fathers of families incarcerated for debt 1000 Addition to the salary of the poor teachers of the diocese 2000 Public granary of the Hautes-Alpes 100 Congregation of the ladies of D---- [Digne] of Manosque and of Sisteron for

the gratuitous instruction of poor girls 1500 For the poor 6000 My personal expenses 1000 Total 15000

99

底業馬陸豕格兮飾德爾隴教育貧子之夫人

會 (Congreacutegation des dames de Digne

de Manosque et de Sisteron pour

lenseignement gratuit des filles

indigentes)

一百五十佛郎 (quinze cents

livres)

濟貧 (Pour les pauvres) 六千佛郎 (six mille livres)

自用 (Ma deacutepense personnelle) 三千佛郎 (mille livres)

總共 (Total) 一萬五千佛郎 (quinze mille

livres)

(Xie Wu 8756 Buffum 5-6 asterisks added)

What is my concern here about the list is not the translation of the items but the

transcription of the number in each individual sum entry The four items marked with

an additional symbol of asterisk in the Chinese version show a departure in the amount

of money from the original French The sum for the entry of 莽的底兒之昧增爵會

(Pour les lazaristes de Montdidier) is 100 in French and 200 in Chinese respectively

for 償清獄犯家人之欠債 (Pour libeacuterer des pegraveres de famille prisonniers pour

dettes) 1000 in French and 3000 in Chinese for 底業馬陸豕格兮飾德爾隴教育貧

子之夫人會 (Congreacutegation des dames de Digne de Manosque et de Sisteron pour

lenseignement gratuit des filles indigentes) 1500 in French and 150 in Chinese and

for 自用 (Ma deacutepense personnelle) 1000 in French and 3000 in Chinese There is

the possibility that the translator modified the sum for a particular purpose However

this possibility is negated by the fact that the values in the Chinese items do not add up

to the professed 15000 bottom line but instead to 17750 a figure not presented here

The agreement of the Chinese sum total with the French original quinze mille

bespeaks the translators attempt at reproducing the original expenses of the bishops

household Therefore the four aberrant figures in the translation may be ascribed to an

inadvertant error committed by the translator

It has been mentioned at the start of the section that the translation of Tianmin Lei

was triggered by the edifying purpose of the translator It comes as no surprise that the

translated text contains numerous passages about the saintly bishops sayings offered

as words of wisdom and food for thought How the translator handled the sayings

deserves close attention Here two selected paragraphs serve as examples (The

100

unparagraphed Chinese version is quoted with a number added to each paragraph for

ease of comparison)


Il eacutetait indulgent pour les femmes et les

pauvres sur qui pegravese le poids de la socieacuteteacute

humaine Il disait mdash Les fautes des femmes

des enfants des serviteurs des faibles des

indigents et des ignorants sont la faute des

maris des pegraveres des maicirctres des forts des

riches et des savants

Il disait encore mdash Agrave ceux qui ignorent

enseignez-leur le plus de choses que vous

pourrez la socieacuteteacute est coupable de ne pas donner

linstruction gratis elle reacutepond de la nuit quelle

produit Cette acircme est pleine dombre le peacutecheacute

sy commet Le coupable nest pas celui qui fait

le peacutecheacute mais celui qui fait lombre165 (8)

[1] 其待婦人及貧人殊寬厚面

處社會亦極平允無所輕重於其

間曰「婦女幼孩僕婢

弱者貧者愚者之罪皆其夫

其父其師與強者富者智者

之罪非彼輩之罪也」 [2] 復

曰「庸愚之人而敎以己之所

難能是不欲與人以教育而置

無數生民於不顧乃反以不可敎

罪人則社會誠萬惡矣凡靈魂

充滿疑慮則罪惡即自此產出

夫罪人豈自甘犯罪者不過靈魂

疑慮充實失所主耳」166 (8757)

Here in the cited passages my first focus is on the bishops sayings In the first

paragraph of the citation the bishops adage is rendered faithfully into Chinese

faithfully to the degree that a one-to-one word-for-word correspondence can be

identified between the original and the translation despite the fact that the Chinese text

adds a final clause 非彼輩之罪也 (not their own faults) which works well in the

Chinese sentence structure and also serves as an emphatic explicitation for the original

sense of the saying In the second paragraph however the original message of the 165 He was indulgent towards women and poor people on whom the burden of human society rest He said The faults of women of children [of servants] of the feeble the indigent and the ignorant are the fault of the husbands the fathers the masters the strong the rich and the wise He said moreover Teach those who are ignorant as many things as possible society is culpable in that it does not afford instruction gratis it is responsible for the night which it produces This soul is full of shadow sin is therein committed The guilty one is not the person who has committed the sin but the person who has created the shadow (Hapgood I 12-13) 166 [1] He was exceptionally generous and tolerant with women and poor people In society he treated everyone with equilibrium and equity without any partiality He said The faults of women children servants the feeble the poor and the ignorant are not their own but the faults of their husbands fathers masters the strong the rich and the wise [2] He also said To teach the ignorant what one finds difficult is to refuse them education and leave their multitudes uncared for while at the same time blaming them for their unteachable ignorance In this condition society is evil indeed When the soul is full of doubt it produces evils A criminal did not commit a crime because he wanted to but because his soul was doubtful and he was lost

101

bishops maxim is somewhat distorted in the rendition Though successfully conveying

the original idea of societys fault in both denying education to the ignorant and

imputing sin to their ignorance the Chinese text is couched in a completely different

rhetorical manner Firstly the imperative French phrase enseignez-leur le plus de

choses que vous pourrez (teach them [the ignorant] as many things as possible) is

lost in the Chinese version This loss results in the difference that while the original

French besides accusing society of the said fault offers a positive urging to educate

the ignorant the Chinese text is concentrated on denouncing society without

suggesting any measure for amelioration Moreover the French figurative word

ombre (shadow) is applied here to associate with the preceding nuit (night)

and the associative pair functions here to elucidate Hugos opinion that society is more

to blame than individul because the shadow caused by society on the individual is the

underlying reason for the individuals surrender to sin The Chinese text replaces the

French night-shadow metaphor with the concept of 疑慮 (doubt) in an individual

Without the original metaphor the ascription of the individuals sin to society is greatly

diluted in the Chinese translation

Apart from the bishops words of wisdom the first sentence in the first quoted

paragraph is also worthy of note The adjectival clause sur qui pegravese le poids de la

socieacuteteacute humaine (on whom the burden of human society weighs) contains a

description of societys heavy burden on individuals here women and poor people in

particular The counterpart text in the Chinese version describes instead how the bishop

does not discriminate Such a description is digressive here for it does not seem to fit

into the Chinese context The translator may have neglected the idea of the French

phrase peser sur (weigh on) and derived the Chinese concept of 輕重

(discriminate) from the single verb peser (weigh consider)mdashbecause the

Chinese words 輕重 are literally about weight and to assign different weights to

different things is to discriminate in Chinese

From the above illustrations it is more than certain that Xie Wus Tianmin Lei is

rendered from Buffums abridged version of Les Miseacuterables and that the translation is

rather close By close I mean the translator did the rendering on a

sentence-for-sentence and even word-for-word basis as opposed to the free unbridled

mode of rendition exemplified by Chen Jinghans Yifan and Zhou Zuorens Guer Ji

Although Xie Wus text presents some deviations from his source the deviations are

102

caused by the translators alternative reading or misinterpretation and do not change the

fact that the translation generally follows the narration of the French text rather closely

After the comparson between Buffums French abridgment and Xie Wus Chinese

translation on the volume-book-chapter level as well as on the sentence-phrase level

let us return to Han Yiyus calculation quoted earlier in this section that Tianmin Lei

was originally meant to be a complete translation of the French novel but only the first

episode got to be serialized If we appraise the text of Tianmin Lei using Hugos

original novel as standard Hans speculation will be totally dismissable because the

extant first episode alone betrays large-scale omissions of the original passages

However when the evaluation of the Chinese translation is based on Buffums

truncated version of Les Miseacuterables the first episode in the Chinese text shows a close

and complete rendering of its source and Hans surmise is given substantial ground At

first sight Xie Wus Chinese version of Les Miseacuterables is rather simplified for its

massive deletion of the original passages but the results of my source-tracing serve to

do justice to Hans argument and change the impression of deviation by showing the

renditions closeness to its source This harks back to my previous argument in

discussing the rendition of Aichen that the review of a translated text should not be

based merely on the ultimate original as the only point of reference but the source text

from which the translation is produced deserves equal if not more attention

103

Chapter Four Su Manshus Can Shehui A Case of Multiple

Mysteries

While Lu Xun 魯迅 pioneered the introduction of Hugo to the Chinese society

by translating a short story that is related to Les Miseacuterables the French novelists

major work of Les Miseacuterables was not rendered into Chinese until the appearance of

Su Manshus 蘇曼殊 (1884minus1918) translation Originally titled Can Shehui167 慘社

會 Sus vernacular translation was first serialized every other day in Guomin

Riribao168 國民日日報 in Shanghai in 1903 from the eighth of October to the first of

December when the roman-feuilleton stopped in the middle of the eleventh chapter as

a result of the termination of the newspaper In 1904 a separate of an enlarged fourteen

chapters was published by Jingjin 鏡今 Bookstore in Shanghai The title of this

offprint was changed to Can Shijie169 慘世界 and the authorship or translatorship

was also modified to include Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀 (1879minus1942) in Sus undertaking

In 1921 Taidong 泰東 Bookstore also in Shanghai published a memorial reprint of

the work with the title altered to Beican Shijie170 悲慘世界 and the authorship

restored to Su Manshu alone The content however was proved by Qian Xuantong 錢

玄同 to be identical to that of the 1904 edition (Liu Xinhuang 208) In 1925 when

Taidong Bookstore issued a second print the name of the novel was shifted back to

Can Shijie from whence no titular variation has occurred

The development of Sus translation described above can be summed up in two

ways In terms of title we have Can Shehui for the unfinished serialized version Can

Shijie for the 1904 Jingjin edition and the 1925 Taidong reprint and Beican Shijie for

the 1921 Taidong republication As far as content is concerned except for the

incomplete serialized one all the other editions are of the same version Thus there are

actually two versions of Su Manshus Chinese Les Miseacuterables For ease of

167 Literally The Miserable Society 168 The China National Gazette In his introductory work on Su Manshu Liu Wu-chi 柳無忌 refers to Guomin Riribao as National Peoples Daily a good semantic translation probably done by Liu himself See Wu-chi Liu Su Man-shu (New York Twayne 1972) 32-35 However the daily already offered its own English title as The China National Gazette on the head page of each edition Accordingly the English title offered by the daily is adopted here 169 Literally The Miserable World 170 Literally The Sad Miserable World

104

identification throughout the present dissertation I shall use Can Shehui for the

uncompleted eleven-chaptered newspaper serial and Can Shijie for the subsequent

expanded reprints of fourteen chapters When critics talk about Sus Chinese

translation of Les Miseacuterables they usually refer to the fourteen-chaptered version of

Can Shijie In the present chapter however my main concern is with the serialized

Can Shehui for the expanded Can Shijie involves the issue of authorship which shall

be dealt with in the next chapter of the present thesis

Sus Chinese versions of Les Miseacuterables follow the tradition of zhanghui xiaoshuo

章回小說 a popular form of vernacular fiction prevalent in the Ming 明 and Qing 清

Dynasties in China The adoption of this particular type of popular fiction conditions

Sus rendition to a considerable extent In the first place instead of classical Chinese

which is the linguistic medium of other literary genres in ancient China and also of

most of the Chinese translations discussed in the present study Su adopts vernacular

language in his rendition to conform to the convention of the zhanghui novel In

addition each chapter is endowed with a couplet heading which gives the tenor of the

particular part of the story For example the First Chapter bears the heading of 太尼

城行人落魄苦巴館店主無情171 Such a couplet is not inspired by the chapter title

in the original story but is oriented to the textual part which it introduces in the

translation Moreover at the end of each chapter excepting the concluding one an

expression is used to keep the interested reader in suspense and anticipation This

expression similar in meaning but somewhat varied in wording in each chapter

usually denotes the concept of If you want to know what happened next please wait

until the next issue (or chapter)172

An interesting fact is to be mentioned briefly here The suspense-arousing phrase

which ends a chapter is a remanent from the earlier shuoshu 說書173 tradition in

China The long tale told by the storyteller to a group of people gathered together is

broken into many sessions each of which concludes with the suspense address to keep

the listeners in anticipation to come back for more in the future This technique when

later emulated in the written form of novel by men of letters becomes purely formal

and loses its suspense-inspiring effects as is the case of the separately printed Can

171 The town of Digne witnessed a forlorn traveller La Croix de Colbas had an apathetic host 172 The original Chinese text 欲知後事如何且待下回分解 an example taken from the end of Chapter Five in the Chinese translation 173 Literally taletelling

105

Shijie The appearance of newspapers magazines and other periodicals and the

prevalence of stories serialized on them promise to revive the effect of suspense

achieved by the storyteller in the shuoshu tradition if each installment ends at the right

place However the serialized publication of Sus Can Shehui does not take advantage

of its edge in this regard Guomin Riribao does not seem to break the serialized story

according to the section or chapter of the translation but spatial availability on the

layout seems to be the major consideration behind the division of the serials Given the

two-day interval between the installments the story would have achieved its suspense

effects if an installment had ended with the end of a chapter but an examination on the

issues of the newspaper which published the installments shows some evidence to the

contrary For example the October 16 issue presents the part of the story comprising

the end of Chapter Two and the beginning of Chapter Three This cross-chapter

presentation in a single installment completely nullifies the suspense as the sentence

要知道他後事如何且聽下回分解174 at the end of the Second Chapter is followed

immediately by the revelation offered by the next chapter

Aside from the vernacular language the couplet in the chapter title and the

end-of-chapter suspense phrasing Sus version of the French novel also shows other

traces of the zhanghui xiaoshuo form Since it is not the purpose of the present

research to exhaust all the zhanghui novel elements exhibited in Sus translation

suffice it to mention just two more salient features here introducing an incident by the

starting set phrase huashuo 話說 or queshuo 卻說 which is roughly translatable as

it happened that and addressing the audience directly as kanguan 看官 which is

approximately equivalent with dear audience to engage the attention and interest of

the reader These narrative techniques are not characteristic of the French original but a

formal adaptation made by the translator

Unlike Aichen which is almost a complete rendition of the original story Su

Manshus Chinese version of Les Miseacuterables is only a partial translation Of the total of

forty-eight books in the original five-volumed novel Su deals only with the Second

Book (La chute)175 of Volume One (Fantine) Even in his treatment of the

translated part there are many deletions alterations and additions These changes

along with the Chinese zhanghui form adopted by the translator make his text drift far

174 If you want to know what happened to him please listen to what the next issue (or chapter) has to say 175 Literally The Fall

106

apart from the original and characterize the version more as a creative fiction than a

translation Like so many of his contemporaries local and abroad Su only offered

information of the original author in his translation but did not specify what source he

used as the master copy of his translation In the daily newspaper where Can Shehui

appeared the first installment of the serialized rendition revealed the authorship as 法

國大文豪囂俄著中國蘇子穀譯176 While this piece of information is clear about

the author of the original work it remains unknown which text the original French or

any other version was used by Su Manshu for translation

The problems involved in tracking down the source of Sus Chinese Les

Miseacuterables is far more complicated than any other rendition treated in the present

dissertation Sus multicultural background and multilingual faculty the existence of

several English and Japanese translations of Les Miseacuterables before Sus version came

out his supposed exposure to known translations of the French novel in different

languages in his time and his tendency to translate freely to the extent of making

large-scale changes to the original storymdashthese factors seem to lend plausibility to

many possibilities and make it difficult to decide which text was the source of Sus

Chinese rendition Moreover the distinction of Can Shehui and Can Shijie has entailed

another issue Does the inclusion of Chen Duxiu in the authorship of the 1904 offprint

mean that the supplemented three-odd chapters of Can Shijie were translated by Chen

If Chen was a co-translator the source text he referred to for translation might

probably be different from that used by Su owing to the difference in their respective

linguistic background Since this question has been a subject of dispute without any

agreed-upon conclusion among critics in the present chapter the source-tracing will be

limited to Can Shehui only and the problems related to the last three-odd chapters of

Can Shijie will be dealt with in the next chapter In the following sections an attempt

will be made to explore into the different aspects of the problems in tracing the source

text on which Su based his rendition of Can Shehui

41 Probable Language Sources Critical Conjectures Revisited

The source from which Su Manshu translated his Chinese Les Miseacuterables has

remained a mystery Sus multilingual capability makes the issue of source-tracing a

rather complex one Because of his cross-cultural background and acquired education

176 Written by Hugo the French literary giant translated by Su Zigu [Su Manshu] in China

107

Sus linguistic abilities are known to embrace Chinese Japanese English Sanskrit and

Frenchmdasha multilingualism which distinguished him as a rare language genius among

his contemporaries Of the five languages he was capable of the first two are doubtless

his mother tongues for they were developed very early in his childhood through his

exposure to the native environments and continued to be improved through later

education By contrast English Sanskrit and French are his secondary languages

learned through deliberate effort in non-native conditions from teenage on

The linguistic advantages in Sus case mean that the issue of possible sources

involved in the first Chinese Les Miseacuterables is more complicated than any other

translation dealt with in this dissertation In temporal terms all versions of Les

Miseacuterables which were published in any of the five languages before the first

appearance of Sus Can Shehui in 1903 are possible sources Su might have availed

himself of By the time Su began to serialize his translation in the newspaper there had

been no known Les Miseacuterables in Chinese or Sanskrit but there had existed several

complete and abridged translations in English as well as many partial translations in

Japanese not to mention the French original Hence Chinese and Sanskrit can be ruled

out from our consideration leaving us with the remaining three languages which

deserve closer scrutiny If Sus command of Japanese English and French was good

enough for rendition then all the English and Japanese versions which antedated the

advent of Sus translation as well as the French original were possible sources which

Su might have drawn on

Conjectures on Sus source of translation vary among critics It is advisable here

to first review the major critical ideas to see how the question has been addressed In

talking about the influence of Japanese translations on the prevalence of the

localization strategy177 adopted by Chinese translators in the late-Qing period

(Translator Manipulation 63) Chen Hung-shu 陳宏淑 ventures a guess in passing

when she says that Beican Shijie the Chinese version of Les Miseacuterables done by Su

Manshu in 1903 might have also been translated second-handedly from the Japanese

Aamujou by Kuroiwa Ruikou in 1902178 (Translator Manipulation 63) Chens

surmise is based on her observation of the phenomenon that many writers and

translators in late-Qing China such as Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873minus1929) Bao

177 The original Chinese phrase is 在地化作法 178 The original Chinese text 蘇曼殊於 1903 年所譯的《悲慘世界》亦可能是透過日譯者黑岩

淚香於 1902 年的日譯本《噫無情》轉譯而來

108

Tianxiao 包天笑 (1876minus1973) Wu Jianren 吳趼人 (1866minus1910) Lu Xun and Su

Manshu either had the experience of studying in Japan or had the practice of

translating from Japanese In fact it may well be added that together they reflect the

growing awareness among nationally minded intellectuals and officials of Japans

worth as a model of reform for China as a result of Chinas defeat in the Sino-Japanese

War in 1895 Since Japans modernization is Westernization to a significant extent by

the end of the nineteenth century there had appeared in China some opinions

expressed in favor of learning Western knowledge through Japan specifically through

translating the Japanese versions of Western works The primary reason for Japans

adequacy as a go-between for the introduction of Western learning into China is

unambiguously offered by leading figures such Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 (1837minus1909)

Kang Youwei 康有為 (1858minus1927) and Liang Qichao In his 1898 essay Guangyi

Diwu 廣譯第五179 Zhang expressed that all the important books of learning in the

West have been translated into Japanese If we can make good use of such resources in

Japan we will be able to spare a lot of effort and obtain quick effects Thus Japanese is

very useful180 (85) In 1898 and 1899 respectively Kang and Liang also voiced the

similar opinion that since Japans Meiji 明治 Reformation thirty years before all the

essential books in different fields of knowledge from the West had been translated into

Japanese and were useful resources for China (Kang Qing Kaiju Yi Riben Shu Zhe

254 Qing Guangyi Riben Shu Pai Youxue Zhe 302 Liang 1372)

In addition to the rich repertoire Japan had of Western learning which the three

personages pointed out above the similarities between the Japanese language and

Chinese were another important factor that prompted the Chinese thinkers to argue for

rendering from Japanese versions rather than from their Western originals Kang

believed that Japans employment of Chinese characters which constituted eighty

percent of a typical Japanese text made it convenient for Chinese translators to render

from Japanese (Qing Guangyi Riben Shu Pai Youxue Zhe 302 Jincheng Riben

Mingzhi Bianzheng Kao Zhe 223) Zhang also advocated the practice of rendering

from Japanese Though he did not expressly point it out the message of the likeness

between Chinese and Japanese was implied when Zhang said that learning the

179 Literally Part V Promotion of Translation 180 The original Chinese text 各種西學書之要者日本皆已譯之我取徑於東洋力省效速

則東文之用多

109

Japanese language was more efficient than learning Western languages and that

translating from Japanese is better than translating from Western languages (86)

To sum up Zhang Kang and Liang are among the first in the Chinese to awaken

to Japans shifting role as yesterdays foe but todays model181 to China (Xiong 638)

While Zhang and Kang both high-ranking government officials of the Qing Dynasty

represent the awakening among the authorities in the center of power to the important

part played by Japanese in Chinas process of enlightenment Liang Qichao a thinker

and political activist registers the same realization in the Chinese intelligentsia Their

pleas to capitalize on Japans rich resources of Western learning seem to have worked

wonders judging from the abundant translations from Japanese that sprang up in China

in the last years of the Qing Dynasty Xiong Yuezhis 熊月之 rough statistics show

that during the fifteen years from 1896 to 1911 China produced at least 1014

translations from Japanese books a figure which not only far exceeds the sum total of

the Chinese translations from Western languages over the fifty years prior to 1896 but

also dominantly surpasses the number of Chinese translations from Western languages

that appeared during the same fifteen years182 (640) From the illustrations offered so

far it is without doubt that during the years after the Sino-Japanese War the trend in

China toward translating from Japanese was growing ever more prevalent Done in

1903 can Su Manshus Chinese text of Les Miseacuterables be also translated from

Japanese under the Japanizing climate of the time Chen Hung-shus conjecture

seems plausible

Chens plausibility becomes even more alluring if we look at some facts about the

specific Japanese version of Les Miseacuterables she mentioned Kuroiwa Ruikous 黒岩淚

香 Aamujou 噫無情 This famous rendition was published serially from October 8

1902 to August 22 1903 in 150 installments in Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 Significantly

enough the said period of Aamujous serialization in the newspaper also concurred

with Su Manshus stay in Japan After studying for five years in the eastern island

nation Su left Japan embarking on a mail liner called Hakuaimaru 博愛丸 from the

port city of Yokohama 橫濱 and returned to Shanghai 上海 in early September

1903 The time required for the sea voyage between Yokohama and Shanghai can be 181 The original Chinese phrase is 昨天的敵人今天的榜樣 182 The original Chinese text 據不完全統計從 1896 年至 1911 年15 年間中國翻譯日文

書籍至少 1014 種這個數字遠遠超過此前半個世紀中國翻譯西文書籍數字的總和也大大超過

同時期中國翻譯西文書籍的數字

110

estimated at less than ten days an estimate based on the experience of a group of

Chinese students studying medicine in Japan who also started their home-bound trip

from Yokohama by taking Hakuaimaru on November 19 and arrived in Shanghai on

November 26 to perform their rescue action (Chi Zihua 27)183 This rough calculation

allows me to draw the conclusion that to reach Shanghai in early September Su must

have left Japan at the end of August 1903 that is well after the serialized publishing

of Aamujou was completed In other words Sus sojourn in Japan witnessed the

gradual unfolding of a Japanese Les Miseacuterables on the Japanese newspaper Greatly

interested in arts and literatures of the world Su cannot have ignored the fame of

Kuroiwa and Hugo in Japan nor can he have missed the event of the Japanese

translation of one of Hugos major works The appearance of Sus own rendition of the

same novel in just a little more than a month after his return to China and notably on

the anniversay of the initiation of Kuroiwas serial seems to point to the probability

that Sus translation was inspired by Japanese versions and that particularly by

Kuroiwas From the above discussions Chen Hung-shus supposition about the likely

source of Sus translation is reasonably convincing

Compared with Chens surmise Liu Wu-chi 柳無忌 offers a wider range of

probability speculating that Sus Chinese rendering of Les Miseacuterables is probably

from English or Japanese considering his language skills at the time (34) In other

words Liu includes Japanese and English but rules out French in his guess based on

Su Manshus linguistic skills at the time of the translation This draws us to the

attention that at the debut of Can Shehui in Guomin Riribao in 1903 Su was only

nineteen years old184 Up until this point in time Sus English education starting at the

age of twelve had continued though intermittently for seven years and his Japanese

ability acquired in the first five years of his birth and stopped with his return to China

at the age of five was improved considerably during his study in Japan from ages

fourteen to nineteen With almost seven years of English training and nearly ten years

of Japanese education plus the generally agreed-upon opinion that he possesses a

183 Lu Xuns navigation between China and Japan is also a piece of supporting evidence though his trip is in the reverse direction In 1902 he left Nanjing 南京 on a steamship on March 24 passing by Shanghai on the way and arrived at Yokohama on April 4 (Bao and Qiu 33) 184 Throughout this dissertation Su Manshus age is counted in our modern sense which makes him nineteen years old in 1903 (he was born in 1884) as opposed to the ancient Chinese way of counting age adopted by most biographies on Su Manshu which makes him one year old as soon as he was born Hence our way of talking about Sus age will make him one year younger than what is recorded in most biographical material about him

111

special gift for language Sus linguistic capacity for rendering from Japanese and

English is unquestionable at the age of nineteen The persuasiveness of Sus probable

adoption of a Japanese source for translation having been argued before now Liu

Wu-chi reminds us of another equally likely source of language worth considering

English

The likelihood of English is also pointed out in a recent study by Wang Xiaoyuan

王曉元 Exploring the various critical speculations on Sus levels of proficiency in the

languages he was capable of Wang also narrows down the possibilities to Japanese

and English but he takes one step forward to conclude that English is the most likely

medium through which Su did his Chinese rendition because Chen Guochuans 陳國

權 reply confirmed and forwarded by Luo Xiaomings 羅孝明 to Liu Yazis 柳亞子

question about Sus command of Japanese bears out the fact that Sus grasp of the

Japanese language falls only on the basic level of daily conversation (Wang Xiaoyuan

126-128 Liu Yazi Su Manshu Yanjiu de Sange Jieduan 21)

Indeed aside from Sus English capability the easy availability of English

versions of Western works serves to substantiate Liu Wu-chis postulation The extant

Maruzen 丸善 bookstore was founded in Yokohama in 1869 and dealt extensively in

cheap American editions of literary works (Law and Morita 117-19) which were the

typical sources of translation adopted by Kuroiwa Ruikou (Law and Morita 120) With

numerous cheap English reprints of Western literatures accessible in Yokohama where

Su Manshu spent the majority of his time in his five-year study abroad Su may have

obtained some copies probably including an English version of Les Miseacuterables Thus

it is also likely that Su consulted English for translation of the French novel

Liu Yazi father of Liu Wu-chi holds a different viewpoint from his son and

believes that Su Manshu worked his translation from French Sus French was studied

around the time of his stay in Japan so he was able to translate Hugos novel at the

early age of twenty [nineteen] while he was in Shanghai (The subjects of fine arts and

politics both have a great deal to do with French so he must have had access to French

at Ueno 上野 [fine arts school] and Waseda 早稻田 [university])185 (Su Heshang

Zatan 208) Since Liu Yazi was a close friend of Su Manshu and the most important

contributor to the first compilation of Sus complete works his opinion cannot be

185 The original Chinese text 法文大約是在日本時所讀所以二十歲在上海已能譯囂俄小

說（美術與政治都和法文有重大的關係故上野及早稻田必均有法文可讀）

112

ignored but should be taken into serious consideration

Ding Fu-sheng 丁富生 besides confirming Sus Japanese and English abilities

cites some evidence to demonstrate how high-level Sus French calibre is (67) and

then argues that Su could translate from any of the three languages without difficulty

though there is no knowing which one is his source For lack of related literature we

cannot be sure which language version is the master copy of Su Manshus Chinese Les

Miseacuterables Whether it is the Japanese English or French version Su had the

linguistic skills required for its translation186 (67) Dings argument functions to sum

up the probabilities we are facing about the source language on which Su based his

Chinese translation

Since Japanese English and French are all possible sources for Su Manshus

translation and the reasons offered by supporters for each language are all very

convincing the present study has to resort to textual material for more substantial clues

In the search for an origin here this dissertation seeks to juxtapose Sus text with

versions in Japanese English and French to sort out their relationships Here comes

the question of which texts in these languages are supposed to be the right candidates

for intertextual comparison Evidently to put Sus translation side by side with all the

Japanese and English versions that precede it in time together with the French original

would be spatially uneconomical and too distracting for the comparison to be

presented clearly A more feasible approach is to break the screening process into two

stages The first stage features intralingual screening by which this thesis filters out

impossible candidate texts in each single language leaving only the most probable

one(s) for further comparison in the second stage an interlingual comparison is

conducted where the chosen versions in the four languages (French English Japanese

and Chinese) are set against each other for closer comparative scrutiny The two-staged

screening enables the present study to focus on the most probable texts which might

inspire Sus translation

In the next few sections possible versions in the four languages will be discussed

the most probable one(s) in each language will be singled out and then further

intertextual comparison between the selected texts will be conducted A note should be

given first about the French language sources Besides the complete text of the original

186 The original Chinese text 《慘世界》的翻譯是根據何種語言版本由於缺乏文獻資料

我們已無法認定helliphellip不管是日文版英文版或法文版《悲慘世界》蘇曼殊都有相應的翻譯的

語言能力

113

French Les Miseacuterables there were also abridged versions in French some of which I

find to be likely sources Because the truncated texts discussed here in my study

happened to be meant primarily for English readers who were interested in learning

French or studying French literature they will be placed together with other English

abridgments for comparison and contrast under the section of English versions This

leaves the French original standing all by itself making the section for French versions

unnecessary Therefore the following divisions will go without a French section

42 Intralingual Screening Probable English Versions

Six possible English versions of Les Miseacuterables which survive my initial

screening are introduced in the First Chapter of the present dissertation they are

translated by Charles E Wilbour (1862) Lascelles Wraxall (1862) Alexander Dimitry

and A F [better known as the Richmond translation] (1863) Isabel F Hapgood (1887)

William Walton et al (1894) and Sara E Wiltse (1897) Also presented in the same

chapter are three abridged French versions which are intended for English readers

they are edited by H C O Huss (1892) F C de Sumichrast (1896) and Douglas

Labaree Buffum (1908) respectively Now a further more specific screening is to be

made among these texts Whether a text is a complete or abridged version it qualifies

for candidateship in my final intextextual comparison if it is released before Sus

translating in 1903 and if it covers Book Two of Volume One of the original story ie

the part treated by Su Manshu in his Chinese rendition In temporal terms Buffums

abridged edition came several years after Sus translation was published so it can be

precluded The other versions enumerated above meet the temporal standard because

they all predated Sus translation Thus it is necessary to examine their content one by

one To be sure the full-length and close translations respectively by Charles E

Wilbour (1862) Isabel F Hapgood (1887) and William Walton et al (1894) are

certainly eligible texts for further intertextual scrutiny

As to the partial translations my research shall begin by inspecting how Wraxall

version (1863) handles the Second Book of Volume One Of the original thirteen

chapters in the Book Wraxall preserves all of them except the Eighth Chapter Since

this particular chapter is also ignored by the Chinese translator Wraxalls text has a full

coverage of the segment presented in the Chinese version and so is qualified for further

cross-textual juxtaposition

The Richmond translation also prunes away the entire Eighth Chapter making its

114

Second Book one chapter less than the original thirteen chapters It is already known

that this deletion is shared by the Chinese translator so it does not deprive the

Richmond version of candidateship for Su Manshus possible source In the twelve

chapters that remain in the Richmonds Book Two some long passages of the original

are found missing For example in Chapter Two of the original there is a description

of a book on Duty which Bishop Myriel was working on This Confederate version by

Professor Dimitry and A F does mention this fact but omits the more detailed recount

of the contents of the book In the same chapter the portrayal of Mademoiselle

Baptistine and Madame Magloire which sets the two figures in sharp contrast is also

obliterated by the translators of the Richmond version Nevertheless these passages

are digressions from the plot and the Chinese translator also turns a blind eye to them

in his plot-oriented rendering Even though the war-time paper shortage resulted in

longer and longer omissions (Moore 246) what was left out is mainly in the latter

volumes of the novel affecting little if any of the front part of the story where Book

Two of the First Volume is situated The Confederate texts complete covering of the

part treated by Su together with the remarkable fact that it is essentially a nearly

identical copy of Wilbours meticulous translation makes it qualify as a another source

worth comparing and contrasting with the Chinese translation

Sara E Wiltses edition a condensed text from Hapgoods full-text translation

coincides with Wraxalls version and the Richmond translation in reducing the thirteen

chapters to twelve in Book Two of the original by leaving out Chapter Eight altogether

This does not nullify its possibility as a source for the Chinese rendition However

within the preserved chapters in the Wiltses excerpt there are some omissions which

are not shared by the Chinese translator Two examples are available here For the

purpose of contrast and illumination Wiltses prototypical text ie Hapgood version

is included in the citations

English (Sara E Wiltse) Chinese (Su Manshu)187

The sweat the heat the journey on foot the dust added I know

not what sordid quality to this dilapidated whole His hair was

closely cut yet bristling for it had begun to grow a little and did

not seem to have been cut for some time

進得城來

神色疲倦大

汗滿臉一見

就知道他一定

187 All the Chinese passages of Can Shijie in this section are quoted from Su Manshus Manshu Dashi Quanji 曼殊大師全集

115

[No one knew him He was evidently only a chance passer-by

Whence came he From the south from the seashore perhaps for

he made his entrance into Dmdash by the same street which seven

months previously had witnessed the passage of the Emperor

Napoleon on his way from Cannes to Paris] This man must have

been walking all day He seemed very much fatigued

(Hapgood I 56 Wiltse 40)

是遠遊的客人

了但是他究

竟從什麼地方

來的呢暫且

不表 188

(113)

A preliminary note is to be made The bracketed text in Wiltses quote is present in

Hapgoods version but deleted by Wiltse in her excerpted edition The removed

sentences include the speculation on where the stranger came from and the allusive

mention of Napoleons previous route of journey The Chinese text here shows a rather

different depiction an instance of the translators inventive retelling of the original

story What is remarkable here is that Sus text contains the interrogative 但是他究竟

從什麼地方來的呢189 which brings to mind the corresponding question Whence

came he in Hapgoods unabridged rendition Contrastively Wiltses condensed text

does not raise any similar question This suggests that Sus translation is not based on

Wiltses truncated version Indeed a closer examination on the texts concerned

displays other proofs against the lineage between Wiltse and Su A decisive piece of

evidence is available in the following passage

English (Sara E Wiltse) Chinese (Su Manshu)

One of the men seated at the table however was

a fishmonger who [ before entering the public

house of the Rue de Chaffaut] had been to stable

his horse at Labarres It chanced that he had that

very morning encountered this unprepossessing

stranger on the road [between Bras dAsse andmdashI

have forgotten the name I think it was

Escoublon] Now when he met him the man

who then seemed already extremely weary had

requested him to take him on his crupper to

helliphellip同坐的有一位漁夫自從

這日早晨就在路上遇過華賤

一次待到華賤在苦巴館被逼

的時候他在馬房裡繫馬隨

後他也就來到這盧茶福店裡

卻又看見華賤來了不覺吃了

一驚尋思道「我卻忘記在什

麼地方遇過這古怪的東西莫

非是在愛士可弗論麼不料現

188 In town he looked very fatigued and was sweating all over his face A mere glance enabled one to know that he must have travelled here from far away But where did he come from Lets drop this subject for the time being 189 But where did he come from

116

which the fishmonger had made no reply except

by redoubling his gait This fishmonger had been

a member half an hour previously of the group

which surrounded Jacquin Labarre and had

himself related his disagreeable encounter of the

morning to the people at the Cross of Colbas

From where he sat he made an imperceptible sign

to the tavern-keeper The tavern-keeper went to

him They exchanged a few words in a low tone

The man had again become absorbed in his

reflections (Hapgood I 60-61 Wiltse 45-46)

在又碰著他看他這種疲倦的

神氣好不討人厭」想著

便兇狠狠地對華賤渾身上下打

量了一回又令華賤坐在他背

後自己急忙立起身來逕自

開門去了不多一會便急回

來將華賤的來歷一一告訴

了這客寓裡管事的還低聲說

了些別的話190 (117)

Here again the bracketed texts present in Hapgoods original translation are deleted

in Wiltses bowdlerization Although there are some differences in description between

Sus text and the two English versions what is noteworthy here is that the place name

Escoublon which is erased in Wiltses edition is treated in the Chinese as 愛士可

弗論 a phonetic transliteration of Escoublon If Su Manshu had modeled his

translation on the Wiltse extract he could not have come up with such a proper name

on his own Therefore Wiltses version can be excluded from consideration in the

present quest for the source of Su Manshus Chinese translation

The English versions having all been addressed it is time now to examine the two

English-reader-oriented French shortened texts H C O Husss version excerpts only

Book Two of Volume One of the French novel which is the exact same part that is

selected by Su Manshu for his Chinese manipulative translation Thus Husss text is

also eligible for further consideration However since its text is identical to Hugos

original my subsequent intertextual juxtapositions will present Hugos text as

representative of Husss content

F C de Sumichrasts version presents the Second Book of Volume One in a

bowdlerized form just like what Su Manshu does with his rendition but the two are

190 Also in the tavern was a fisherman who had encountered Jean Valjean on the road that morning When Jean Valjean was declined by the host at La Croix de Colbas the fisherman was there in the stable putting up his horse Then he came to the tavern in the Rue de Chaffaut and was surprised to find Jean Valjean also arriving He thought to himself I forget where I came across this weird guy Can it be Escoublon What a coincidence to see him here again His look of weariness in pride is really repulsive At the same time he looked him from head to toe in an unfriendly manner and turning his back on him stood up in a hurry and went out the door Not long after he returned and revealed Jean Valjeans background to the host of the inn He also said some other things in a low voice

117

shortened in different ways Unlike the chapter-faithful arrangement in the condensed

version in French the fourteen chapters in Sus translation do not follow the original

chapter division though the order of plot narrated by the French author is generally

preserved in the Chinese text In terms of the detailedness with which they present the

original plot in this particular book the two versions vary with different parts of the

story At some sections the Sumichrast condensation offers more details to the plot

than Sus translation For example the description of Jean Valjeans appearance in the

town of Digne includes the following account in the excerpted version in French

English (F C de Sumichrast) Chinese (Su Manshu)

Personne ne le connaissait Ce neacutetait eacutevidemment

quun passant Dougrave venait-il Du midi Des bords de la

mer peut-ecirctre Car il faisait son entreacutee dans Digne par la

mecircme rue qui sept mois auparavant avait vu passer

lempereur Napoleacuteon allant de Cannes agrave Paris Cet

homme avait ducirc marcher tout le jour Il paraissait tregraves

fatigueacute191 (18)

進得城來神色疲

倦大汗滿臉一見就

知道他一定是遠遊的客

人了但是他究竟從什

麼地方來的呢暫且不

表192 (113)

A comparison between the two versions reveals that the French text contains more

details than the Chinese Some narrative differences aside the Chinese text does not

mention the Napoleon part which the French text does Notwithstanding the

larger-scale abridgment in some parts of the Chinese text does not preclude the

possibility that they may have been trimmed from those in the Sumichrast extract

What invalidates the possibility is found in reverse situations where Sumichrasts text

omits more than Sus version In the following paragraphs evidence will be offered in

this regard

Besides the parts where the Chinese text is more condensed than the French Sus

rendition sometimes covers more of the original plot than Sumichrasts excerpt For

instance Chapter Four of the original book narrates the table chitchat between Jean

Valjean and the bishop about the formers destination and the latters past experience

there While Sus Sixth Chapter touches upon quite some part of the particular plot in

191 No one knew him He was evidently only a chance passer-by Whence came he From the south from the seashore perhaps for he made his entrance into Dmdash by the same street which seven months previously had witnessed the passage of the Emperor Napoleon on his way from Cannes to Paris This man must have been walking all day He seemed very much fatigued (Hapgood I 56) 192 In town he looked very fatigued and was sweating all over his face A mere glance enabled one to know that he must have travelled here from far away But where did he come from Lets drop this subject for the time being

118

the original chapter Sumichrasts text omits the entire chapter leaving only the chapter

title Deacutetails sur les fromageries de Pontarlier193 In addition the Sixth Chapter in the

French original relates Jean Valjeans background his theft his imprisonment his

escape attempts and his lengthening of jail terms The Sumichrast edition summarizes

the entire passage in brackets and combines it with the next chapter which reflects on

Jean Valjeans misdeeds and societys evils The succinct summary reduces the long

chapter to a few bracketed sentences





agrave subir Entreacute au bagne en 1796 il est libeacutereacute en 1815]194 (Sumichrast 33)

Compared with the succinctness of the Sumichrast summary Su Manshus version in

the counterpart section presents a lot more detailed account of the plot Each event

mentioned in the above summary is elaborated and developed more fully in Chapters

Seven Eight and Thirteen in Sus textual arrangement For example how the

protagonist made a living by doing odd jobs and how much he earned prior to his act

of theft are depicted unsparingly by Su but completely scissored by Sumichrast

An even more seriously truncated section in the Sumichrast text involves chapters

eight to eleven The four chapters are summed up in one single sentence in the French

abridgment Jean Valjean se reacuteveille vole largenterie de leacutevecircque et senfuit195

(Sumichrast 36) In contrast the Chinese translator treats the said section with much

more elaboration The process of silverware-pilfering and the heros inner struggles

during the act are given reasonable development in the Chinese rendition The

examples given above which demonstrate the Chinese texts treatment of some part of

plot found absent in the Sumichrast version prove that this French-language extract of

Les Miseacuterables cannot have been the source of Sus Chinese translation

So far in the previous discussion of several English and French versions of Les

Miseacuterables some texts have been marked impossible as the source of Su Manshus

193 Some Account of the Dairies of Pontarlier The English translation of the chapter title follows Charles E Wilbours 1862 translation of Les Miseacuterables 194 [At the age of twenty-nine Jean Valjean stole a loaf of bread in order to feed his sisters children Arrested and found guilty he was committed to prison After he was sent to Toulon he became Number 24601 there Four escape attempts failed and each entailed a lengthening of his suffering in prison He entered the jailhouse in 1796 and was released in 1815] 195 Jean Valjean woke up stole the bishops silverware and ran away

119

Chinese translation What are left for further examination besides the original French

text are Charles E Wilbours 1862 American version Lascelles Wraxalls 1862

British edition the 1863 Confederate translation at Richmond Isabel F Hapgoods

1887 text in English William Walton et als 1894 joint rendition and Husss 1892

French abridgment Of the six possibilities the 1892 French text is a duplicate extract

from the original French novel ie without altering a word so it will be treated as one

with the French original in the subsequent intertextual comparisons This leaves us

with five English versions eligible for further interlingual comparison with other

language versions

43 Intralingual Screening Probable Japanese Sources

In the last decades of the nineteenth century when Hugo began to capture the

imagination of the Japanese literati Les Miseacuterables was commonly known as Aishi196

哀史 in the literary circles in Japan197 and some fragments of Les Miseacuterables were

rendered into Japanese However none of the Japanese translations did bear the

heading of Aishi or レミゼラブル (the phonetic transliteration of the original

French title) as it later came to be known Rather they were usually retitled according

to the episodes chosen for rendition such as Hara Houitsuans 原抱一庵 ABC

Kumiai ABC 組合198 and Jean Valjean ジャンバルジャン In other words Aishi

is a Japanese proper name rather than the title of a version of translation in Japanese

for the original French novel199 The appearance of Kuroiwa Ruikous 黒岩淚香

relatively more complete rendition from 1902 on gave the story a new Japanese title as

Aamujou 噫無情

According to the renowned Japanese literary scholar and translator Yanagida

Izumi 柳田泉 Hugos works were not introduced to the literary circles of Japan until

after 1883 though his fame had reached Japan several years before (qtd in Kudo

196 Literally A Miserable History 197 For example in his preface to Fantine no Moto in 1888 Morita Shiken 森田思軒 referred to Les Miseacuterables as Aishi (Fantine no Moto 44) In 1892 Hara Houitsuan 原抱一庵 also mentioned Aishi as the original of his excerpted translation about the story of Jean Valjean (Jean Valjean 379) 198 Literally ABC Society 199 Probably following Japans example China also witnessed the use of Aishi for Les Miseacuterables For example in response to Liu Yazi Chen Duxiu says Su Manshus Can Shijie was translated from Hugos Aishi (Liu Yazi Ji Chen Zhongfu Xiansheng guanyu Su Manshu de Tanhua 283) Notice here that the Chinese and Japanese languages share the same characters 哀史 and the same romanization Aishi with different pronunciations

120

Cong Benshijichu Xiou Wenxue de Yijie Kan Dangshi de Zhongri Wenxue Jiaoliu

55) However Hugo became all the rage in the late nineteenth century and the early

twentieth century in Japan and Japanese translations of Hugo grew significantly in

number during this period As Kudo Takamasa 工藤貴正 points out Hugo and Jules

Verne (1828-1905) were two highly translated writers during the Meiji reign and from

1884 to 1906 there were 30 translations of Hugo and 41 renditions of Verne (Lu Xun

Zaoqi Sanbu Yizuo de Fanyi Yitu 38) In another essay Kudo modifies his statistics

and states that during the said period Hugos Japanese translations were numbered at

31 including those published independently and those initially serialized in

newspapers or magazines (Cong Benshijichu Xiou Wenxue de Yijie Kan Dangshi de

Zhongri Wenxue Jiaoliu 55)

From the information provided by Kudo can be known that before Su Manshus

Chinese Les Miseacuterables was published in 1903 Japan had witnessed quite a few

translations of Hugos works starting from 1884 It is therefore crucial to inquire how

many of them were rendered from Les Miseacuterables during the twenty years of Hugos

growing popularity on Japans literary stage In this respect the collected material

published by the Ozorasha 大空社 Bookstore turns out to be of enormous help

Edited by Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 and Sakakibara Takanori 榊原貴教 the

collection presents many important Japanese translations of Hugos works during the

Meiji era A chronology enclosed as appendix to this compilation lists Hugos works in

Japanese translation from 1884 to 1909 including independent publications and

serialized ones The period covered in the listed table coincides with the time when

what is known as the Hugo craze happened in Japan More importantly this list

offers a vital clue to the possible Japanese sources for Sus Chinese translationmdashthat is

if he translated from Japanese From the table can be gathered that the illustriousness

of Les Miseacuterables did not escape the Japanese literary circles which produced quite a

few translations based on the novel though there were as yet no complete Japanese

renderings of the French novel After screening out those translations which came later

than Su Manshus and those which treat different parts of the French story the present

study has three texts emerging as possible sources for Su Hara Houitsuans Jean

Valjean ジャンバルジャン and Mizu Mei Hen 「水冥」篇200 and Kuroiwa

Ruikous Aamujou

200 Literally Waters and Shadow Chapter

121

Mizu Mei Hen is translated from Chapter Eight of the Second Book in Volume

One of the French novel the part which is omitted in Su Manshus Chinese translation

and Jean Valjean embraces the whole content of Mizu Mei Hen Hence the

Japanese chapter of waters and shadow has nothing to do with the Chinese rendition

so it can be ruled out first

Jean Valjean covers Chapters One Six Seven and Eight of Book Two in

Volume One of the French novel Significant is the fact that Hara changes the

flashback fashion of the original narration to one in chronological order The flashback

part in the original from Chapters Six to Eight which relates what happened before

Jean Valjeans release from prison is presented first by the translator with some

portion of the Seventh Chapter and the entire Ninth Chapter skipped After finishing

the Eighth Chapter the translator returns to the beginning chapter of the book about

Jean Valjeans appearance in Digne This way the story is recounted chronologically in

the Japanese translation However as the first chapter ends with the kind womans

advice to the stranger to try knocking on the bishops door the Japanese narration does

not go on to Chapter Two but jumps beyond Book Two of the novel back to the

previous book excerpting first a passage from Chapter Four of the First Book and then

another passage from the Second Chapter of the same book In other words Haras

translation leaves untreated Chapters Two to Five and Nine to Thirteen of Book Two

totally nine out of thirteen chapters in the French novelmdasha large-scale omission

unshared by the Chinese text

The mere fact that Su Manshus Chinese translation includes some chapters of the

original story which are absent in Haras version is evidence enough to show that

Haras text is not likely to be Sus source of inspiration To be more precise of the nine

chapters left out of rendition by Hara as many as eight chaptersmdashChapters Two to

Five and Ten to Thirteenmdashconstitute the principle axis of the story line and are

seriously treated by Su Manshu in his translation Besides the chronological order of

narration in Haras text is quite distinct from the technique of flashback adopted in Sus

text This structural discrepancy also suggests the same conclusion Finally my

judgment is further strengthened by some textual proofs in the passages that are

handled by both translators Suffice it to exhibit here just one salient example of such

evidence The innkeeper of La Croix de Colbas is named Jacquin in the original story

However the Japanese text does not translate the name but simply refers to the keeper

122

of the inn as 客舍はたごや

の主人あるじ

201 (Hara 395) In the Chinese text by contrast the

tavern-keeper is specifically called 紮昆202 apparently a phonetic transcription of

Jacquin in the source (Su Manshu Dashi Quanji 114) Su cannot have translated

from Haras Japanese version if the Japanese text offers no information whatsoever of

the innkeepers name Therefore structurally or textually Haras Jean Valjean is by

no means Sus source of rendition

After exclusion of Haras versions the only Japanese translation left for

consideration is Aamujou by Kuroiwa Ruikou known as a prolific writer and translator

in Meiji Japan The longest Japanese version of Les Miseacuterables so far at the time

Aamujou was serialized in 150 installments from October 8 1902 to August 22 1903

in Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 In 1906 the translation was published separately in book

form by Husoudou 扶桑堂 with a total of 152 chapters in two volumes the first 78

chapters in Volume One and the other chapters in the Second Volume The reprinted

book version rather than the newspaper serials is adopted when its content is referred

to or cited in the present dissertation Kuroiwas practice of free translation in the

manner of story-retelling is shared by Su Manshu This easily arouses the curiosity as

to whether Sus unrestrained translation was a result of translating from the Japanese

text Besides the previously mentioned fact that both versions begin the story from

Book Two of Volume One of the original adds to the suspicion that they are strongly

related Finally the part of plot selected by Su for rendition is also covered by the

Japanese version in Kuroiwas Chapters One to Eleven All these observations

together with the circumstantial judgment made in Section 41 of the present chapter

justify the inclusion of Kuroiwas version for further comparison and contrast with

versions in other languages

44 Intralingual Screening Versions of Su Manshus Can Shehui

As has been mentioned at the beginning of the present chapter there are two

versions of Su Manshus Chinese Les Miseacuterables the uncompleted eleven-chaptered

newspaper serial of Can Shehui and the expanded fourteen-chaptered reprint of Can

Shijie Since the authorship of the three-odd additional chapters in Can Shijie has

remained an unsettled question my source-tracing of Su Manshus rendition here is

201 Literally host of the inn 202 Romanized as Zhakun in the Pinyin system

123

targeted on Can Shehui only The original text that appeared on Guomin Riribao is

preferred to the first eleven chapters of the later enlarged reprint for it was subjected

to relatively fewer redactions and transformations and would thus betray

comparatively more clues to its ancestry However a fatal disadvantage in employing

Can Shehui for further juxtapositions and comparisons is that no complete copy of it

can be found so far as has been pointed out by Chen Wanxiong 陳萬雄 (Chen 10 qtd

in Wang Xiaoyuan 王曉元 125) The majority of the original serialized version on the

newspaper has been lost and so far it cannot be retrieved in full What is accessible

now about the newspaper version consists of the part serialized from October 8 to

October 18 1903 only which presents Chapters One and Two and an unfinished

Chapter Three This means that as many as eight chapters of the newspaper version are

missing Consequently for the full content of the first eleven chapters of Can Shehui

the present thesis cannot but rely on the version of Can Shijie Then ensues the

question of how different the two versions are from each other as far as the first eleven

chapters are concerned In this regard the question can be boiled down to two aspects

characterization and verbal style

In his Can Shehui yu Can Shijie Liu Yazi elaborates on the distinctions

between the two versions in characterization According to his observation aside from

some minor differences such as the shift of the protagonists name from 華賤203 in

Can Shehui to 金華賤204 in Can Shijie and the conversion of Myriels title from 和

尚205 in Can Shehui to 孟主教206 in Can Shijie the major disparity between the

two texts consists in the characterization of Myriel in Can Shehui he is portrayed as a

hypocritical and avaricious monk quite unlike the figure in Hugos original story but

in Can Shijie he is changed back to Hugos benevolent and charitable clergyman

though the editor did not see to it that all the necessary textual adjustments were made

in accordance with his intended characterization resulting in inconsistency in the

portrayal of the bishops character in Can Shijie (Liu Yazi Can Shehui yu Can Shijie

423-30) The reasons for this intentional transformation are not my concern here What

is at issue is that the distortion of the religious character done purposely and creatively

by Su Manshu will not affect the results of my source-tracing for its juxtaposition

203 A transliteration of Valjean 204 A transliteratiion of Jean Valjean 205 Monk 206 Bishop Mong Mong being a transliteration derived partly from the name Myriel

124

with other interlingual versions would surely betray or even underscore the fact that it

belongs to the translators concoction a deviation from Hugos original as well as all

the other versions which unanimously depict the bishop as a positive figure instead of

the negative one under Su Manshus hand Similarly comparison of the inconsistent

character of Bishop Myriel in Can Shijie with other versions of different languages

would also evoke an awareness on my part that the inconsistency is due to translatorial

or editorial revisions rather than to strict adherence to its foreign model and so my

source-tracing would not be misled by this discrepancy Therefore as far as

characterization is concerned to use the text of Can Shijie in place of Can Shehui will

not cause any problem to my tracing of the source of Sus Chinese rendition

In terms of verbal style it is known that when the newspaper version was later

separately reprinted with an expanded content not only had the final three-odd

chapters been appended but the first eleven chapters had also undergone some editing

What concerns me here is whether the later revision drifts too far apart from its

predecessor to direct my interlingual comparison straight In other words if the editing

and revising in Can Shijie is done on a large scale with major changes making the two

versions significantly distinct then we cannot rely on just the offprinted text but have

to cross-examine both versions when we are trying to track down their sources On the

contrary if no remarkable disparities are found between them the fourteen-chaptered

version will be adopted for further comparison

The question still remains that we have only less than the first three chapters of

Can Shehui at hand and that the examination of the editorial shifts from Can Shehui to

Can Shijie in the first eleven chapters will be limited to the initial two-odd chapters

only Precisely speaking the text from the second paragraph of Chapter Seven to the

middle of Chapter Thirteen in Can Shijie constitutes the digression which is not based

on the French story but is made up by the Chinese translator Since the digressive part

has little if any to do with translation its irrelevant text will not be used for the

intertextually comparative analyses in my study Thus what concerns my

source-tracing lies actually in the first six chapters plus the first paragraph of the

Seventh Chapter The less than three initial chapters available to us occupy about half

of the text in the first six-odd chapters for Chapters Three to Six are short chapters

compared with the first two chapters which are considerably longer In order to

continue with the research the present thesis has to infer the general editorial patterns

from the limited resources that can be obtained Hence in what follows the texts from

125

Chapter One to middle Chapter Three in Can Shehui and Can Shijie will be compared

to see what transformations result from the editorial process It is presumed that the

editorial patterns derived from the first half of the six-odd-chaptered text also apply to

the other half which is missing

Through textual comparison the present study is able to identify different types of

editing as Can Shehui morphed into Can Shijie Numerous as they are the textual

revisions are mostly done on the minor phrasal level without resulting in any

significant semantic shift or any change in the plot except for the prominent

characterization of Myriel That is the contents of the two versions are basically the

same so the revisions are insignificant and can be ignored making the first eleven

chapters of Can Shijie qualify both as a replacement for Can Shehui and as a candidate

for further comparison In what follows demonstrations will be made to this effect

Formal differences such as paragraphing and punctuating being insubstantial are

excluded from my comparative analysis

The results of my comparison show different types of alterations done by the

editor For analytical convenience the cited passages that follow will be arranged in

tabular juxtaposition Revisions of a similar type are put in the same table and each

specific example is tagged with a number for later reference

In the first place some of the colloquial expressions in Can Shehui are rephrased

to become more formally written ones in Can Shijie Here are some examples

no Can Shehui207 Can Shijie208

1 此人年紀約四十六七歲身子不

高不矮helliphellip209 (341)

此人年紀約莫四十六七歲身量不


2 他helliphellip就和和氣氣的脫下帽子向

那坐在門旁的憲兵行禮211 (340)

他helliphellip就和顏悅色的脫下帽子向那

坐在門旁的憲兵行禮212 (113)

3 歇息了一會兒又將背上的行李放歇息片時又將背上的行李放下當

207 All the passages of Can Shehui are quoted from Wu Xiangxiangs 吳相湘 compilation of Guomin Riribao 國民日日報 with added emphases 208 All the passages of Can Shijie in this section are quoted from Su Manshus Manshu Dashi Quanji 曼殊大師全集 with added emphases 209 This man was about forty-six or forty-seven years old with a medium stature 210 Ibid 211 He took of his cap gently and saluted the gendarme who was sitting at the entrance 212 Ibid 213 He rested for a while and then put down the knapsack which he used as a pillow

126

下當做枕頭213 (421) 做枕頭214 (120)

In the above instances 約莫215 is synonymous with 約 so is 身量216 with 身

子和顏悅色217 with 和和氣氣 and 片時218 with 一會兒 In each pair of

synonyms the rephrasing is directed toward a more formal style to replace the original

colloquialism However changes of this kind do not alter the textual meaning at all

There are also some editorial modifications that show personal preference in

diction without transforming the meaning or style of the earlier version Consider the

following passages

no Can Shehui Can Shijie

4 客人重復把大皮袋收在懷裡氣忿忿的

拿著行李用力放在門邊下 helliphellip219

(341)

此人重復把大皮袋收在懷裡氣

忿忿的拿著行李用力放在門邊

下helliphellip220 (114)

The passages narrate what Jean Valjean did after entering the inn of Cross of Colbas

To refer to Jean Valjean as 客人221 or 此人222 makes no virtual difference here in

the context for they are just narrative variations that can be used interchangeably

Another type of rephrasing consists in making the narration more vivid while

retaining the same sense Compare the usage of different verbs in the following

passages


5 忽然間有一管事的人名叫做扎昆

的跑將過來在袋裡拿一枝鉛

筆helliphellip223 (341)

忽然見有一管事的人名叫做扎昆

的跑將過來在袋裡摸出一枝鉛


The excerpts above delineate how Jacquin Labarre the host of the inn took a pencil

214 Ibid 215 about 216 stature 217 gently 218 for a while 219 The guest again held the big leather bag in his chest under his coat before he sullenly put his knapsack down hard on the ground at the door 220 The man again held the big leather bag in his chest under his coat before he sullenly put his knapsack down hard on the ground at the door 221 the guest 222 this man or the person 223 Suddenly the host of the inn named Jacquin ran over here and took out a pencil from his bag 224 Suddenly the host of the inn named Jacquin ran over here and took out a pencil after fumbling in his bag

127

from his pocket In the two versions the verbs 拿 and 摸出 both bear the meaning

of taking out but the latter sounds more graphic because it conveys an extra sense of

fumbling which is absent in the former This additional message serves only to add

relish to the passage but it does not change its basic semantic value

At some points the editing is targeted on Westernized Chinese in the former

version Here are two examples


6 那憲兵也並不還答並且睜開眼晴

留神看了他一看225 (340)

那憲兵也並不還答還睜開著眼

留神看了他一回226 (113)

7 店主人猛然聽得開門的聲音瞥見來

了一個新客人他並不轉眼瞧他一

瞧helliphellip227 (340)

店主人猛然聽得開門的聲音瞥見

來了一個新客人也並不轉眼望他

一下helliphellip228 (114)

The passages of no 6 describe how the gendarme at the gate of the town-hall

responded to Jean Valjeans salute Three verb phrases are used here to illustrate the

response 並不還答229 睜開眼晴230 and 留神看了他一看231 Chinese syntax

does not require any conjunction here so the use of 並且232 in this part of Can

Shehui is redundant Such redundancy is frequently caused by translation or imitation

of the grammatical concept of and but and so on in Western languages (Yu

Kwang-chung 137-38)233 though it is not clear whether Sus application of this style

resulted from his rendition or from his exposure to such writing The replacement of

並且 with 還234 in the revised version erases the awkward foreign construction and

makes the sentence smoother in Chinese reading

The no 7 passages show the indifference of the keeper of the inn to the entrance

225 The gendarme did not respond He just opened his eyes wide and stared attentively at him for a while 226 The gendarme did not respond He simply opened his eyes wide and stared attentively at him for a while 227 At the sound of the door suddenly opening the host of the inn knew it was a new guest from the corner of his eye but he did not bother to turn his head to look at him 228 Ibid 229 did not respond 230 opened his eyes 231 stared attentively at him for a while 232 and 233 The Westernized Chinese was not limited to rendition of Western works but could be found in creative writing in Chinese as more and more Chinese writers were exposed to such a style of writing introduced to Chinese through translation 234 similar to but and even

128

of a guest The three predicates of 猛然聽得開門的聲音235 瞥見來了一個新客

人 236 and 並不轉眼瞧他一瞧237 share the same subject 店主人 238 The

pronoun 他239 in the earlier text is superfluous for pronouns are used very sparingly

usually when absolutely necessary for clarification in Chinese quite unlike the much

wider usage of pronouns in Western languages The new version crosses out the

Westernized 他 and substitutes 也 240 for it rendering the sentence more

traditionally Chinese The two cases of re-sinicization of Westernized construction in

Chinese function to beautify the text rather than modify the sense

The editor sometimes modifies the previous version in consideration of sentence

patterning The following is an example


8 只見他helliphellip還沒有走到二百步在

街上泉場裡痛飲了兩次241 (340)

只見他還沒走到二百步便在街上泉

桶裡痛飲了兩次242 (113)

The passage in the earlier version adopts a sentence pattern of 還沒243 and such a

structure is usually coupled with a subsequent conjunction 便 or 就 in Chinese

forming a construction similar to the pattern barely hellip when in English However

the conjunction is missing in the first version so that the sentence reads a little

awkwardly just like how the sentence will sound in English if the word when is

omitted in the barely hellip when structure In the revised passage the addition of 便

to the pattern perfects the structure and renders fluent the Chinese sentence which is

roughly equivalent to the English pattern He had barely walked two hundred steps

when he drank voraciously from the fountains in the street twice Certainly the

perfection of the sentence structure does not affect the content

In addition some syntactic peculiarities found in Can Shehui are corrected in Can

Shijie One example is as follows


235 at the sound of the door suddenly opening 236 knew it was a new guest from the corner of his eye 237 did not bother to turn his head to look at him 238 the innkeeper 239 he 240 still or even 241 He had barely walked two hundred steps when he drank voraciously from the fountains in the street twice 242 Ibid 243 barely

129

9 行不多時來到一所客寓門前抬頭

一看上寫到館名苦巴迺太尼算是

這城中有名的一個客寓244 (340)

行不多時來到一所客寓門前抬

頭一看上寫著「苦巴館」迺是太

尼城中有名的一個客寓245 (113)

The earlier text of 迺太尼算是這城中246 contains some misplaced words making

the sentence anomalous in Chinese What was originally meant is obviously 迺算是

這太尼城中247 and the mistake might have occurred during the printing process The

later version not only corrects the anomaly but also turns 迺算是 into 迺是

making the resultant phrase 迺是太尼城中248 sound more certain about the

reputation of the tavern To be sure the correction and revision do not result in

semantic shift in the least

Aside from eccentric expressions the first version of Chinese Les Miseacuterables also

carries some typos which are easily distinguishable A couple of examples are

provided here


10 卻說這座太尼城本原來在嶺上

頭也就有有些招風helliphellip249 (341)

卻說這座太尼城原來建在嶺上也

就有些招風helliphellip250 (114)

11 世上人的嘴是狠消薄的那時到不

好看哩251 (381)

世上人的嘴是很輕薄的那時倒不好

看252 (116)

In the no 10 passages an unwanted character 有 somehow slips into the phrase 有

些253 in the first version In the passages of no 11 狠 and 到 are wrong

characters for 很 254 and 倒 255 respectively Of course in both cases the

rectifications in the revised text do not alter the meaning

Since the Chinese version of Les Miseacuterables is rendered in the form of zhanghui

244 Before long he found himself in front of a tavern He turned up his head and saw a sign displaying La Croix de Colbas a famous inn in the town of Digne 245 Ibid 246 literally is Digne can be said to be in the town 247 can be said to be in the town of Digne 248 is in the town of Digne 249 The town of Digne having been built on the mountain range was rather windy 250 Ibid 251 People in the world liked to wag their bitter tongues It would be humiliating to be subjected to them 252 Ibid 253 somewhat 254 very 255 then

130

xiaoshuo 章回小說 some modifications in the revised version are aimed at endowing

the text with more elements of this particular type of novel Let us examine the

following example


12 一見就知道他一定是遠遊的客人

了但是他究竟從什麼地方來的

呢256 (340)

一見就知道他一定是遠遊的客人

了但是他究竟從什麼地方來的呢

暫且不表257 (113)

In the earlier passage the narrator puts a question 但是他究竟從什麼地方來的呢258

and goes on with the narrative without answering the question In contrast the revised

text appends a phrase 暫且不表 259 This attached phrase is a set expression

employed typically in a zhanghui novel to keep the interested reader in suspense This

is a technical alteration which strengthens the suspension effect without changing the

semantic content

On certain spots the narrative sequence in the first version is switched around in

the revision The beginning of the Chinese texts offers a salient instance


13 卻說一日天色將晚四望無涯一人

隨那寒風落葉一片淒慘的聲音走

進法國太尼城裡這時候乃是西歷一

千八百十五年十月初旬將交冬令

天氣寒冷260 (341)

話說西曆一千八百十五年十月初

旬一日天色將晚四望無涯一

人隨那寒風落葉一片淒慘的聲

音走進法國太尼城裡這時候將

交冬令天氣寒冷261 (113)

The newspaper version starts with an unspecified 一日262 and then provides the

specific day as 西歷一千八百十五年十月初旬263 after introducing the protagonist

256 A mere glance enabled one to know that he must have travelled here from far away But where did he come from 257 A mere glance enabled one to know that he must have travelled here from far away But where did he come from Lets drop this subject for the time being 258 but where did he come from 259 lets drop this subject for the time being 260 It happened that one day at dusk a man walked from the boundless fields into the town of Digne in France accompanied by cold winds fallen leaves and bleak saddening sound It was early October of 1815 on the Western calendar The winter was approaching and the weather was chilly 261 It happened in early October of 1815 on the Western calendar One day at dusk a man walked from the boundless fields into the town of Digne in France accompanied by cold winds fallen leaves and bleak saddening sound Now the winter was approaching and the weather was chilly 262 one day 263 in early October of 1815

131

In the later updated edition the story points out the specific day at the very beginning

and proceeds with narration of the coming event Both kinds of narration are

acceptable in Chinese though each one serves a somewhat different purpose The

different arrangements in narrative order result in slightly different dramatic effects

but the information imparted in the above passages remains the same

Sometimes the old sequence of description is rearranged in the new version not

for the purpose of bringing about different effects as in the previous instance but

because the old narration is not organized enough The following is a case in point


14 只見他那時候渴極了有幾個小孩

子跟在他的後面還沒有走到二百

步在街上泉場裡痛飲了兩次264

(340)

只見當時有幾個童子看見是遠來的

生人就跟在他的後面只見他還沒

走到二百步便在街上泉桶裡痛飲了

兩次265 (113)

The above extracts contain three major messages the heros thirst his drinking from a

fountain and his being followed by some children In Can Shehui the narrator first

mentions the heros thirst then adds the information of the protagonists being followed

by some children and then resumes talk about the heros quenching his thirst by

drinking from the fountain after walking for some distance This somewhat rambling

description is rewritten in Can Shijie which narrates several children following the

hero first and then recounts the heros thirst-quenching act The rearranged narration

makes for a more logical flow of descriptive development and the messages conveyed

in the earlier version are not compromised

The editing process also entails some additions like the following examples


15 helliphellip管事的人又對著這用人的耳

邊唧唧咕咕的說了一會那用人就

一直跑到衙門裡去了266 (341)

helliphellip並對著那用人的耳邊唧唧咕咕地

說了一會那用人點了點頭便一直

跑到衙門裡去了267 (114)

264 Apparently he was extremely thirty Some children were following in his wake He had barely walked two hundred steps when he drank voraciously from the fountains in the street twice 265 Some children seeing that the stranger must have come from far away were following in his wake He had barely walked two hundred steps when he drank voraciously from the fountains in the street twice 266 The innkeeper whispered something into the servants ear Then the servant ran all the way to the yamen 267 [The innkeeper] whispered something into the servants ear The servant nodded before running out to the yamen

132

16 正想解那衣衫鈕子睡下耳邊忽聽

得一種兇惡聲音268 (421)

正想解衣睡下耳邊忽聽得一種兇惡

聲音呱呱的叫來269 (120)

17 一天到晚跑了好幾十里我實在

不能再走了helliphellip270 (421)

一天到晚跑了幾十里粒米也不曾

吃過我實在不能再走了helliphellip271 (119)

The no 15 passages describe how the host of the inn whispered something in the ears

of a servant who then ran out to the yamen The revised edition adds a phrase to

indicate the servant 點了點頭272 to the host before rushing to the yamen In the no

16 case while the earlier text shows that the protagonist was about to take off his

clothes to sleep when he heard a fierce growling noise the later revision characterizes

the noise by an additional expression of 呱呱的叫來273 In the passages of no 17

the protagonist said to the owner of a house that he had travelled for scores of leagues

from morning till night and that he was too tired to walk on The revised text tries to

underscore the heros energy exhaustion by adding the clause 粒米也不曾吃過274

before the heros articulation of fatigue These additions are evidently made to enhance

the contextual messages and enrich the illustrative flavors The general information of

the passage remains unchanged with these embellishments

Besides additions the editor also makes some reductions two of which can be

cited for illustration


18 同坐的有一位漁夫helliphellip急忙立起身來逕

自開門去了275 (381)

話說那漁夫去了不多一會便急回來將

同坐的有一位漁夫helliphellip急忙

立起身來逕自開門去了不

多一會便急回來將華賤的

268 He was just about to unbutton his coat before sleep when he heard a ferocious sound 269 He was just about to unbutton his coat before sleep when he heard a ferocious sound bowwowing nearer and nearer 270 I have covered scores of leagues on foot from morning till evening and I simply cant walk on 271 I have covered scores of leagues on foot from morning till evening without even eating a grain of rice and I simply cant walk on 272 nodded 273 bowwowing nearer and nearer 274 without even eating a grain of rice 275 Also in the tavern was a fisherman who stood up in a hurry and went out the door 276 It so happened that not long after he left the fisherman hastened back and revealed Jean Valjeans background to the host of the inn

133

華賤的來歷一一告訴了這客寓裡管事

的helliphellip276 (401)

來歷一一告訴了這客寓裡管

事的helliphellip277 (117)

19 卻說這太尼城因為一千八百十五年有宗

教的戰爭所以到了現在環城四面還有

圍牆278 (441)

卻說這太尼城因為以前經過

兵亂所以到了現在環城四

面還有圍牆279 (121)

The no 18 instance reveals an intriguing phenomenon caused by the distinction

between serializing and separate printing The excerpts narrate how a fisherman

walked out the door upon seeing Jean Valjean and returned with information of Jeans

background which he disclosed to the innkeeper Probably because of space limitation

the newspaper version breaks the passage in two so that they appear in different

editions of the paper but the division of text does not make the fragments fall into

different chapters of the novel The October 12 1903 edition ends with 逕自開門去

了280 and the October 14 edition continues with an inaugural clause 話說那漁夫去

了不多一會281 which is intended to help the reader pick up the threads of the story

in the last issue Hence the introductory phrase is necessitated by serialization

However no consideration of this kind is necessary when the story is printed whole in

a volume particularly when the broken parts constitute a cohesive chain of action

Therefore it comes as no surprise that by leaving out the introductory sentence the

later revision manages to describe the series of the fishermans movement sequentially

and in a tightly packed manner Again this adjustment does not alter the semantics of

the passage

Case no 19 traces the walling of Digne to the religious wars of 1815 The specific

mention of 一千八百十五年有宗教的戰爭282 in the earlier text is simplified to

become 以前經過兵亂283 in the later revision The simplification may be ascribed

to the editors consideration that religious warfare unknown in Chinese history is next

to unthinkable to Chinese readers Whether this conjecture is valid or not the loss of

information in the new version is relatively minor and the main message of war is 277 Also in the tavern was a fisherman who stood up in a hurry and went out the door Not long after he hastened back and revealed Jean Valjeans background to the host of the inn 278 The town of Digne having seen wars of religion in 1815 was protected by walls on four sides 279 The town of Digne having been torn by wars was protected by walls on four sides 280 walked out the door 281 not long after the fisherman left 282 having seen wars of religion in 1815 283 having been torn by wars

134

preserved

Still another act of editing involves correction of mistakes which may result from

misusage or misinterpretation in the first version In a passage that depicts Jean

Valjeans looks the two versions of Chinese Les Miseacuterables use different adjectives


20 臉上雖是瘦弱卻很有些英氣helliphellip284

(340-41)

臉上雖是瘦弱卻很有些兇

氣helliphellip285 (113)

The earlier version says that Jean Valjeans face is characterized by some quality of 英

氣286 whereas the revision turns the positive adjective into the negative 兇氣287

Judging from the context where the townspeople of Digne were appalled by the

appearance of Jean Valjean the ex-convict the latter choice of words seems more

appropriate What is at issue here is whether this semantic change will affect the results

of my further intertextual comparison For this reason a check on the texts concerned

becomes imperative and it is found after the inspection is performed that the

depictions of 英氣 and 兇氣 are both invented by the translator The absence of

such descriptions at least not on the literal level in the other texts selected for

comparison means that the textual discrepancies caused by no 20 editing are irrelevant

to my search for Sus source

My last example of the editorial traces has to do with the editors consideration of

social practices Consider the following example


21 華賤便道「先生求你寬恕我來得

唐突我現在把錢給你買一點飯菜

吃還求你把那花園拐角下的小房

子借我睡一夜不曉得可不可以

呢」288 (401)

華賤便道「先生求你寬恕我來得

唐突請你給點飯菜我吃還求將花

園拐角下的小房子給我歇宿一夜明

日走時一發算錢給你不曉得可能俯

允嗎」289 (119)

284 His face thin and feeble was characterized by a sort of heroic spirit 285 His face thin and feeble was characterized by a sort of ferocity 286 heroic spirit 287 ferocity 288 Jean Valjean said Monsieur I beg your pardon Im now offering my money to buy some food from you and Im begging you to allow me to sleep in the shed at the corner of your garden for the night Could you please 289 Jean Valjean said Monsieur I beg your pardon Could you give me some food to eat and the shed at the corner of your garden to sleep in for the night I will pay you tomorrow when Im leaving Could you please

135

The passages narrate how Jean Valjean implored a man of the house to offer him food

and shelter in exchange of money The first version uses the expression 我現在把錢

給你買一點飯菜吃290 which denotes that the guest offers to pay in advance The

message of offering money is relocated in the narrative sequence and rephrased as 明

日走時一發算錢給你291 in the new version Thus the prepaid mode of supplication

in the old text becomes a pay later one in the revision The editor may have had in

mind the social customs in China when he made the change for it was rather rare for a

host in China to accept payment first before actually providing food and

accommodation Anyway the semantic shift caused by the editing necessitates an

investigation on the texts concerned and it is noted that although payment is an

important message here the timing of payment varied in the two Chinese editions is

not described in the other versions chosen for comparison It does not matter when the

payment is to be made in the Chinese texts for it is impertinent to the present source

study

In the preceding paragraphs I have listed fourteen types of modification with a

total of twenty-one examples to illustrate the editorial process from Can Shehui to Can

Shijie Before making my decision as to whether they result in significant changes I

need to put my finger on my judgment criteria which are conditioned by Sus strategy

of translation As is typical of the translation practice of his time Sus rendition of Les

Miseacuterables involves a lot of omissions additions and alterations quite unlike the

fidelity orientation of the English versions Sus point lies not in taking care of every

word phrase clause or sentence in the original but in propagandizing his own agenda

through appropriating the stories and ideas of the French novelist For this very reason

my comparison of Sus translation with its likely sources will be concentrated first and

foremost on the level of plot and structure aided secondarily by clues from diction or

syntax when the different texts manifest the same plot elements Therefore when I

make the initial comparison between Can Shehui and Can Shijie to see if they vary

significantly my primary concern is with those elements that result in plot change and

my secondary attention is on radical semantic shifts Any modification that does not

affect the plot or entails replacement with synonymous or similar semantics will be

considered minor and negligible

290 Im now offering my money to buy some food from you 291 I will pay you tomorrow when I am leaving

136

With this assessment standard in mind we may proceed to see to what extent Sus

two versions differ from each other Except for cases no 15 16 17 19 20 and 21 all

the examples show that the later editing done to the first version of Chinese Les

Miseacuterables does not alter the semantic value That is the content remains unchanged

after the editing procedure Even where semantic transformation takes place the plot is

not altered Cases no 15 to 17 witness the addition of a phrase which serves to

intensify its contextual message rather than cause informational deviations In the no

19 case the primary message of war is preserved even though its cause (religion) and

time (1815) are omitted In the instance of no 20 the rectification fits more reasonably

to the context and being a piece of characterization added by the translator proves

unrelated to my intertextual comparison Lastly the semantic change in the no 21

example does not eliminate from the context the topic of payment which is all that

counts regardless of when the payment is to be made All in all the differences

analyzed above between Can Shehui and Can Shijie are only minor ones Since the

focus of my comparison between Sus translation and its probable sources is more on

the elements of plot than on the linguistic subtleties all the variations detected between

Sus two texts can be ignored as the present research proceeds with next source-tracing

steps Since what is analyzed in the above instances generally exhibits common and

typical patterns of editing it may be assumed that the same editorial patterns would

most likely be identified if the missing text of Can Shehui were recovered especially

when the same editor of Chen Duxiu was in charge of finalizing the entire Can Shijie

In other words the above conclusion about the initial two-odd chapters of the two

Chinese variants may be justifiably applied to the missing chapters of Can Shehui

Therefore the completed fourteen-chaptered Can Shijie can be selected as the Chinese

basis for subsequent comparison

45 Interlingual Screening the Chinese Text versus French English and Japanese

Les Miseacuterables

In the previous sections eight texts from the four languages in question are

singled out and they are Hugos French original (embracing the whole of Husss 1892

abridged version) English versions of Les Miseacuterables by Charles E Wilbour Lascelles

Wraxall Alexander Dimitry and A F (the Richmond translation) Isabel F Hapgood

and William Walton et al respectively Kuroiwa Ruikous Japanese Aamujou and Su

Manshus Chinese Can Shijie Now it is time to subject them to intertextual

137

comparison and contrast

My strategy of comparison is oriented primarily to plot and secondarily to

nuanced linguistic subtlties In practice my comparison is conducted first from a

macro perspective and then in a micro manner The macroscopic comparison deals

with the structures of narration in the different texts concernedmdashthat is how the plot

elements are presented in what sequence they are arranged and what not In the

microscopic comparison my study compares the individual plot elements to sort out

the relationships between the different versions When different texts show common

plot elements my research shall get down to the minute linguistic details such as

choice of words phrases and syntax to see if they reveal nuanced distinction The two

levels of comparison and contrast serve to inform my judgment about the most

probable source of Sus translation

As mentioned earlier Su Manshus Chinese rendition of the French novel handles

only the Second Book (La chute) of Volume I (Fantine) out of the forty-eight

books in five volumes in the original In the original French work the major plot line

of Book Two starts from Jean Valjeans entrance in the town of Digne through his

recurrent rejections by the townspeople his kind reception by Bishop Myriel his abuse

of the bishops beneficence to his disappearance from Digne Interspersed in the story

line are some digressions and flashbacks including reflections on the evils of society

and some information of the heros background his theft and imprisonment

Structurally speaking in the total of thirteen chapters in this book the first five

chapters are narrated in chronological order beginning in medias res from the

protagonists appearance in Digne through his constant rejections and frustrations in

seeking food and shelter there to his falling asleep in the bishops house The Sixth

Chapter opens with a single-sentence paragraph purporting that Jean Valjean woke up

in the middle of the night From the second paragraph of this chapter on the narrative

flashes back to some accounts of the heros background and history including his

desperate act of theft his imprisonment and the elongation of his term of punishment

as a result of his four escape attempts The Seventh Chapter digresses to reflect on the

correlation between crimes of individuals and crimes of society and also on the ill

impacts of the punitive systems on a good-natured person Chapter Eight extends the

digression by comparing the socially disadvantaged to a drowning man who hopelessly

struggles to survive in the billowy sea The Ninth Chapter also a digression describes

the exploitation of labor Jean Valjean suffers in jail and the unfair treatment he receives

138

in payment of wages after his release from the prison house The Tenth Chapter picks

up what was left off in the first paragraph of Chapter Six and continues the

chronological narration until the end of the Thirteenth Chapter which concludes Book

Two with episodes inclusive of the protagonists larceny of the bishops silverware his

capture by the gendarmes his condonation by the more than magnanimous bishop his

robbery of Petit Gervaiss coin and his final remorse

The above chapter descriptions of the Second Book of the original novel can be

summed up by differentiating the plot line from the digressions The principle axis of

the story starts from Chapter One onward breaks at the first paragraph of the Sixth

Chapter resumes from Chapter Ten and then follows through to the end of the

Thirteenth Chapter The digressive part comprises the majority of Chapter Six and the

whole of Chapters Seven to Nine This differentiation will prove useful in my later

comparison and analysis

A close rendering of the French work the five English versions have the exact

same narrative structure

Now we shall look at the Chinese version first before examining the Japanese one

Despite the fact that Sus text contains numerous omissions additions and inventions

the sequence of the episodic elements in Sus text is in perfect match with that in the

French original The thirteen chapters in the French text are rearranged in Sus

translation in fourteen chapters of the zhanghui novel form In Sus text the first six

chapters concur with the first five chapters of the French original the same episodes

and the same sequence of events As the French text starts digressing with the second

paragraph of Chapter Six after a single sentence describing Jean Valjeans wakening in

the first paragraph the Chinese translation also drifts into digression from the second

paragraph of Chapter Seven onward after the first paragraphs brief mention of the

dormancy of Jean Valjean and the bishops family The deviating part of the Chinese

version from early Chapter Seven to middle Chapter Thirteen consists of another

story line about the adventures of Ming Nande 明男德 which is invented by the

translator The two plot lines cross each other as Ming Nande learns of Jean Valjeans

arrest and decides to rescue him from prison Subtly woven into the invented plot are

sporadic descriptions of Jean Valjeans background his theft of bread his

imprisonment his lengthening of jail time and his subjection to cruel abuse Sus

fabricated digression ends with the failure of Ming Nandes attempt to assassinate

Napoleon in the middle of the Thirteenth Chapter and then the story reverts to the

139

major story line ie the scene in the bishops abode where Jean Valjean awoke at two

oclock after some hours of repose The portion from the latter half of Chapter Thirteen

to the end of Chapter Fourteen in the translation echoes Chapters Ten to Thirteen in the

French novel recounting Jean Valjeans waking in the night his running away with the

bishops silverware his capture by the policemen his obtaining forgiveness from the

bishop his pillage of Petit Gervais and his ultimate regrets In a nutshell except the

part of the text which deals with the narrators reflections on the heros situation in

relation to society at large all the main episodic elements of plot in the original work

are retained and followed in the same order in the Chinese translation albeit in a

condensed and rephrased manner

Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou begins like Sus Chinese rendition from the Second

Book of Volume One of the French novel and the first eleven chapters of the Japanese

text as a whole correspond to the content of the Second Book ie the part treated by

Su Manshu Generally speaking Kuroiwas version follows the narrative order of the

French novel for the most part However four exceptions are prominent To begin with

the Japanese text initiates the First Chapter with a brief introduction to the town of

Digne a piece of information that is absent in the corresponding portions in the

original and in Sus version alike Second where the original story proceeds to Chapter

Two describing Bishop Myriels activity before dinner the Japanese version inserts a

passage to give some accounts of the bishops status and background and his acts of

benevolence in the past This interpolation is taken from Book One of Volume One of

the original novel and is absent here in the counterparts in the French and Chinese

texts Moreover Kuroiwas version differs from the French and the Chinese in the

process of interactions between Jean Valjean and the bishops family The entry of the

culprit in the bishops house and their conversation at the dinner table are depicted in

Chapters Three and Four of the original story The part of the dialogue where the

bishop inquires about Jean Valjeans suffering and then warns him against harboring

hatred for past inflictions is moved by the Japanese translator from Chapter Three to

Chapter Four of the original division so that the episodic sequence is changed

Specifically the scene at the table in the French novel includes the following

interactions and topics of conversation in sequential order

1 Jean Valjeans offering to reveal his name and hometown to the bishop (Chapter

Three)

2 the bishops inquiry about Jean Valjeans suffering (Chapter Three)

140

3 the serving of food by the female servant (Chapter Three)

4 the presentation of six pieces of silverware on the table (Chapter Three)

5 Jean Valjeans expressing that the wagoners live better than the bishop (Chapter

Four)

6 talk about Jean Valjeans destination the bishops past experience there and the

bishops relatives there (Chapter Four)

While the French and Chinese texts follow the listed order the Japanese version

relocates the bishops inquiry about his guests suffering (no 2 in the above sequence)

to somewhere between the talk about wagoners (no 5) and the chat about the heros

destination (no 6)

There is one last outstanding difference in the Japanese texts presentation of

events Whereas in the original story the digressive parts arranged from the Sixth to

Ninth Chapters providing some information about Jean Valjeans family background

theft imprisonment and maltreatment are followed by descriptions in Chapters Ten to

Thirteen of Jean Valjeans waking in the dead of night and his subsequent acts of

stealing the Japanese translator postpones the digression until Jean Valjean has entered

the bishops room in preparation for stealing the silverware In other words the French

and Chinese digression occurs before Jean Valjean decides to steal the silverware

while the Japanese digression is inserted in the act of stealing

Through the above macroscopic structural comparison of the eight texts of Les

Miseacuterables the present thesis finds that in terms of narrative structure the Chinese text

agrees with the French and the English but differs somewhat from the Japanese in

certain points Here it is necessary to take another look at the four conspicuous

structural differences analyzed above in order to judge how possible it is for the

Japanese version to be Sus source The first two differences involve the respective

insertions of introductions to a place and a character ie Digne and Bishop Myriel

The absence of such insertions in the Chinese version is not sufficient proof that the

Japanese version is not the Chinese translators source for it is Sus tendency to delete

and rewrite especially in a context where the information of Digne and Bishop Myriel

is only trivial to the plot line And then there are the last two differences which have to

do with rearrangement of narrative sequence Can it be that based on the Japanese text

Su reorganized the topics of the table conversation in an order that was more to his

liking and so is the case with the placement of the digressive part This possibility

cannot be denied However the fact that Sus deviation from the Japanese text entails

141

his concurrent conformity to the French original seems to greatly compromise the

Japaneses possibility and point to another better likelihoodmdashthat Su did not base his

translation on the Japanese version

The above analysis is directed in terms of probability Though of the three

language sources Kuroiwas text is the least likely one Su might have drawn on my

study cannot exclude the Japanese version altogether for certain To make my

judgment more decisive will require more substantial and powerful evidence from the

texts and this leads me to the second stage of comparison a microcosmic comparison

which involves juxtaposition of the different texts to sort out their relationships

In my micro-perspective research I find numerous instances which serve to argue

against the Japanese translation In most cases the Chinese plot is presented similarly

to the French and English ones but shows some evident differences from the Japanese

To present all of such examples however would be impractical and make little sense

In what follows only some selected cases ie the ones which are found representative

will be given to show how the different versions are related For ease of reading

comparing and referring the instances will be numbered and all the cited texts will be

put in tables

Example 1 The first example has to do with the presentation of time At the

onset of Book Two the time of action is given respectively as follows

French (Victor Hugo) English (Charles E Wilbour)

Dans les premiers jours du mois

doctobre 1815 une heure environ avant

le coucher du soleil (LM I 93)

An hour before sunset on the evening of

a day in the beginning of October

1815 (51)

English (Lascelles Wraxall) English (Alexander Dimitry and A F)

At the beginning of October 1815 and

about an hour before sunset (LM

[1880] I 55)



1815 (I 44)

English (Isabel F Hapgood) English (William Walton et al)

Early in the month of October 1815

about an hour before sunset (I

55)


about an hour before sunset (XI 123)

142

Japanese (Kuroiwa Ruikou) Chinese (Su Manshu)292

helliphellip千八百十五年ねん

三月一日彼か

の怪雄くわいゆう

拿翁なぽれおん

がエルバの孤島こたう

を脫出ぬけいだ

してカン（Cannes）の港みなと

に上陸じやうりく

し巴里ぱりー

の都みやこ

を指さ

して

上のぼ

つたとき二日目め

に一泊ぱく

した所ところ

てあるhelliphellip

helliphellip

今いま

は其それ

より七ケ月の後のち

同おな

じ年とし

の十月の初はじめ

或日あるひ

の夕方ゆふがた

helliphellip293 (I 1-2)

話說西曆一

千八百十五

年十月初

旬一日天

色將晚helliphellip

294 (113)

In the French English and Chinese versions the temporal information of the event that

is about to be narrated is offered directly and clearly as the evening of a day in early

October in 1815 By contrast Kuroiwas Japanese translation indicates the time in a

relatively roundabout manner The text first introduces the town of Digne as the place

where Napoleon spent the night on March 1 1815 on his way from Elba to Paris The

time of March 1 1815 here refers to an event about Napoleon that happened sometime

prior to the appearance of Jean Valjean in the town of Digne The Japanese narrator

uses this time about Napoleon as a point of reference and after a couple of paragraphs

brings in Jean Valjeans emergence in relation to this particular point in time The

reference to Napoleon here in this context is peculiar to the Japanese version and not

found in the corresponding parts in the other texts So here the Japanese mode of

temporal narration is vastly distinct from the French English and Chinese ones which

are similar to each other This suggests that the Japanese version is the least likely

source for Sus Chinese translation

Example 2 The description of Jean Valjeans entry into the town of Digne

involves another passage worth comparing

292 All the Chinese passages of Can Shijie in this section are quoted from Su Manshus Manshu Dashi Quanji 曼殊大師全集 293 The Japanese passage is translated into English as follows This is the place where the hero Napoleon spent the second night as he landed on the shore of Cannes on March 1 1815 and proceeded on his way to Paris after escaping from the isolated island of Elba Now seven months later on an evening in early October of the same year 294 It happened that in early October of 1815 on the Western calendar on the evening of this particular day

143


Il fallait quil eucirct bien soif car des

enfants qui le suivaient le virent encore

sarrecircter et boire deux cents pas plus

loin agrave la fontaine de la place du

marcheacute (LM I 94)

He must have been very thirsty for some

children who followed him saw him stop

not two hundred steps further on and drink

again at the fountain in the market-place

(51)


He must have been very thirsty for

the children that followed him saw

him stop and drink again at the

fountain on the market-place (LM

[1880] I 55)




again at the fountain in the market-place (I

44)


He must have been very thirsty for the


again for a drink two hundred paces

further on at the fountain in the

market-place (I 56)


children that followed him saw him stop

and drink again at the fountain on the

market-place (XI 124)

Japanese (Kuroiwa Ruikou) Chinese (Su Manshu)

町まち

の入口いりぐち

で汗あせ

を拭ふ

き拭ふ

き井ゐ

戶ど

の水みづ

を汲上くみあ

げて吞の

み又また

一二丁行ちやうゆ

きて町まち

中なか

の井ゐ

戶ど

で水みづ

を呑の

んだhelliphellip295 (I 2)

只見當時有幾個童子看見是遠來的生

人就跟在他的後面只見他還沒走到二

百步便在街上泉桶裡痛飲了兩次296

(113)

Here some plot elements are worthy of notice Regarding the way the hero quenched

his thirst the French English and Chinese versions say that his drinking source was

fountain water but according to the Japanese text it was water from a well that he

295 At the entrance to the town wiping his sweat he drew water from a well and drank it One or two blocks later he drank again from a well in the town 296 Several children who saw the stranger obviously coming from afar followed behind In less than two hundred steps he voraciously drank twice from the bucket of spring water (or fountain water) in the street

144

drank Since wells were very common as a source of drinking water in both Japan and

China in the nineteenth century it is quite unlikely that the Chinese translator could

have deliberately turned the well water in the Japanese into the fountain water in the

Chinese if he had translated from Japanese Then about the interval of the

protagonists thirst-slaking acts the French English and Chinese texts excepting the

versions by Wraxall and Walton et al use step or pace as a unit of measurement

and specify less than two hundred steps or paces as the interval of the action

Contrastively the Japanese unit of measurement is 丁ちやう

or lane or block and the

distance offered is one or two blocks farther Apart from that the Japanese text is the

only one of the eight that does not mention the part where the protagonist was

followed by some children All these instances show the Chinese texts similarity to the

French and the English and its concurrent departure from the Japanese If Su had

referred to the Japanese text as his major source he could not have modified the

Japanese plot elements and invented his own version that coincides with the French

and English versions This also indicates that Japanese is less likely than French and

English to be Sus source of translation

Regarding the five English texts the Richmond translation copies Wilbour

without altering a word and the version by Walton et al is a replicate of Wraxalls

rendition While the plot offered by the five texts as well as the original French is

similar on the whole Wraxall and Walton et al distinguish themselves by omitting the

description about the interval of two hundred steps altogether Since the Chinese text

contains this description the probability of the versions by Wraxall and by Walton et al

to be Sus source is reduced enormously

Example 3 Another example is the scene at a peasants house at which the main

character paused in his aimless wanderings after his repeated rejections by the taverns

in the town Following his brief peek into the house Jean Valjean decided to knock and

beg for shelter and food The process from his action to the response in the house is

presented as follows


Il frappa au carreau un petit coup tregraves

faible

On nentendit pas

Il frappa un second coup

He rapped faintly on the window

No one heard him

He rapped a second time

He heard the woman say

145

Il entendit la femme qui disait mdashMon

homme il me semble quon frappe

mdashNon reacutepondit le mari

Il frappa un troisiegraveme coup

Le mari se leva prit la lampe et alla agrave la

porte quil ouvrit (LM I 102-03)

Husband I think I hear some one

rap

No replied the husband

He rapped a third time The

husband got up took the lamp and

opened the door (56)


He tapped very slightly on a

window pane but was not heard he

tapped a second time and he heard the

woman say Husband I fancy I can hear

some one knocking

No the husband answered

He tapped a third time The husband

rose took the lamp and walked to the

front door (LM [1880] I 60)


No one heard him


He heard the woman say Husband I

think I hear some one rap


He rapped a third time The husband

got up took the lamp and opened the

door (I 48-49)


He tapped on the pane with a very

small and feeble knock

They did not hear him

He tapped again

He heard the woman say It seems to

me husband that some one is knocking


He tapped a third time

The husband rose took the lamp and

went to the door which he opened (I 62)


window-pane but was not heard

He tapped a second time


fancy I can hear someone knocking




walked to the front door which he

opened (XI 135)


茲こゝ

ならばと旅人たびゞと

は近寄ちかよつ

て戶と［華賤］輕輕地將窗戶敲了幾下哪曉得也靜悄

146

を叩たゝ

いた二度ど

叩たゝ

いて三度ど

目め

に主人あるじ

が窓まど

まで立たつ

て來き

て

『何方どなた

』と問と

ふたhelliphellip297 (I

9)

悄的竟沒有一人答應又用力再敲幾下只聽得

那婦人道「我的夫呀我聽得好像有人敲門的聲

音哩」那男子道「哪來的話」華賤又把窗戶

敲了幾下那男子聽真了便起身拿了燈來開門

298 (119)

Here two spots of diversity in plot elements can be detected The first is about the way

the traveller attracted the attention of those in the house In the French English and

Chinese versions the protagonist achieved his purpose by tapping on the window

whereas in the Japanese text it is 戶と

or the door not the window that the hero was

knocking Moreover all the quoted passages delineate three rounds of knocking in the

process but at the interval between the second and the third there is a description

about the wifes reaction and the husbands denial in the French English and Chinese

texts The Japanese translation is the only one that does not contain this husband-wife

exchange but goes straight to the husbands response of walking over to the window

after the third knocking This proves once again that Kuroiwas Japanese version is not

likely to be Sus source

As to the French and English texts all of them specifically narrates that the

husband went and opened the door after he heard the third round of knocking with the

exception of Wraxalls version which states merely that the husband walked to the

front door with the sense of opening the door implied but not explicit on the surface

value The Chinese rendition 起身拿了燈來開門 explicitly showing the husbands

door-opening act is less in accord with Wraxalls version than with the French original

and the other English versions In this light Wraxalls probability as the source of the

Chinese version decreases to some degree

Example 4 The dialogue that occurred as the innkeeper of La Croix de Colbas

tried to dismiss Jean Valjean from the premises also betrays some resemblance and

dissimilarity between the eight texts of Les Miseacuterables


297 So the traveller stepped forward and knocked on the door He knocked again At the third knock the man of the house walked to the window and asked Who is it 298 [Jean Valjean] tapped on the window lightly but not a sound of response came from the house He gave some more taps with more force and heard the woman say My husband I seem to hear someone knock on the door The man replied Impossible Jean Valjean knocked once again on the window The man heard it He got up to take the lamp and opened the door

147

mdashMonsieur dit-il je ne puis vous

recevoir

Lhomme se dressa agrave demi sur son

seacuteant

mdashComment Avez-vous peur que je ne

paye pas Voulez-vous que je paye

davance Jai de largent vous dis-je

mdashCe nest pas cela

mdashQuoi donc

mdashVous avez de largent

mdashOui dit lhomme

mdashEt moi dit lhocircte je nai pas de

chambre

Lhomme reprit tranquillement

minusMettez-moi agrave leacutecurie

mdashJe ne puis

mdashPourquoi

mdashLes chevaux prennent toute la place

mdashEh bien repartit lhomme un coin

dans le grenier Une botte de paille Nous

verrons cela apregraves dicircner

mdashJe ne puis vous donner agrave dicircner (LM

I 97)

Monsieur said he I cannot

receive you

The traveller half rose from his seat

Why Are you afraid I shall not pay

you or do you want me to pay in

advance I have money I tell you

It is not that

What then

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man

And I said the host I have no

room

Well put me in the stable quietly

replied the man

I cannot

Why

Because the horses take all the

room

Well responded the man a corner

in the garret a truss of straw we will

see about that after dinner

I cannot give you any dinner (53)


I cannot make room for you sir he

said

The man half turned on his stool

What do you mean Are you afraid I

shall bilk you do you want me to pay you

in advance I have money I tell you

It is not that

What is it then

Sir said he I cannot receive

you




advance I have the money I tell you

It is not that

What then

148

You have money

Yes said the man

But I have not a spare bed-room

The man continued quietly Put me in

the stables

I cannot

Why

The horses take up all the room

Well the man continued a corner in

the loft and a truss of straw we will see to

that after supper

I cannot give you any supper (LM

[1880] I 57)

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


replied the man

I cannot

Why


room

Well responded the man a

corner in the garret a truss of straw

we will see about that after dinner

I cannot give you any dinner (I

46)


I cannot receive you sir said he

The man half rose

What Are you afraid that I will

not pay you Do you want me to pay

you in advance I have money I tell

you

It is not that

What then

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man

And I said the host have no

room

The man resumed tranquilly Put

me in the stable

I cannot

Why

Monsieur said he I cannot receive

you

The man half rose on his stool

How Are you afraid I shall not pay

you Do you want me to pay you in


It is not that

What is it then

You have money

Yes said the man



the stables

I cannot

Why


149

The horses take up all the space

Very well retorted the man a

corner of the loft then a truss of straw

We will see about that after dinner


58)


the loft a truss of straw we will see to that

after dinner

I cannot give you any dinner (XI 128)


［主人あるじ

］『何ど

うも貴方あなた

をお留と

め申まを

す譯わけ

に行ゆ

きません』全まつた

く打うつ

て變かはつ

たと云い

ふ

者もの

だ客きやく

は半分顏はんぶんかほ

を揚あ

げ『エ何なん

だ

と騙かた

られるとでも思おも

ふのかでは

先拂さきばらひ

に仕し

やう金かね

は持もつ

て居ゐ

る斷ことわ

ツた

のに』主人『イエ室へや

の空あい

た所ところ

が有あ

りませんゆゑ』客きやく

は未ま

だ失望しつぼう

せぬ最い

と靜しづか

に『室へや

が無な

ければ馬屋うまや

で好よ

い』

主人『馬屋うまや

は馬うま

が一ぱいです』客『で

は何ど

の樣やう

な隅すみ

ツこでも搆かま

はぬ藁わら

さへ

有あ

れば敷しい

て寢ね

るから先ま

ア兎と

も角かく

も

食事しよくじ

を濟す

ませてからの相談さうだん

にしやう』

helliphellip［店主人］「我卻不能留你住在

這裡」

此人忙立起身來問道「你怕我欠你

的賬嗎若是要先交錢我這裡還有點

銀子你不知道嗎」

店主人說道「哪裡是為著這些事

體」此人道「那麼是為著什麼事」

店主人道「你是有銀子」此人道「不

錯」

店主人又道「怎奈我沒有房子留

你」此人急忙介面道「就是在貴寓

馬房裡住下也不打緊」店主人道

「那也不能」此人道「這是什麼緣

故」店主人道「我的馬已經住滿」

此人道「也好那邊還有一間擱東西

的房子我們等吃了飯再商量吧」店

主人道「有什麼人供你的飯吃」300

299 [The host said] I cant receive you here This attitude was in stark contrast with the kind attention a while ago The traveller half raised his head and replied Hey what are you talking about Are you afraid Id cheat you If so let me pay you first The host explained No not that There is no room available The traveller was not discouraged In a temperate tone he said If there is no room a place in the stable will do The host insisted The horses take up all the space The traveller Then any corner of the house is all right Just give me some straw to sleep on Anyway let me have dinner first and then well discuss the matter The host rejected Food is not available either 300 The Chinese passage is translated into English as follows [The host said] I cannot let you live here

150

主人『食事しよくじ

もお生憎樣あいにくさま

です』helliphellip299 (I

4)

(114-15)

In the exchange of conversation between host and guest the Chinese is similar to the

French and the English in the process of going back and forth between the two parties

involved The Japanese text by contrast shortens the process of verbal exchange to a

considerable extent The multiple interchange passagemdashIt is not that What then

You have money Yes And I have no roommdashis abbreviated by the Japanese

translator to become the single straightforward explanation No not that There is no

room available And the dual exchangemdashPut me in the stable I cannot Why

Because the horses take all the roommdashis simplified in the Japanese version as a

single back-and-forth A place in the stable will do The horses take up all the space

These abridgments greatly dilute the hosts hesitation in the face of the guest pressing

for specificity to reveal the truth behind his decision to expel the guest The condensed

form of dialogue in the Japanese text cannot have inspired the Chinese translator with

the more detailed and vivid rendition in Chinese which is so to speak in concert with

the French and English texts

Also here in the cited passages another interesting comparison is worth making

When the host explained to the guest that there was no room available the latters

response put me in the stable is made in a manner that is expressed respectively as

tranquillement in French quietly in Wilbour Wraxall the Richmond and Walton

et al tranquilly in Hapgood and 急忙 in Chinese The semantic deviation of the

Chinese from the French and the English is intriguing here and lends occasion for a

suspicion of misinterpretation on the translators part For a Chinese translator to base

his translation on the French original it is rather unlikely that he will take the word

tranquillement wrongly nor is it likely that Hapgoods tranquilly a word not easily

mistaken would be misconstrued to mean 急忙 301 if the translator adopted

Hapgood as his original By contrast if a translator models his rendition on the other The man rose up immediately and asked Are you afraid I dont pay If you want me to pay in advance I have some money with me Dont you know that The host said It is not that The man pressed What then The host went on You have money The man answered Yes The host continued But I have no room for you The man quickly replied Its all right for me to sleep in the stable The host refused That wont do either The man demanded How come The host explained The horses take up all the space The man pressed on All right There is still that storeroom over there Lets talk about this after dinner The host said Who do you think youll get your food from 301 hurriedly or quickly

151

English versions the word quietly may be inadvertently misread as quickly owing

to the similar spelling contour of the two words which easily explains the resultant

rendition of 急忙 in Chinese Can this be the reason why Su Manshu deviates from

the original If so then the French original and Hapgoods version are less likely

sources for Su Manshu than the other English translations Notwithstanding the above

suspicion will fall into a dismissible wild guess if no other supporting evidence is

present After all the Chinese texts difference from the French and the English here

may also be explained away by an act of alteration done on purpose by the translator

The relationships of the Chinese with the French and the English become

increasingly clear as more instances are found pointing to the similar likelihood

Suffice it to quote two more passages for illustration

Example 5 In the bishops house the heros wonder at the bishops kindness in

receiving him is expressed at a certain point as follows


mdashVrai quoi vous me gardez vous ne

me chassez pas un forccedilat Vous

mappelez monsieur vous ne me tutoyez

pas Va-t-en chien quon me dit

toujours (LM I 117)

True What You will keep me you

wont drive me away a convict You call

me Monsieur and dont say Get out

dog as everybody else does (64)


Is it true You will let me stay you will

not turn me out a convict You call me

Sir you do not thou me Get out dog

that is what is always said to me

(LM [1880] I 67)


wont drive me away a convict You

call me Sir and dont say Get out dog

as everybody else does (I 54)


Really What You will keep me You

do not drive me forth A convict You

call me sir You do not address me as

thou Get out of here you dog is what

people always say to me (I 71)

Is it true what you will let me stay

you will not turn me out a convict You

call me monsieur you do not thou me

Get out dog that is what is always said

to me (XI 153)

152


『エ泊とめ

て吳く

れるエ本統ほんとう

エ何なん

と仰有おつしや

ツ

た私わたく


ひもせずに前科者ぜんくわもの

を貴君きくん


は誰だれ

でも此こ

の野猫のねこ

めなどと云い

ひま

すのにhelliphellip』302 (I 18)

「你真留我嗎不趕我嗎

你為什麼稱呼我做先生卻

不叫我做狗趕出去和別

的人那一樣說法呢helliphellip」

303 (125)

The abusive term by which the hero is addressed is a dog in the French English and

Chinese versions but in the Japanese text the derogatory name becomes 野猫のねこ

literally a wildcat which is connotative of a homeless rascalmdashanother piece of

evidence to exclude the Japanese translation as a source for Sus Chinese rendition

What is even more worthy of note here is how the French phrase vous ne me tutoyez

pas304 is treated in the English translations In Wilbours and the Richmond texts the

French differentiation between vous and tu is ignored and left untranslated

Contrastively Wraxall Hapgood and Walton et al drew on the English distinction

between you and thou to make it a parallel to the French and came up with you do

not thou me (Wraxall Walton et al) or you do not address me as thou (Hapgood)

The fact that Su leaves the French distinction out of translation a distinction that

would have been expressible in vernacular Chinese had the translator been conscious

of the original differentiation seems to indicate that Wilbour and the Richmond are

more likely sources for Su than the French original and the other English versions

Example 6 Also in favor of Wilbours and the Richmond texts is the passage

about the dogs kennel cited as follows


Agrave la lueur du jour expirant leacutetranger

aperccedilut dans un des jardins qui bordent

la rue une sorte de hutte qui lui parut

maccedilonneacutee en mottes de gazon et

by the light of the expiring day the

stranger perceived in one of the gardens

which fronted the street a kind of hut

which seemed to be made of turf [I]t

302 Ah you will keep me Really What did you say You didnt throw me out I am an ex-convict and you address me as Monsieur Everybody else calls me a damned wildcat 303 You will really keep me You dont throw me out Why do you call me Monsieur and not dog get out as everybody else does 304 Literally you dont address me in the second person singular tu The use of second person singular tu here conveys an unpleasantly too-familiar attitude that is disrespectful or even insulting

153

elle ressemblait agrave ces constructions que

les cantonniers se bacirctissent au bord des

routes Il se coucha agrave plat ventre et

se glissa dans la hutte Il y faisait chaud

et il y trouva un assez bon lit de paille

(LM I 104-05)

resembled in its construction the

shanties which the road-labourers put up

for their temporary accommodation

He got down and crawled into the hut It

was warm there and he found a good bed

of straw (57-58)


By the light of the expiring day the

stranger noticed in one of the gardens a

sort of hut which seemed to him to be

made of sod or turf [The hut]

resembled the tenements which

road-menders construct by the side of

the highway [H]e lay down on his

stomach and crawled into the hut it was

warm and he found a rather good straw

litter in it (LM [1880] I 61)










of straw (I 50)




which bordered the street a sort of hut

which seemed to him to be built of

sods [I]t resembled those buildings

which road-laborers construct for

themselves along the roads He threw

himself flat on his face and crawled into

the hut It was warm there and he found a

tolerably good bed of straw (I 63-64)




made of sods of turf [The hut]



the highway He lay down on his



litter in it (XI 137-38)


154

少すこ

し行ゆ

くと或家あるいへ

の庭には

に低ひく

い借小屋かりごや

の樣やう

な

者もの

が有あ

る多分たぶん

は土方どかた

か何なに

かゞ道具だうぐ

でも入い

れて置お

く為ため

に作つくつ

て有あ

るのだらうhelliphellipけれ

ど彼か

れは潜もぐ

り込こん

だが背せな

の袋ふくろ

が邪魔じやま

に成な

る

から向む

き直なほ

して卸おろ

さうとするとhelliphellip305 (I

9-10)

朦朧間忽見街前花園裡有一個

泥和草做的小屋helliphellip尋思道「這

屋必定是過路的行人所做預備

一時過往用的」helliphellip隨即低下身

來爬將進去哪曉得這屋裡十

分和暖又在裡面尋得一張稻草

的床鋪306 (120)

Except the Japanese version which depicts the action differently307 all the cited texts

share a similar delineation So the Japanese text is excluded from the present

discussion What deserves special attention here is that some of the phrasings of the

Chinese text seem to reveal a specific lineage In the first place the Chinese 街前花

園裡 specifies the location of the supposed hut which is in fact a dog kennel Let us

compare the Chinese phrase with its counterparts in the Western texts We have in the

Western versions

dans un des jardins qui bordent la rue (Hugo)

in one of the gardens which fronted the street (Wilbour the Richmond)

in one of the gardens (Wraxall Walton et al)

in one of the gardens which bordered the street (Hapgood)

Here Hugo and Hapgood both adopt the verb border308 to indicate the gardens

position in relation to the street Wraxalls and Walton et als texts do not mention the

street so the two versions are ruled out here Wilbour and the Richmond use the verb

front in place of border The concept of border here if understood in Chinese

would have been something like 沿著 or 旁邊 and so forth A Chinese translator

would have probably phrased his translation as 街旁花園裡 or something like that

It is intriguing that instead of 街旁花園 Su Manshu came up with 街前花園 an 305 A little distance further he saw in someones garden a cabin which was probably set up by construction workers to store tools and implements He tried to get into it nevertheless but was hampered by the knapsack on his back so he turned around and put down his knapsack 306 In his drowsiness he saw in a garden which fronted the street a cabin made of clay and turf He thought to himself This is definitely built by road travellers as a makeshift shelter He got down immediately and crawled into it The cabin was very warm and he found a bed of straw there 307 In the Japanese text the kennel is mistaken by Jean Valjean as a storeroom for tools not the temporary shelter which it was thought to be in the other versions Besides the Japanese text contains an account of the knapsack forming an impediment to the heros entry into the hutmdasha description which is absent in the other versions 308 Here the French bordent and the English bordered share the same infinitive border

155

apparent reflection of Wilbour and the Richmonds gardens which fronted the street

This instance suggests a close affinity between the Chinese text and the versions by

Wilbour and Dimitry and A F

What is more as to the presumed function of the hut we have in the Chinese text

過路的行人所做預備一時過往用的 which has the following counterparts in

juxtaposition

les cantonniers se bacirctissent au bord des routes (Hugo)

the road-labourers put up for their temporary accommodation (Wilbour the

Richmond)

road-menders construct by the side of the highway (Wraxall Walton et al)

road-laborers construct for themselves along the roads (Hapgood)

Here attention is drawn to the adverbial structure at the end of each version The

French phrase au bord des routes is synonymously rephrased as by the side of the

highway by Wraxall and Walton et al and along the roads by Hapgood respectively

Wilbours and the Richmonds versions are made conspicuous here by their departing

from the original with a phrase emphasizing instead the purpose for their temporary

accommodation The Chinese text 預備一時過往用的309 clearly echoes the

interpretation offered by Wilbour and the Richmondmdashanother proof of the kinship

relationship between Wilbour and the Richmonds English texts and Sus Chinese

rendition

In sum all of the above six examples argue against the Japanese version so

Kuroiwas text can be safely ruled out as a possible source for the Chinese translation

As for the other versions we have three instances against the French original

(Examples 4 5 6) four against Wraxall (Examples 2 3 5 6) three against Hapgood

(Examples 4 5 6) and three against Walton et al (Examples 2 5 6) Though the

cases against them are made with varying degrees of plausibility the convincingness of

each individual argument is given more force as other pieces of evidence turn out to

illustrate the same effect Precisely because several examples conspire to strengthen

the arguments made in each individual case it is advisable to exclude the French

original Wraxall Hapgood and Walton et al from consideration regarding the

309 The original expression in the serialized Can Shehui is 預備過來過往用的 (Wu Xiangxiang 421) Though phrased somewhat differently from the later reprinted version it still brings into relief the purpose rather than the position of the hut Therefore edited or not the Chinese text here shows an approximation to the versions by Wilbour and the Richmond

156

probable source for Su Manshu The exclusion of the French original entails the

concurrent elimination of Husss 1892 abridgment because the two texts are identical

So now we are left with only two probabilities Wilbours version and the

Richmond translation To decide between the two this thesis would like to resort to the

perspective of genealogy for illumination The Richmond translation was produced

with a view to correcting Wilbours errors in the treatment of some French idioms and

phrases but corrections aside it nearly duplicated Wilbours text wholesale as

examplified by the quoted passages in the six instances provided above Its increasing

dependence on Wilbour as the translation progressed is also observed by Moore (246)

Thus it is by no means an exaggeration to say that the Richmond translation is based

on Wilbours text The genealogy in the particular case of Wilbour versus the

Richmond draws attention to the intriguing fact that the Richmond rendition achieves

its candidacy as one of the most probable sources for Sus Chinese version through its

reproducing Wilbours text For this very reason in the present interlingual intertextual

comparisons verification of the one inevitably entails the simultaneous confirmation

of the other It is not clear which copy of the English versions Su had at hand when he

did his rendition but no matter which was adopted it is always Wilbours in essence

and in substance Even if Su based his translation on the Richmond text it is still

arguable that Su translated from Wilbour After all the concern of the present

dissertatioin is to identify the source rather than the original copy of Sus Chinese Les

Miseacuterables

So far I have demonstrated that Wilbours version is the most probable source for

Sus Chinese translation of Les Miseacuterables However there is one problematic point to

be addressed before my inquiry comes to a conclusion The town of Digne is

presented as Dmdash throughout the English versions concerned but in the Chinese text

we have for its translation 太尼 which is a phonetic transliteration of Digne This

betrays that the Chinese translator knew the full spelling for Dmdash If Wilbours text

had been Sus only source Su would have had no way of knowing what Dmdash stands

for For Su to be able to know what Dmdash reprersents and come up with the translation

of 太尼 would require some knowledge outside of Wilbours text In other words in

addition to Wilbours text Su must have had referred to other material whether it be

Husss French abridgment which gives the full name unambiguously or Kuroiwas

Japanese text which presents the transliteration of Digne as ダイン followed by a

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parenthetical remark offering its original spelling or some other resources of various

kinds

Despite the existence of other sources for the Chinese translator the evidence I

have found in favor of Wilbours version is too numerous and forceful to be dismissed

as mere coincidence The single peculiar exception in the case of Digne serves not so

much to invalidate my conclusion as to enrich my findings Diverse guesses could be

ventured here It may suggest that Su had known the town of Digne from other sources

before he actually undertook to do the translating based on Wilbours text It is also

possible that not until he encountered Dmdash in rendering an English Les Miseacuterables

did Su begin to check its original spelling in other reference material Whatever the

possibilities are and whichever source or sources the Chinese translator might resort to

for rendition of Dmdash are of little importance here What is significant and noteworthy

is the undeniable conclusion drawn and confirmed from the textual evidence I have

exhibited and the genealogy I have traced that during the act of translating there is

only one major and primary text for Sus reference and that text is most probably

Charles E Wilbours

159

Chapter Five The Authorship of Can Shijie The Devil Is in

the Details of Source-tracing

51 The Problem of Authorship in the Two Versions of Su Manshus Chinese Les

Miseacuterables

As has been stated in the previous chapter Su Manshus 蘇曼殊 rendition of Les

Miseacuterables involves two versions of varied lengths the serialized eleven-chaptered

Can Shehui 慘社會 and the expanded fourteen-chaptered reprint of Can Shijie 慘世

界 The difference between the two versions was caused by the editing and

supplementing in the 1904 offprint after the abortion of Guomin Riribao 國民日日報

on which the original serial was published The 1904 Can Shijie picked up where its

serialized forerunner had left off and wrapped up the translation in fourteen chapters

This enlarged and finalized version bore the subheading 蘇子穀陳由己同譯310 as

opposed to the single authorship in the first appearance of the shorter translation Then

the memorial edition of the 1921 Taidong 泰東 reprint ascribed authorship to Su

Manshu alone

The contradictory phenomenon where Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀 was included in the

authorship of the 1904 offprint but excluded from the authorial heading in the 1921

reprint along with the chapter difference between the newspaper serial and the

book-form republications has triggered critical speculations as to what part Chen

Duxiu really played in the forming of the fourteen-chaptered Can Shijie Did he take

part in the act of rendering or was he just an editor or polisher in the process This

question of authorship or translatorship calls for further research and is the subject of

scrutiny in this chapter

Specifically the first eleven chapters or more precisely the initial ten chapters

plus the first half of the Eleventh Chapter are indisputably authored by Su Manshu

though the content was revised and edited by Chen Duxiu in the 1904 separate as

already witnessed in Chapter Four of the present dissertation However Chen Duxius

name entered the authorship as the last three and a half chapters were appended to the

translation This gave rise to the question of whether the added chapters in the revised

offprint were translated by Su Manshu or by Chen Duxiu or co-rendered by both In

310 Co-translated by Su Zigu 蘇子穀 [Su Manshu] and Chen Youji 陳由己 [Chen Duxiu]

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this regard no critical consensus has been reached so far In what follows I shall

address the problem in detail and propose an alternative approach to solve the case

52 Clarifications of Sus and Chens Linguistic Faculty and an Alternative

Approach to the Authorship of Can Shijie

Apropos of the problem of authorship or translatorship of the last three-odd

chapters of Can Shijie the views of those in favor of Chen Duxiu being the translator

of the last three-odd chapters can be summed up in the reasons offered by Liu Yazi 柳

亞子 a close friend of Su Manshus

我們知道中國報館的習慣長篇小說總是臨時陸續做的決不會預先

有完整的稿子存在著據仲甫所講似乎報館被封以後曼殊不久即

離開上海那麼此書下半部的續成恐怕未必是曼殊自己的手筆吧

在我最近的主張以為曼殊原稿只到十一回的上半回為止而十一

回的下半回以及十二回至十四回都是仲甫所續成的311 (Can

Shehui yu Can Shijie 428-29)

Liu Yazi based his observation on the general practice of Chinese newspapers at the

time and the absence of Su Manshu after the termination of Guomin Riribao and

concluded that Chen Duxiu aside from editing Su Manshus eleven-odd chapters also

finalized the rendition by offering his supplementary translation which materialized in

the last three-odd chapters making the end-product a fourteen-chaptered novel This

mode of collaboration Liu Yazi believed is what conduced to the inconsistency of

characterization in the Chinese rendition as mentioned in the preceding chapter of the

present dissertation

Given Liu Yazis authoritative status in studies on Su Manshu this supposition

was widely held for a long timemdashuntil Ding Fu-sheng 丁富生 voiced his

disagreement by arguing that Su is the sole translator of all the fourteen chapters of

Can Shijie an argument that relegates Chen to the role of minor editorship Dings

conclusion is reached through his examination of Chen Duxius language skills and the

311 We know that as is the practice of newspapers in China serialized novels are always done at the last minute and no complete draft of a novel can have been finished and reserved beforehand According to Zhongfu [Chen Duxiu] Su Manshu seemed to leave Shanghai shortly after the abortion of the newspaper If so the rendition of the last chapters of the book cannot have been done by the hand of Su Manshu Ive come to believe that Su Manshus manuscript covered up to the first half of the eleventh chapter only and that the latter half of Chapter Eleven and Chapter Twelve to Chapter Fourteen were picked up and translated by Zhongfu

161

writing style in Sus works According to Ding Chens foreign language abilities were

not good enough for him to translate Les Miseacuterables and the writing style is consistent

within the whole of Can Shijie as well as across Sus different works Armed with the

personal and textual evidence Ding maintains that Can Shijie was rendered all by Su

Manshu alone

Since Liu Yazi not only was the greatest contributor to the early studies of Su

Manshu but also had the advantage of knowing the translator personally the picture he

offered seems complete and cannot be neglected On the other hand the reasons

provided by Ding Fu-sheng are equally well-argued and seem convincing The

opposing views render the authorship of the Chinese Les Miseacuterables even more opaque

and mysterious Here I would like to propose an alternative perspective to approach the

problem the method of source-tracing through intertextual comparison I have

conducted in the previous chapters may help to decide the real translator(s) of Can

Shijie given the fact that Chen and Su have different backgrounds in language training

In other words by sorting out the original language from which the Chinese translation

most probably stems my study contrives to know the linguistic abilities required for

the job and decide which one of them is more likely to perform the task Because my

approach is contingent on language proficiency an issue already addressed by Ding

Fu-sheng it is necessary to first make some clarifications by inspecting Dings points

with particular concentration on linguistic capability before I propose my standpoint

and reach my conclusion with the help of intertextual comparison and contrast

Of the two observations made by Ding Fu-sheng ie linguistic abilities and

writing style the former is the more decisive one which helps to shape the judgment

In comparison the stylistic consistency in the texts is only secondary in Sus case

functioning as no more than supporting material It is secondary here for the reason

that both as Sus mentor in Chinese and as Sus polisher in translation Chen may also

have contributed to the consistency of writing style in Sus works despite the fact that

there may be some truth in Dings assertion Precisely because it is hard to judge the

degree to which the stylistic uniformity may be attributed to Su or Chen we may not

rely on this alone for decision but require more ample evidence So it is time now to

turn to the question of linguistic capability We may say that Dings judgment of the

authorship of Can Shijie is based most significantly on Chens linguistic facility Here

special attention should be given to Dings particular stance on Chens language skills

I shall first inspect and discuss Dings views before resuming my investigation of the

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authorship problem of Can Shijie

In order to support his view that Su Manshu finished translating Les Miseacuterables

all by himself that is without the help of Chen Duxiu Ding refers to Chens career of

language learning to demonstrate that in 1903 and 1904 which marked the

appearances of the serialized Can Shehui and the reprinted Can Shijie respectively

Chen Duxius linguistic abilities were not up to the level where he could inspire Su

with anything in French English or Japanese translation let alone supplement Sus

unfinished text with his translation (67) Ding claims that Chen started to learn English

in 1906 and French in 1914 both in Japan as proof that Chen lacked knowledge of

English and French at the time of his editorship for Guomin Riribao in 1903 It is not

clear where Ding got this piece of biographic information about Chen but according to

Tang Baolin 唐寶林 and Lin Maosheng 林茂生 Chens English and French

education was initiated as early as in 1898 when he was tutored in Qiushi College 求

是書院 in Hangzhou 杭州 Zhejiang 浙江 a new-fashioned institute comparable to

modern senior high school in China (12) and it was in 1907 not in 1906 that Chen

commenced to take English lessons in Seisoku English school 正則英語學校 in

Japan (43) Notwithstanding my corrections to Dings material of Chens

language-training profile do not serve to modify his conclusion about Chens

insufficient English and French knowledge in 1903 and 1904 for Chens stay in Qiushi

College was shorter than a year and between the years 1898 and 1903 no records are

found about Chens continued education in the two languages It is indeed doubtful that

during his term of office as editor to Guomin Riribao in 1903 or during the publication

of the separate of Can Shijie in 1904 Chen could help Su Manshu in the matter of

English or French translation

However Ding Fu-shengs argument about Chen Duxius Japanese capability

during the said period is not as convincing as that about Chens English and French He

traces Chens Japanese learning career to two periods of time before 1903 one from

October 1901 to March 1902 about six months in all the other from September 1902

to March 1903 approximately seven months in total Then he concludes

這前後約一年且並非全力學習日語的日本留學生活對陳獨秀來

講一般日語交際也許沒有問題但要達到精通日語且能翻譯日文

163

版的《悲慘世界》也應是一件難事312 (67)

In other words Ding does not believe that with a year of training in Japanese Chen

could possibly be able to translate from a Japanese Les Miseacuterables This judgment may

make sense in the case of modern Chinese versus modern Japanese for nowadays

Chinese and Japanese have both undergone drastic changes making the two languages

drift further and further apart and rendering it difficult for speakers of the one

language to learn the other and vice versa However it might not hold true more than

100 years back in Chens time around the Meiji 明治 period in Japan when Chinese

characters pronounced differently in Japanese but signifying almost the same sense as

in Chinese dominated the major proportion of the Japanese text With this respect we

may take a look at how Chinese intellectuals at the time saw the relationship between

Chinese and Japanese as opposed to the relationship between Chinese and Western

languages First comes Kang Youweis 康有為 view

習西國文字語言五六年後始能通其文字helliphellip日本helliphellip文字與我同

但文法稍有顛倒學之數月而可大通人人可為譯書之用矣313

(Qing Kaiju Yi Riben Shu Zhe 254)

Kang stressed the convenience resulting from the shared usage of characters with

slight differences in syntactic structure in the two languages and claimed that several

months was all it took for a Chinese to gain a good command of Japanese and to

translate from Japanese A similar opinion is also voiced by Liang Qichao 梁啟超 in

his argument for the advantages of learning Japanese

學英文者經五六年而始成其初學成也尚多窒礙猶未必能讀其政

治學資生學智學群學等之書也而學日本文者數日而小成

數月而大成日本之學已盡為我有矣天下之事孰有快於此者

314 (1372)

312 Totaling a year or so Chens sojourns in Japan when he was not bent whole-heartedly on learning Japanese may give him the competence to engage in daily conversation in Japanese but it should be very difficult for him to master Japanese to the degree of being able to translate the Japanese version of Les Miseacuterables 313 It takes five to six years to be able to read a Western language Japan uses the same characters as we do though Japanese syntax is slightly different from Chinese It takes no more than several months to master Japanese so everyone can be trained to translate Japanese books 314 It takes at least five or six years for [Chinese] learners of English to grasp that language but this does not mean a good grasp With still many difficulties in this phase they are not necessarily able to read Western books on politics economics philosophy sociology and what not In contrast learners of Japanese take several days to understand Japanese and several months to master it In this way all fields of Japanese learning can be put to our use and benefit What thing in the world can be

164

It should be noted here that what is called Chinese or Japanese in the cited

passages is not the Chinese or Japanese used today In fact Kang and Liang had

classical Chinese and Meiji Japanese in mind when they judged the ease of learning

Japanese from the standpoint of an intellectual with a firm background of classical

Chinese education Modern Chinese by contrast is a vernacular vastly distinct from

classical Chinese to such an extent that they can be considered two different tongues A

similar case goes to the transition of Japanese Modern Japanese has gone through a

great deal of de-sinicizing transformation from Meiji Japanese with greatly reduced

and simplified kanjis 漢字 and an explosion of gailaigo 外来語 borrowing to

mention just the most outwardly apparent The growing distancing between Chinese

and Japanese in modern times means that what Kang and Liang stated above cannot be

applied to modern Chinese speakers who do not have a classical education background

as firm as theirs In other words for the issue we are discussing the judgment of the

ease or difficulty of Japanese should be made according to the standards of educated

people in Chen Duxius time such as Kang and Liang

Both Kang and Liang thought that whereas five years of training in a Western

language was not enough for one to get a good command of it one needed only several

months to master Japanese The sense of mastering a foreign language may be open to

interpretation and there may be doubt about whether Kang and Liang had the same

sense of proficiency in mind when they talked about linguistic mastery within several

months of learning In Kangs case it is clear that his criterion lies in the capability of

translation if one understands a foreign language to the point of being able to translate

from it one can be said to master it When one translates from a foreign language the

primary prerequisite is a good reading comprehension In other words in terms of the

four linguistic skills of reading writing speaking and listening Kangs stress is

primarily on reading comprehension of a foreign language an ability that allows one to

do translating judging from the fact that lacking the other three skills does not nullify

ones ability to read that foreign language ie to translate from that foreign language

In comparison to Kangs somewhat narrow view on language Liang makes more

differentiations in foreign language skills Recognizing various aspects of linguistic

skills Liang further clarifies in the same essay

有學日本語之法有作日本文之法有學日本文之法三者當分別言

accomplished more quickly than this

165

之學日本語者一年可成作日本文者半年可成學日本文者數日小

成數月大成余之所言者學日本文以讀日本書也日本文漢字居

十之七八其專用假名不用漢字者惟脈絡詞及語助詞等耳其文

法常以實字在句首虛字在句末通其例而顛倒讀之將其脈絡詞語

助詞之通行者標而出之習視之而熟記之則已可讀書而無窒閡矣

315 (1372)

Here Liang is more specific in discriminating different linguistic skills (speaking

reading writing) and showing the basic difference in syntax between Japanese and

Chinese Like Kang he also accentuates reading ability as his point in promoting

mastery of Japanese By now it becomes more than evident that both Kang and Liang

set great store by reading comprehension as the primary goal of learning the Japanese

language and their beliefs converge on the time required for achieving the reading

ability for translation from Japanese several months

The above theory shared by Kang and Liang about Japanese learning finds

support in practice in the person of Lu Xun 魯迅 Lu Xuns Japanese education began

in mid-1902 after he had acquired a solid background in classical Chinese training in

China A year later in Zhejiang Chao 浙江潮 appeared his translation of Morita

Shikens 森田思軒 Fantine no Moto 芳梯之源 a Japanese version of Hugos

LOrigine de Fantine The highly acclaimed quality of Lu Xus rendition from

Japanese testifies to the fact that a Chinese with a good classical Chinese background

can indeed achieve a considerable reading comprehension of Meiji Japanese to the

degree of being able to translate from it within a year of training By the same token

Chen Duxius one-year education in Japanese may well give him at least the ability to

read a literary work in Japanese

Kangs and Liangs views manifest that the kinship between Meiji Japanese and

classical Chinese was greatly felt by Chinese intellectuals on the late-Qing stage where

Chen Duxiu was a character Ding Fu-sheng does not think Chens one-year training in

315 We need to distinguish the different times needed for obtaining the three skills in Japanese speaking writing and reading It takes one year to be able to speak the Japanese language well half a year to be able to write in Japanese several days to be able to read it and several months to be able to read well in Japanese My emphasis is on gaining the ability to read Japanese books Chinese characters account for seventy to eighty percent of a Japanese text Kanas are used only as indicators of syntactic relations or auxiliaries of mood specification Japanese syntax usually places content words in the front part of a sentence and closes a sentence with function words As a rule of thumb by reversing the order of Japanese phrases and marking up the auxiliaries for analysis one gets to read Japanese without difficulty after some practicing and memorizing

166

Japanese could possibly endow him with sufficient capacity for reading and translating

a Japanese version of Les Miseacuterables This judgment would be quite plausible if Ding

were referring to a modern Chinese student learning modern Japanese without enough

training in classical Chinese However Dings opinion may not be applicable to Chen

Duxiu an acknowledged man of letter who passed an imperial examination at the early

age of seventeen (in 1896) which is proof enough that Chens classical Chinese

background is unquestionable Therefore the likelihood is greater than not that Chens

knowledge of Japanese would sufficiently empower him to read a Japanese Les

Miseacuterables well enough after taking lessons in Japanese for one year in the Japanese

environment Ding Fu-shengs argument about Chen Duxius language competence

holds for English and French but his denial of Chens ability to translate from

Japanese is based on flimsy reasoning A more plausible and probable case would be

that with year-long training in Japanese Chen was able to read Japanese and translate

from it if he chose to

Interestingly while Ding Fu-sheng is negative about Chen Duxius foreign

language competence for translation he is positive about Su Manshus multilingual

calibre especially about English Japanese and French the three possible language

sources for Sus Chinese rendition of Les Miseacuterables While there is little question

about Sus proficiency in English and Japanese the claim that at the age of nineteen

the time when Can Shehui was serialized Su also mastered the French language is

open to dispute Of all the available biographies written about Su very little is

mentioned of his French education The only information found about it is provided by

Liu Yazi quoted in Chapter Four of the present dissertation but it is couched in

uncertain terms Liu Yazi seems to base his argument on his understanding that Hugos

novel which Su translated is written in French so he comes to the optimistic

conclusion that Su must have learned French in Japan in his adolescent years which

gave him the competence to translate from French However there have been no

records in any of his biographies or documents to show that Su ever received a formal

or long enough training in French either before or after he went to Japan for studies at

age fourteen

Ding Fu-sheng presents some material as proof of Sus French capacity He first

cites some statements including Liu Yazis and Li Weis 李蔚 to show that Sus

French proficiency is well-documented For example Li is quoted as saying Su

167

Manshu is well versed in French very talented and knowledgeable316 (307) However

the claim of Sus French command found in many biographies should be taken with a

grain of salt In the first place with the exception of Liu Yazis none of the biographies

or chronologies on Su Manshu provides any information about Sus ever undergoing

any training in French It is curious that a biography on Su while profuse in describing

Sus tutelage in Chinese Japanese English and Sanskrit should say nothing about

when or where Su learned the French language Most of them just mention Sus

mastery of French succinctly and stop at that without ever giving any further details

Li Weis comment above is a typical case in this regard How was Su Manshus French

competence at the age of nineteen Was it good enough for him to translate from

French specifically from Hugos Les Miseacuterables This question calls for more

substantial material to settle

Another piece of information presented by Ding concerns what Su writes in the

beginning of his Wenxue Yinyuan Zixu317

先是在香江讀「Candlin」師所譯《葬花詞》318詞氣湊泊語無增

減若法譯《離騷經》319《琵琶行》320諸篇雅麗遠遜原作321 (Su

Manshu Dashi Quanji 102 Ding 67)

According to Ding Sus description of the French translations being far inferior to the

Chinese originals betrays the fact that Su is able to read French and evaluate the

quality of a French translation (67) Here attention should be drawn to the fact that

Wenxue Yinyuan 文學因緣 322 an anthology of English translations of classical

Chinese poetry was published in 1908 and Sus preface to it was finished in 1907

when he was twenty-three which is four years later than the appearance of Can Shehui

Sus French ability at the age of twenty-three does not guarantee that he was equally

good at French at age nineteen to say nothing of the doubt that Sus comment on the

316 The original Chinese 蘇曼殊精通法文才富五車 317 文學因緣自序 (Preface to Affinities in Literature) 318 Zanghuaci (The Flower-burial Song) is a song by Lin Daiyu 林黛玉 a female lead in the Chinese novel The Dream of the Red Chamber 紅樓夢 by Cao Xueqin 曹雪芹 in the Qing Dynasty 319 Li Sao (On Encountering Sorrow) is a long lyrical ballad by Qu Yuan 屈原 in ancient China 320 Pipa Xing (Song of the Pipa Player) is a long lyrical poem by Bai Juyi 白居易 in ancient China 321 I first read my teacher [George T] Candlins [English] translation of Zanghuaci [The Flower-burial Song] in Hong Kong It was condensed and soft-spoken not too much and not too little for the Chinese original By contrast the French translations of Chinese epics such as Li Sao [On Encountering Sorrow] and Pipa Xing [Song of the Pipa Player] are far inferior to the originals in elegance and beauty 322 Literally Affinities in Literature

168

French translations necessarily signifies he had the linguistic capability for the job

Such a comment may also be taken to mean a generalized impression or knowledge Su

had obtained second-handedly not necessarily from his own studied observation For

an example here we can look at what Su says in the preface after the beginning

sentences quoted above In this prefatory piece to Wenxue Yinyuan while talking about

his views on poetry translation Su also inserted a passage about comparative

linguistics

況詩歌之美在乎節族長短之間慮非譯意所能盡也衲謂文詞簡麗

相俱者莫若梵文漢文次之歐洲番書瞠乎後矣323 (Su Manshu

Dashi Quanji 102)

Here Su makes a comparison among Sanskrit Chinese and European languages Does

it denote that besides Sanskrit and Chinese he knows all the European vernaculars so

that he can pass his judgment on them Of course not It is more of an arbitrary

judgment based on generalization than of an indication that he is well conversant with

all the European languages While Su might be well-read in the fields of languages and

literatures around the world the expression of his view on the European tongues is not

equal to his mastery of them By the same token the voicing of his comment on the

French translations of Li Sao and Pipa Xing is too slender a cue from which to

pick up the threads of his French proficiency If Su did know French more ample

evidence is needed for us to know to what extent he mastered it Since to translate a

language requires more than a medium level of linguistic proficiency especially

relevant here is the question of whether Su was equipped with enough French

knowledge to translate from French particularly at the age of nineteen when he did

the Chinese version of Les Miseacuterables So far there is nothing in the literature to show

that

Ding Fu-sheng goes on to furnish another piece of material which he believes

serves to demonstrate Sus French capability In 1912 Taipingyang Bao 太平洋報324

put on two advertisements announcing Sus intention to translate La Dame aux

Cameacutelias by Alexandre Dumas fils The first one runs like this

林譯《巴黎茶花女遺事》為我國輸入譯本小說之鼻祖久已名重一時

323 And the beauty of poetry lies in the alternating length and shortness of its rhythm and I am afraid that the mere rendition of the meaning of a poem by no means does it justice If we talk about languages that combine simplicity with beauty I as a monk would say that Sanskrit is definitely number one Chinese ranks second and European languages fall far behind 324 The Pacific News

169

頃曼殊攜小仲馬原書見示並云「林譯刪節過多殊非完璧得暇擬

複譯一過以餉國人」必為當世文學界所歡迎也325 (Ding 67 Liu

Xinhuang 89)

A couple of days later appeared a second announcement in the paper quoted by Ding

as follows

曼殊重譯《茶花女遺事》前日報端已略言之漢文譯本已兩見乃

並曼殊之譯而三矣今以天生情種而譯是篇吾知必有洛陽紙貴之

聲價也326 (Ding 67 Liu Xinhuang 89)

Su Manshus presentation of a copy of the French original together with his publicized

intention to come up with a third Chinese translation prompts Ding to come to the

conclusion that although Su did not translate La Dame aux Cameacutelias after all his

proficiency in French can be verified by his decision to translate from French after he

ran over the French original 327 (Ding 67) However two problems are worth

reconsidering here First the question of time like the previous instance is again

neglected by Ding The placement of the advertisements happened in 1912 when Su

was twenty-eight which means nine years had elapsed since Sus Chinese version of

Les Miseacuterables first saw the light of day To claim Sus French capability nine years

after the event of actual translation is not equal to certifying that Su had the same

linguistic competence at the time of translation What is shown in Taipingyang Bao

cannot be evidence enough to prove Sus command of French at the age of nineteen

Then also noteworthy is the semantic subtlety in the announcements The news

reported that Su proposed to produce another Chinese rendition of the French story but

it never said the translation would be based on the French original Dings assumption

that Su would have translated from French had he actually undertaken the project is a

personalized reading which is definitely not the only reading of the advertisements

325 Lin Shus translation of La Dame aux Cameacutelias is the first translated novel from the West to enjoy fame and appreciation here in China Lately Manshu has shown us a copy of the French original by Alexandre Dumas fils with the observation that Li Shus rendition is too abridged to give a complete outlook of the original Manshu said that granted the time he would intend to provide another translation to entertain our Chinese people This will surely be an event welcomed by the contemporary literary circles 326 Manshus plan to offer another translation of La Dame aux Cameacutelias was announced briefly in this paper the other day So far there have been two Chinese versions of the French work and the advent of Sus translation will mark a third We can predict that Sus innate sentimentality will certainly make his translation a best-seller 327 The original Chinese 茶花女的翻譯雖未完成但蘇曼殊能通讀法文版茶花女並打算依原

文重新翻譯茶花女的情況也進一步證實了蘇曼殊確實通曉法語

170

Indeed if we consider the sources from which Su could obtain knowledge of La

Dame aux Cameacutelias it becomes more than obvious that to translate from French is by

no means the only scenario for Su Now we may attempt to trace Sus familiarity with

La Dame aux Cameacutelias At the time of the first publication of Lin Shus translation

titled Chahuanuuml Yishi 茶花女遺事 328 in Chinese in 1899 Su was studying

assiduously in Japan While the sensational stir caused by Lins rendition on the

Chinese mainland might not have traveled overseas to reach Su at the time several

years later Su must have come to know what Chahuanuuml Yishi is about In 1906 an arts

club called Chunliushe 春柳社 was founded by Li Shutong 李叔同 Zeng Xiaogu

曾孝谷 and other Chinese students in Japan on February 11 of the following year the

club launched its maiden performance on stage and the show they put on was

Chahuanuuml 茶花女329 a theatrical version of La Dame aux Cameacutelias (Zhang Wei 35)

Two days later Su went to Japan with the married couple Liu Shipei 劉師培 and He

Zhen 何震 Though he failed to catch the show the success of the stage performance

well-circulated in the Chinese community in Japan cannot have escaped Su This

suggests that Su may have known something about the story of La Dame aux Cameacutelias

several years before he came to the decision to translate it in 1912 Sus knowledge of

the novel by no means comes solely from the French original

Second I would like to refer to another passage not quoted by Ding which

immediately follows the cited text in the second advertisement in Taipingyang Bao

After making the prediction that Sus version would achieve the best-selling status the

news announcement went on to provide more background

日本早稻田大學出版部譯本名曰『椿姬』較漢譯為詳細英文亦有

兩譯小仲馬之作不徒然矣330 (qtd in Liu Xinhuang 89)

Here it is clear that by the time the newspaper made the announcement there had been

at least two English versions and one Japanese version not to mention the two

shortened Chinese translations With so many versions for his reference especially

when English and Japanese were his two most familiar languages besides Chinese it is

doubtful that Su would refer only to the French original for rendition Chances are

328 Literally The Sad Story of the Deceased Lady of Camellias 329 Lady of Camellias 330 The Japanese version [of La Dame aux Cameacutelias] entitled Tsubakihime was published by Waseda University Press It is a more detailed translation than the Chinese ones There have also been two English translations The effort of Alexandre Dumas fils in writing this novel is not futile

171

good that he would havemdashhad he actually undertaken the translationmdashdepended a lot

on the English and Japanese versions for translation Working from French is an option

that is simply not convenient for Sumdashnot even feasible given the busy schedule that

led him to shuttle back and forth between several sites in China and Japan during that

particular period of time in 1912

Similarly Sus criticism of Lin Shus version of La Dame aux Cameacutelias as 刪節

過多殊非完璧331 does not necessarily mean that he had read the French original

more probably his acquaintance which allowed him to pass intertextual judgment with

the content of the French novel may also come from the English Japanese and

Chinese sources mentioned above Likewise the display of the copy of the French

original in Sus hands is not tantamount to the promise that he would use the French

original as his primary source of translation given that Japanese English and Chinese

versions of the novel were already available then for his reference It does not follow

either that Su had a knowledge of the French language that was good enough for him

to handle French translation

To sum up what has been argued against Dings views on Su Manshus French

ability Dings affirmation of Sus French proficiency is grounded on the

impressionistic statements in biographical material that lacks substantial records and

also on his anachronistic reading of the Preface to Wenxue Yinyuan and the news

announcements in Taipingyang Bao What Ding demonstrates here cannot lead to the

surety that Su was proficient enough in French at the age of nineteen to translate from

French More ample and cogent evidence is needed to ascertain Sus French ability

particularly at the time of his rendering Can Shehui My contradiction of Dings

optimistic views is not meant to negate the possibility that Su Manshu had the

capability of translating from French but rather to point out that so far no forceful and

decided evidence can be found to back up the presumption that at the age of nineteen

Su Manshus French competence was already good enough for rendition from the

French language particularly from Hugos Les Miseacuterables a difficult and complicated

novel

The above rectification of Ding Fu-shengs argument serves to weaken Dings

conclusion of Su Manshu being the only translator of Can Shijie and open the

possibility that Chen might play a part in the rendering with the help of his Japanese

331 too abridged to give a complete outlook of the original

172

reading comprehension In order to polish Sus manuscript and even come up with his

own rendition to enrich and finalize Sus work Chen could only refer to Japanese

versions for his criteria in editing and rendering because on the one hand his French

and English capabilities were not good enough to support his reading the original work

or the English translations that were available to him and on the other hand no

Chinese rendition of the main text of Les Miseacuterables had existed by 1903 that could

serve as his reference document Japanese versions were the only sources Chen could

consult if he needed to familiarize himself with the content of the French novel

As a matter of fact the above discussion about Chen Duxius Japanese

proficiency sheds some light on Sus translation of Les Miseacuterables if we look at

another piece of material In the September 6 1926 interview with Chen Duxiu Liu

Yazi inquired about the collaboration of Su with Chen in rendering Les Miseacuterables to

which question Chen answered

《慘世界》是曼殊譯的取材於囂俄的《哀史》而加以穿插我曾

經潤飾過一下曼殊此書的譯筆亂添亂造對原著者很不忠實而

我的潤飾更是馬虎到一塌糊塗332 (Ji Chen Zhongfu Xiansheng

guanyu Su Manshu de Tanhua 283)

As colleagues Chen and Su were both regular contributors to Guomin Riribao the

daily paper where Can Shehui was premiered Chens polishing of Sus manuscript and

his remark of Sus rendition as very unfaithful to the original betrays the fact that

Chen had at least some knowledge of the original However what is intriguing here is

that it is Aishi instead of Les Miseacuterables that Chen was referring to as the original

Aishi 哀史 (also romanized as Aishi in Japanese) is a Japanese kanji title for Hugos

Les Miseacuterables Until the serialized publication of the relatively more complete version

titled Aamujou 噫無情 by Kuroiwa Ruikou 黒岩淚香 from 1902 to 1903 Les

Miseacuterables was commonly known as Aishi in the literary circles in Japan even though

there were only fragments of Les Miseacuterables in Japanese so far and none of them was

actually entitled thus For example in his preface to Fantine no Moto in 1888

Morita Shiken referred to Les Miseacuterables as Aishi (Fantine no Moto 44) when there

was as yet no complete translation of it in Japanese In 1892 Hara Houitsuan 原抱一

332 Can Shijie is translated by Manshu from Hugos Aishi [Les Miseacuterables] with interpolations and I have done some polishing on his manuscript Sus rendition here is very unfaithful to the original for its concoctions and inventions and my polishing was done in a rather careless way

173

庵 also mentioned Aishi as the original of his excerpted translation about the story of

Jean Valjean (Jean Valjean 379) also at a time when no complete Japanese version

of Les Miseacuterables was found In short in the last decades of the nineteenth century

when Hugo began to capture the imagination of the Japanese literati the extracted

translations of Les Miseacuterables in Japanese did not bear the title of レミゼラブル

(the phonetic transliteration of the original title) as it later came to be known but were

usually retitled according to the episodes rendered such as Hara Houitsuans ABC

Kumiai ABC 組合 and Jean Valjean Aishi was a Japanese title rather than a

Japanese translation for the French original work The appearance of Kuroiwas

rendition from 1902 on gave the novel a new Japanese christening as Aamujou

It came as no surprise that the common use of Chinese characters in Japan and

China enabled Chinese literati such as Chen Duxiu to expediently adopt the Japanese

kanji in the title for reference to the French novel in the Chinese context To allude to

Hugos work in a Japanese way seems to imply some overtones in Chens case if we

direct our attention to Chens experience of overseas studies Specifically Kuroiwas

Aamujou was published serially from October 8 1902 to August 22 1903 in 150

installments in Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 Chen Duxius second study tour in Japan

(from September 1902 to March 1903 as mentioned before) coincided with the

serialization for half a year Along with what was stated in the previous paragraph this

coincidence points to the likelihood that Chens knowledge of Les Miseacuterables might

come from the variously abridged Japanese translations including Kuroiwas version

When Chen undertook the task of editing and revising Sus manuscript chances are

best that he used Japanese versions as his point of reference

So far I have demonstrated that Chen was most likely equipped with a sufficiently

good Japanese reading competence which allowed him to obtain information of Les

Miseacuterables from the Japanese versions However the question remains whether Chen

actually took over the translation of the last three-odd chapters of Can Shijie besides

performing the polishing job The answer to this question can be derived from two

perspectives First in my last quote where Chen Duxiu replied to Liu Yazi about his

way of collaboration with Su Manshu Chen mentions nothing about his ever doing

any of the translation except giving the unequivocal expressions that Can Shijie is

translated by Manshu and that his polishing was done in a rather careless way If

Chen had contributed more than three chapters of translation to the undertaking there

174

would have been no need for him to be shy of revealing the fact Therefore Chens

statements should be taken at face value to mean that he did not supplement the

rendition of the last three-odd chapters of Can Shijie but simply played his role as

polisher

Second judging from the fact that Chens language background capacitated him

for Japanese rather than French or English reading Chen would most likely have

referred to Japanese versions of Les Miseacuterables for inspiration if he had translated the

additional chapters of Can Shijie In order to find out if Chen really did the translating

we may conduct an interlingual intertextual comparison for clues to see whether the

final three-odd chapters of Can Shijie bear closer resemblance to Japanese texts or

English versions or the French original If the Chinese text is derived from Japanese

then we can be sure that the additional translation in Can Shijie is ascribed to Chen

Duxiu333 Otherwise Chen was only an editor and polisher in the formation of the

Chinese Les Miseacuterables

53 In Search of the Most Likely Source and the Most Likely Translator

Interlingual and Intertextual Comparative Analysis

The texts that are selected for comparison in French English Japanese and

Chinese are the same as those juxtaposed for comparison in Chapter Four of the

present dissertation for the same reasons as provided therein To be noted the

comparative juxtaposition is to embrace the final three-odd chapters of Can Shijie but

since Chapters Eleven and Twelve and the first half of Chapter Thirteen are of a

digressive plot line which is not rendered from the stories of Les Miseacuterables but is

concocted by the translator my intertextual studies will exclude the digression and be

targeted on the translation alone which covers the text from middle Chapter Thirteen

to the Fourteenth Chapter For convenience of further reference each example will be

numbered in the following ten cases which serve to illustrate the Chinese texts

relationship to the other foreign versions

Example 1 In the original story the part of the flashback where Jean Valjean was

given a sum of money upon release from prison is recounted in the following passages

333 It should be noted that although Su Manshu who was versed in Japanese could also base his translation on a Japanese version the intertextual comparison we conducted in Chapter Three of the dissertation has shown that his Chinese text stems from English rather than Japanese versions Therefore if the closing three-odd chapters are rendered from Japanese it is rather unlikely that the translation is done by Su

175


Il avait calculeacute que sa masse

pendant son seacutejour au bagne avait ducirc

seacutelever agrave cent soixante et onze francs

Il est juste dajouter quil avait oublieacute

de faire entrer dans ses calculs le repos

forceacute des dimanches et fecirctes qui pour

dix-neuf ans entraicircnait une diminution

de vingt-quatre francs environ Quoi

quil en fucirct cette masse avait eacuteteacute

reacuteduite par diverses retenues locales

agrave la somme de cent neuf francs quinze

sous qui lui avait eacuteteacute compteacutee agrave sa

sortie

Il ny avait rien compris et se

croyait leacuteseacute Disons le mot voleacute (LM

I 151)

He had calculated that his savings

during his stay at the galleys would

amount to a hundred and seventy-one

francs It is proper to say that he had

forgotten to take into account the

compulsory rest on Sundays and holydays

which in nineteen years required a

deduction of about twenty-four francs

However that might be his savings had

been reduced by various local charges to

the sum of a hundred and nine francs and

fifteen sous which was counted out to him

on his departure

He understood nothing of this and

thought himself wronged or to speak

plainly robbed (82)


he had calculated that his

earnings during his stay at the bagne

should have amounted to 171 francs

We are bound to add that he had

omitted to take into his calculations

the forced rest of Sundays and

holidays which during nineteen

years entailed a diminution of about

24 francs However this might be the

sum was reduced through various

local stoppages to 109 francs 15

sous which were paid to him when

he left the bagne He did not

understand it all and fancied that he


during his stay at the galleys would amount

to a hundred and seventy-one francs It is

proper to say that he had forgotten to take

into account the compulsory rest on Sundays

and holydays which in nineteen years

required a deduction of about twenty-four

francs However that might be his savings

had been reduced by various local charges

to the sum of a hundred and nine francs and


on his departure



176

had been robbed (LM [1880] I 83) plainly robbed (I 67-68)


He had calculated that his earnings

during his sojourn in the galleys ought to


francs It is but just to add that he had

forgotten to include in his calculations the

forced repose of Sundays and festival

days during nineteen years which entailed

a diminution of about eighty francs At all

events his hoard had been reduced by

various local levies to the sum of one

hundred and nine francs fifteen sous

which had been counted out to him on his

departure

He had understood nothing of this and

had thought himself wronged Let us say

the wordmdashrobbed (I 92)

He had calculated that his

earnings during his stay at the galleys

should have amounted to a hundred and

seventy-one francs We are bound to

add that he had omitted to take into his

calculations the forced rest of Sundays

and holidays which during nineteen


twenty-four francs However this might

be the sum was reduced through

various local restrictions to a hundred

and nine francs fifteen sous which

were counted out to him at his

departure

He did not understand it all and

fancied that he had been wronged (XI

194-95)


helliphellip其そ

れから在獄中ざいごくちう

の工錢こうせん

を受取うけと

るに及およ

び彼か

れの腹はら

の中うち

で計算けいさん

して二百法ふらん

の餘よ

に為なつ

て居ゐ

る事こと

と思おも

ッて居ゐ

た所ところ

が纔わづか

に百法ふらん

の餘よ

しか無な

い是これ

は多分休たぶんやすみ

の日ひ

の分ぶん

や種しゅ

々〲

の費用ひよう

を差引さしひか

れた結果けっくわ

で有あ

らうけれど彼か

れは

helliphellip當其在監

中做工所得工價

除去用度還應存百

零九個銀角子和九

個銅角子不料時運

不濟盡被強人搶劫


177

爾さう

は思おも

はぬ確たしか

に役人やくにん

に半分はんぶん

だけ盜ぬす

まれた者もの

と信しん

じた

是これ

に就つ

けても世よ

の中なか

の憎にく

さが増ま

した335 (I 31)

去了一些兒也不能

留下336 (178)

Here attention is drawn to the sum received by the protagonist as he was set free by the

prison Closely rendering the French original the English versions detailedly describe

how some amounts were subtracted from Jean Valjeans original wage of one hundred

and seventy-one francs for various reasons making the ultimate remainder one

hundred and nine francs and fifteen sous The Japanese version is less precise and even

erroneous in the expression of the amounts It presents an approximate sum of initially

two hundred-odd francs which was ultimately reduced to one hundred-odd francs The

Chinese rendition greatly shortening the narration only states the eventual sum as one

hundred and nine silver coins and nine copper coins without revealing the original

value Despite the shifts in monetary unit and the numerical deviation in the part of

copper coin the Chinese version is obviously derived from the Western texts rather

than from the Japanese in that the rough sum of one hundred-odd francs given in the

Japanese text cannot have inspired the Chinese translator to come up with the definite

value of one hundred and nine silver coins a value that corresponds to what is

expressed in the texts in French and English Therefore this example serves to argue

against the Japanese version as a possible source for the Chinese translation

Example 2 In the meticulous portrayal of the process of Jean Valjeans act of

stealing the bishops silverware the manners in which the hero attempted to enter his

hosts bedroom are described as follows


Louverture eacutetait assez grande

maintenant pour quil pucirct passer Mais il y

avait pregraves de la porte une petite table qui

faisait avec elle un angle gecircnant et qui

barrait lentreacutee

The opening was now wide

enough for him to pass through but

there was a small table near the door

which with it formed a troublesome

angle and which barred the entrance

335 Afterwards when he got to receive his earnings for the labor he had done in jail he had calculated the total wage at more than two hundred francs in his mind However he got only one hundred-odd francs instead The difference might have been the result of deduction of rest days and miscellaneous expenses But he did not think so he was convinced that half of what he was supposed to get must have just been stolen by the jailer and so his enmity toward the world grew more bitter 336 He labored in jail and saved an amount of one hundred and nine silver coins and nine copper coins after paying some expenses As ill luck would have it he was left all penniless after his savings were robbed by bandits

178

Il prit son parti et poussa une troisiegraveme

fois la porte plus eacutenergiquement que les

deux premiegraveres Cette fois il y eut un gond

mal huileacute qui jeta tout agrave coup dans cette

obscuriteacute un cri rauque et prolongeacute

Jean Valjean tressaillit Le bruit de ce

gond sonna dans son oreille avec quelque

chose deacuteclatant et de formidable comme le

clairon du jugement dernier (LM I 157)

He so determined and pushed the

door a third time harder than before

This time a rusty hinge suddenly sent

out into the darkness a harsh and

prolonged creak

Jean Valjean shivered The noise of

this hinge sounded in his ears as clear

and terrible as the trumpet of the

Judgment Day (85)


and the opening was soon large

enough for him to pass through But

there was near the door a small table

which formed an awkward angle with

it and barred the entrance

He made up his mind and

pushed the door a third time more

energetically still This time there was a

badly oiled hinge which suddenly

uttered a hoarse prolonged cry in the

darkness Jean Valjean started the

sound of the hinge smote his ear

startlingly and formidably as if it had

been the trumpet of the day of

judgment (LM [1880] I 86)

The opening was now wide enough

for him to pass through but there was a

small table near the door which with it

formed a troublesome angle and which

barred the entrance

He so determined and pushed the door

a third time harder than before This time

a rusty hinge suddenly sent out into the

darkness a harsh and prolonged creak

Jean Valjean shivered The noise of this

hinge sounded in his ears as clear and

terrible as the trumpet of the Judgment

Day (I 70)


The opening was now large enough

to allow him to pass But near the door

there stood a little table which formed an

embarrassing angle with it and barred the

The opening was now large



which formed an awkward angle with it

179

entrance

He decided on his course of action and

gave the door a third push more energetic

than the two preceding This time a badly

oiled hinge suddenly emitted amid the

silence a hoarse and prolonged cry

Jean Valjean shuddered The noise of

the hinge rang in his ears with something

of the piercing and formidable sound of

the trump of the Day of Judgment (I 96)

and barred the entrance

He made up his mind and pushed the

door a third time more energetically

still This time there was a badly-oiled

hinge which suddenly uttered a hoarse

prolonged cry in the darkness

Jean Valjean shivered The sound of

this hinge smote his ear startlingly and

formidably as if it had been the trumpet

of the day of judgment (XI 202-203)


其そ

れは扨置さてお

き戶と

が開あ

いて先ま

づ嬉うれ

しやと一步進ひとあしすゝ

む足許あしもと

に小ちさ

い臺だい

が有ツた其そ

れが彼か

の足あし

に掛かゝつ

て倒たふ

れ靜しづか

な室へや

に異樣いやう

な物音ものおと

を為な

したビク

ビクして居ゐ

る彼か

れの耳みゝ

には殆ほとん

ど警鐘けいしよう

を打う

た

れた樣やう

に感かん

じ身動みうご

きも為な

し得え

で其その

まゝ蹙すく

ん

だhelliphellip337 (I 33)

又推一下門又稍啟足容一

人出入華賤便挨身進去不

料有一小几攔阻不能前進

華賤再將門一推只因用力過

猛將窗上之鐵螺絲震下豁

琅的一聲響亮華賤嚇得渾身

發抖不止急忙抽身跑出來

了338 (179)

The above ways of describing the process of Jean Valjeans entering the bishops room

show a similarity between the Western texts and the Chinese translation and the

Japanese texts alienation from them To begin with the French the English and the

Chinese all highlight the narrowness of the door opening

Hugo Louverture eacutetait assez grande maintenant pour quil pucirct passer

Wilbour The opening was now wide enough for him to pass through

Richmond The opening was now wide enough for him to pass through

337 To put that aside after he opened the door he took one joyous step into the room but was tripped by the small raised threshold at his feet The tripping created some unusual noise in the quiet room He cowered in horror frozen on the spot as if at the sound of the alarm going off 338 Jean Valjean gave another push to the door which opened more to the point of allowing one person to pass through He tried to edge in but was barred by a small side table in there He pushed the door further with such force that a screw on the window was shaken off with a jingling noise that sent shudders of horror to the intruder He retreated in a fluster

180

Wraxall the opening was soon large enough for him to pass through

Hapgood The opening was now large enough to allow him to pass

Walton et al The opening was now large enough for him to pass through

Su 門又稍啟足容一人出入339

By contrast the Japanese version mentions nothing of this Then the Chinese and the

Western texts all tell of the heros being tripped by a small table as he tried to enter

whereas in the Japanese passage the guest stumbled over the raised threshold

Hugo une petite table

Wilbour a small table

Richmond a small table

Wraxall a small table

Hapgood a little table

Walton et al a small table

Kuroiwa 小ちさ

い臺だい

340

Su 小几341

Moreover as regards the noise it is described respectively as coming from the friction

of a hinge in the French and English from a falling screw from the window in the

Chinese and from the heros tripping in the Japanese

Hugo un gond mal huileacute

Wilbour a rusty hinge

Richmond a rusty hinge

Wraxall a badly oiled hinge

Hapgood a badly oiled hinge

Walton et al a badly-oiled hinge

Kuroiwa 其そ

れが彼か

の足あし

に掛かゝつ

て倒たふ

れ靜しづか

な室へや

に異樣いやう


を為な

した342

Su 將窗上之鐵螺絲震下豁琅的一聲響亮343

Although the Chinese is not identical to the English in every detail it is evidently

closer to the English than it is to the Japanese in the general mode of description

339 The door opened more to the point of allowing one person to pass through 340 the small raised threshold 341 a small side table 342 But he was tripped at his feet by the raised threshold The tripping created some unusual noise in the quiet room 343 A screw on the window was shaken off with a jingling noise

181

Finally as to Jean Valjeans reaction to the creaking noise all the versions contain a

similar depiction of the heros shivering except the Japanese text which has the

protagonist frozen on the spot in fear

Hugo Jean Valjean tressaillit

Wilbour Jean Valjean shivered

Richmond Jean Valjean shivered

Wraxall Jean Valjean started

Hapgood Jean Valjean shuddered

Walton et al Jean Valjean shivered

Kuroiwa 身動みうご

きも為な

し得え

で其その

まゝ蹙すく

んだ344

Su 華賤嚇得渾身發抖不止345

Incidentally although judging from the description of Jean Valjeans reaction to the

noise the Western texts are all possible sources for the Chinese text Wraxalls version

is the least likely one for its choice of diction started denotes only a sudden slight

movement of the body different from the trembling motion described in the other

Western texts and the Chinese one This serves to offer another clue against Wraxall

when my inquiry was dealing with the source-tracing of Su Manshus Can Shehui in

Chapter Four of the present dissertation Anyway all the above instances contribute to

the present judgment that the Japanese version cannot have been the source for the

Chinese translator to draw inspirations from

Example 3 After Jean Valjean managed to enter the bishops room as he stood

before the bed in which the host lay asleep there is a passage worth mentioning


Au bout de quelques instants son bras gauche se

leva lentement vers son front et il ocircta sa

casquette sa casquette dans la main gauche

sa massue dans la main droite (LM I 161)

In a few moments he raised his

left hand slowly to his forehead

and took off his hat his cap

in his left hand his club in his

right (87)


344 He cowered in horror frozen on the spot 345 [The noise] sent shudders of horror to Jean Valjean

182

At the expiration of a few minutes his left

arm slowly rose to his cap which he took

off with his cap in his left hand his

crowbar in his right (LM [1880] I 88)

In a few moments he raised his left

hand slowly to his forehead and took

off his hat his cap in his left

hand his club in his right (I 72)


At the expiration of a few minutes his

left arm rose slowly towards his brow

and he took off his cap his cap in

his left hand his club in his right

hand (I 98)


left arm slowly rose to his cap which he

took off with his cap in his left

hand his crow-bar in his right (XI

207)


彼か

れは我知われし

らず帽子ぼうし

を脫ぬい

だ彼か

れの額ひたひ

に

は脂汗あぶらあせ

が浮うい

て居ゐ

るhelliphellip346 (I 34)

華賤才將帽子摘下便右手執棍

左手執帽helliphellip347 (180)

Here all the quoted passages narrate that the thief took off his hat However the

Japanese text follows this narration with a statement of his forehead perspiring as

opposed to the other versions which subsequently describe the burglars left hand

holding the cap and his right hand clutching a stick The Chinese texts agreement with

the Western versions and its concurrent distinction from the Japanese text register yet

another proof against the Japanese version as a possible source for the Chinese

translator

Example 4 The scene where the bishop gave the recaptured Jean Valjean an extra

present instead of identifying him as a thief to the gendarmes is also worthy of



Il alla agrave la chemineacutee prit les deux

flambeaux dargent et les apporta agrave Jean

Valjean Les deux femmes le regardaient

faire sans un mot sans un geste sans un

He went to the mantelpiece took the

two candlesticks and brought them to

Jean Valjean The two women beheld the

action without a word or gesture or

346 He took off his hat without realizing it His forehead was perspiring violently 347 Jean Valjean took off his hat then held the hat in his left hand and a stick in his right

183

regard qui pucirct deacuteranger leacutevecircque

Jean Valjean tremblait de tous ses

membres Il prit les deux chandeliers

machinalement et dun air eacutegareacute (LM I

165)

look that might disturb the bishop

Jean Valjean was trembling in every

limb He took the two candlesticks

mechanically and with a wild

appearance (90)


He went to the mantel-piece fetched

the two candlesticks and handed them to

Jean Valjean The two females watched

him do so without a word without a

sign without a look that could disturb

the bishop Jean Valjean was trembling

in all his limbs he took the candlesticks

mechanically and with wandering looks

(LM [1880] I 91)









appearance (I 74)


He stepped to the chimney-piece took

the two silver candlesticks and brought

them to Jean Valjean The two women

looked on without uttering a word

without a gesture without a look which

could disconcert the Bishop



mechanically and with a bewildered air

(I 101-102)


the two candlesticks and handed them

to Jean Valjean The two females

watched him do so without a word

without a sign without a look that could

disturb the bishop

Jean Valjean was trembling in all his

limbs he took the candlesticks

mechanically and with wandering

looks (XI 213)


急いそ

ぎて次つぎ

の室ま

に行ゆ

き彼か

の二個こ

一對つゐ

を持もつ

て來き

て『サ說著便到檯上取來一對

銀蠟臺交給華賤那凡

184

ア是これ

もお前まへ

さんのだから』と云いつ

て差出さしだ

して渡わた

した

瓦戎ばるぢやん

は頭あたま

から足あし

の先さき

まで震ふる

ひつゝ受取うけと

ツた殆ほとん

ど何なに

を受取うけと

るのか自分じぶん

で知し

らぬ程ほど

だらうhelliphellip348

(I 39)

媽和寶姑娘二人眼見如

此也不敢多嘴華賤滿

面羞容兩隻手抖抖地接

過了蠟臺349 (181)

Here the cited texts all narrate the bishop fetching a pair of candlesticks and gave them

to Jean Valjean and the latter taking the gift in a trembling manner However the

Chinese and the Western versions also mention the speechless reactions of Madame

Magloire and Mademoiselle Baptistine to their hosts behavior though the Chinese

description is simplified The Japanese text is the only one here that does not provide

any account of the two womens response This indicates another piece of evidence that

the Chinese translation is not derived from the Japanese version

Example 5 In his remorse-torn wanderings after he got away with stealing the

silverware Jean Valjean crossed paths with a little boy The introduction of the child

into the story is given the following descriptions


Il tourna la tecircte et vit venir par le

sentier un petit savoyard dune dizaine

danneacutees qui chantait sa vielle au

flanc (LM I 168)

He turned his head and saw coming along

the path a little Savoyard a dozen years

old singing with his hurdygurdy at his

side (91)


He turned his head and saw a little

Savoyard about ten years of age coming

along the path with his hurdy-gurdy at his

side (LM [1880] I 92)

He turned his head and saw coming

along the path a little Savoyard a

dozen years old singing with his

hurdygurdy at his side (I 75)


348 He hurried to the next room took the pair [of candlesticks] and brought it to him saying Take this Its also yours Jean Valjean trembled all over as he took the gift confused almost to the point of not knowing what it was that he was receiving 349 Meanwhile he fetched a pair of silver candlesticks and gave it to Jean Valjean Madame Magloire and Mademoiselle Baptistine witnessed the action without daring to say a word His face covered in shame Jean Valjean took the extra gift with trembling hands

185


Savoyard about ten years of age

coming up the path and singing his

hurdy-gurdy on his hip (I 103)



along the path with his hurdy-gurdy at

his side (XI 216)


helliphellip孰いづ

れよりか可愛かあい

い子供こども

の聲こゑ

で歌うた

を謠うた

ふて來く

るのが聞きこ

えた350 (I 41)

回頭看時helliphellip內中有一十多歲的童

子一隻手拿了風琴且走且唱helliphellip351

(182)

All the above texts talk about a child singing The French the English and the Chinese

provide the information that the child was carrying a hurdygurdy or an accordion with

him The Japanese version distinguishes itself from the others through its omission of

description of this musical instrument It is more than certain that the Chinese

description of 風琴352 stems from one of the Western versions rather than the

Japanese rendition

Incidentally the Japanese version excluded a subtle difference among the other

texts calls for our further deliberation With respect to the age of the boy Wraxall

Hapgood and Walton et al coincide in using the phrase about ten years of age which

closely mirrors the French dune dizaine danneacutees In comparison the Wilbours and

the Richmond translations a dozen years old is semantically similar to the French

original and the other three English counterparts but they are not exactly synonymous

For a dozen years old evokes an impression of more than ten years old whereas

about ten years of age and dune dizaine danneacutees designate ten as a rough number

while embracing the dual possibilities that the actual age could be a little more or a

little less than that number The Chinese rendition 十多歲353 is more in concert with

the Wilbour-Richmond version than with the other Western texts This finding testifies

and adds to the plausibility of the conclusion reached in Chapter Four of the present

dissertation that Su Manshus Chinese translation is most probably based on Wilbours

text

350 out of nowhere came the lovely sound of a child singing as he came nearer and nearer 351 He looked back and found in there a teenaged boy with an accordion in his hand walking and singing at the same time 352 an accordion 353 ten-odd years old or more than ten years of age

186

Example 6 The singing boy whom Jean Valjean encountered was narrated as

stopping intermittently on the way to play at tossing up some coins in the air and then

catching them on the back of his hand In this part of narration there is a sentence

about the value of one of the pieces of money that were being flung up


Parmi cette monnaie il y avait une piegravece

de quarante sous (LM I 168)

Among them there was one forty-sous

piece (91)


Among these coins was a two-franc piece

(LM [1880] I 92)


piece (I 75)


Among this money there was one

forty-sou piece (I 103)

Among these coins was a two-franc

piece (XI 217)


落お

ちたのは二法ふらん

の銀貨ぎんくわ

でhelliphellip354

(I 42)

錢落地時有一個四開錢（值四十文）helliphellip

355 (182)

Regarding the value of the coin mentioned the French quarante sous is literally

transferred to forty-sous by Wilbour the Richmond and Hapgood but is converted to

two-franc by Wraxall and Walton et al The Japanese 二法ふらん

is in agreement with

Wraxalls and Walton et als versions Intriguingly the Chinese version talks about a

four-kai piece the kai here being a unit of measurement in the ancient monetary

system in China but right after this the text adds a piece of parenthetical information

giving its equivalent value in a different unit so that the coin is valued at forty wen

Although the Chinese wen is not equivalent to the French sou the number forty in the

Chinese translation clearly refers back to the Western versions excepting Wraxall and

Walton et al It is rather unlikely that the Chinese translator would convert the

354 Dropping to the ground was a two-franc coin 355 One of the coins that dropped to the ground was a four-kai piece (which is worth forty wen)

187

monetary expression from the Japanese This instance rules out the Japanese version as

well as Wraxalls and Walton et als texts

Example 7 When the singing child approached Jean Valjean to claim his piece of

money the following interaction between adult and child is worth comparing and

contrasting


mdashMonsieur dit le petit savoyard avec

cette confiance de lenfance qui se

compose dignorance et dinnocencemdashma

piegravece

mdashComment tappelles-tu dit Jean

Valjean

mdashPetit-Gervais monsieur

mdashMa piegravece cria lenfant ma piegravece

blanche mon argent (LM I 169)

Monsieur said the little Savoyard

with that childish confidence which is

made up of ignorance and innocence

my piece

What is your name said Jean

Valjean

Petit Gervais monsieur

My piece exclaimed the boy my

white piece my silver (91-92)


Sir the little Savoyard said with that

childish confidence which is composed of

ignorance and innocence my coin

What is your name Jean Valjean

said

Little Gervais sir

My coin the boy cried my silver

piece my money (LM [1880] I 92-93)

Sir said the little Savoyard with

that childish confidence which is made

up of ignorance and innocence my

piece


Valjean

Petit Gervais sir


white piece my silver (I 76)



that childish confidence which is

composed of ignorance and innocence

Monsieur the little Savoyard said



188

my money


Valjean

Little Gervais sir

My piece of money cried the child

my white piece my silver (I 104)

my coin


said

Little Gervais monsieur


piece my money (XI 217-18)


思案しあん

もせずに戎ぢやん

に近ちかづ

き『伯父おぢ

さ

ん其樣そのやう

な事こと

を仕し

ては可い

けないよ』

戎ぢやん

は無言むごん

だ子供『其足そのあし

を擧あ

げ

て呉く

れヨウ伯父おぢ

さん』helliphellip356 (I

42)

helliphellip童子早已瞧見便前來在華賤身邊

道「客人曾見我的四開錢嗎」

華賤道「你叫做什麼名兒」童子道「我

名叫做小極可哀」helliphellip童子又大聲叫道

「我的錢呢我的白錢呢我的銀錢呢」

357 (182)

In the interaction between the young and the old the French and the English texts start

with the child directly demanding his money from the old man Contrastively in the

Japanese version the childs initial demand for the money takes the form of moralizing

about the wrong of the strangers action The Chinese rendition has the child begin

with a rhetorical question which is equal to a polite request for the money Thus the

Chinese version is distinct from the Japanese but a lot closer to the Western versions

Besides in the Western texts as well as the Chinese the old man responded to the

childs intention by asking his name and got the answer whereas the Japanese

translator omitted this part of exchange so that there is no introduction whatsoever of

the boys name in the Japanese story The Chinese rendition of the childs name can

never be explained by the Japanese text It is definitely a Western source that provided

the basis for the Chinese translator to come up with his own version

Finally the persistence of the boy in requiring his money is expressed somewhat

356 Without a second thought the child approached Jean Valjean saying Sir you cant do such a thing The old man remained silent The young one continued Please lift up your foot sir 357 having seen this the boy came over to Jean Valjean and asked Sir did you see my four-kai piece Jean Valjean said What is your name The boy replied My name is Petit Gervais The boy said loudly Where is my money My white piece My silver piece

189

differently among the passages cited We may well take a closer look at the subtle

differences

Hugo Ma piegravece ma piegravece blanche mon argent

Wilbour My piece my white piece my silver

Richmond My piece my white piece my silver

Wraxall My coin my silver piece my money

Hapgood My piece of money my white piece my silver

Walton et al My coin my silver piece my money

Kuroiwa (no counterpart translation)

Su 我的錢呢我的白錢呢我的銀錢呢358

In the Chinese text the boys crying of 我的白錢 and 我的銀錢 clearly mirrors

ma piegravece blanche and mon argent in French or my white piece and my silver in

English Wraxalls and Walton et als identical version my silver piece and my

money entails a different rhetoric and is not likely to be the source of the Chinese text

The Japanese version does not include any similar expression in the counterpart

passage relating the childs action of demanding the coin Therefore the Japanese

source can again be excluded from our consideration

So far the seven examples quoted above show a similar pattern of relationship

the Chinese text drifts apart from the Japanese rendition but concurrently approximates

to the Western versions There are other cases where the Chinese translation alienates

itself from both the Japanese text and the Western versions but their lineage is still

traceable Three such examples are in order

Example 8 After scaring the boy away Jean Valjean met a priest on horseback

by chance Their exchange includes the following part


Il tira deux piegraveces de cinq francs de sa

sacoche et les remit au precirctre

mdashMonsieur le cureacute voici pour vos

pauvres (LM I 172)

He took two five-franc pieces from his

bag and gave them to the priest

Monsieur cureacute this is for your

poor (93)


358 Where is my money My white piece My silver piece

190

The convict took two five-franc pieces

from his pouch and handed them to the

priest

Monsieur le Cureacute this is for your

poor (LM [1880] I 94)

He took two five-franc pieces from

his bag and gave them to the priest

Mr Curate this is for your

poor (I 77)


He drew two five-franc pieces from

his money-bag and handed them to the

priest


poor people (I 106)


pouch and handed them to the priest

Monsieur le cureacute this is for your

poor (XI 221)


戎ぢやん

は銀貨ぎんくわ

を差出さしだ

して『何どう

か之これ

を貧民ひんみん

に

お施ほどこ

し成な

さツて下くだ

さい』helliphellip359 (I 44-45)

華賤道「我看你很覺困苦今給

你兩塊半元的銀錢」360 (183)

In the Japanese and the Western versions the hero wanted the priest to give his

donation to the poor while in the Chinese the assumed poverty of the priest is the

reason why the protagonist gave him the money So here we have a case where the

Chinese text is in disagreement with the Japanese as well as the Western versions To

decide whether any genealogical relationship exists among the texts we may first look

at the Japanese passage Jean Valjeans earnest request in the cited Japanese is

expressed in a dative structure a simple and obvious construction More significantly

the indirect object in the dative structure contains the kanji characters 貧民 which

are morphologically and semantically shared by the Chinese language Judging from

Su Manshus background in the Japanese and Chinese languages it is next to

impossible for him to misread the easily intelligible sentence in the Japanese text

Hence the misinterpreted message of the priests poverty in the Chinese text is rather

unlikely to have anything to do with the Japanese This judgment is in line with the

result achieved in the last seven examples

359 Jean Valjean took out the coin and said Please give this to any poor one 360 Jean Valjean said I saw youre poor Please accept my two half-yuan coins

191

After examining the Japanese quotation I shall turn to the Western versions for

clues to possible explanations for the Chinese translators misinterpretation While

Hugos pour vos pauvres and Hapgoods for your poor people are clearly expressed

enough not to be easily misunderstood the phrasing for your poor in Wilbour

Richmond Wraxall and Walton et al may not be as transparent to a Chinese reader

Chances are that the Chinese translator might mistake your poor for youre poor or

your poverty in his rush job resulting in the Chinese interpretation 我看你很覺困

苦 It is true that this speculation is unverifiable but compared with the Japanese text

the English versions are more likely to be the source adopted by Su Manshu in

rendering Les Miseacuterables

Example 9 After Jean Valjean ran away with the bishops silverware Madame

Magloire came to the bishop with the news and we have the following talk between

master and servant


mdashMadame Magloire je deacutetenais agrave tort

et depuis longtemps cette argenterie Elle

eacutetait aux pauvres Queacutetait-ce que cet

homme Un pauvre eacutevidemment

mdashHeacutelas Jeacutesus repartit madame

Magloire Ce nest pas pour moi ni pour

mademoiselle Cela nous est bien eacutegal

Mais cest pour monseigneur Dans quoi

monseigneur va-t-il manger maintenant

(LM I 163)

Madame Magloire I have for a long

time wrongfully withheld this silver it

belonged to the poor Who was this

man A poor man evidently

Alas alas returned Madame

Magloire It is not on my account or

mademoiselles it is all the same to us

But it is on yours monseigneur What is

monsieur going to eat from now (88)


Madame Magloire I had wrongfully

held back this silver which belonged to

the poor Who was this person

evidently a poor man

Good gracious Madame Magloire

continued I do not care for it nor does

mademoiselle but we feel for

Mrs Magloire I have for a long time

wrongfully withheld this silver it

belonged to the poor Who was this man

A poor man evidently

Alas alas returned Mrs Magloire

It is not on my account or Miss

Baptistines it is all the same to us But it

192

monseigneur With what will

monseigneur eat now (LM [1880] I

89)

is yours my lord What is my lord going

to eat from now (I 73)



time detained that silver wrongfully It

belonged to the poor Who was that man A

poor man evidently

Alas Jesus returned Madame

Magloire It is not for my sake nor for

Mademoiselles It makes no difference to

us But it is for the sake of Monseigneur

What is Monseigneur to eat with now (I

100)

Madame Magloire I had

wrongfully and for a long time held

back this silver It belonged to the

poor Who was this man One of the

poor evidently

Alas Alas returned Madame

Magloire I do not care for it nor

does mademoiselle But it was for


monseigneur eat now (XI 210-11)


僧正そうじやう

は又また

も靜しづか

に振向ふりむい

て『爾さ

う云い

はずに先ま

づ考かんが

へねばndashndashndash

第だい

一那あ

の皿さら

は此家このや

の物もの

だらうか今いま

ま私わた

しが惜をし

んで居ゐ

たの

が惡わる

がツた那あ

れは當然たうぜん

に貧まづし

い人ひと

の物もの

である昨夜さくや

の客きやく

は確たしか

に貧まづし

い人ひと

だらう』貧まづし

い人ひと

が持もつ

で行ゆ

くのは當あた

り前まへ

だ

との意味いみ

が現あら

はれて居ゐ

る何なん

たる宏量くわうりやう

な心こゝろ

だらう何なん

十

年來ねんらい


の德とく

に服ふく

して一言ひとこと

も批評ひゝやう

らしき言葉ことば

を吐はい

た事こと

の

無な

い老女らうぢよ

だけれど餘あんま

り殘念ざんねん

だ『盜ぬす

まれたとて私わたく

し共ども

は

搆かま

ひませんお妹御いもとご

もお搆かま

ひは無な

いのでせうけれど

孟主教聞說便滿

面堆著笑容向凡

媽道「你且不要

著忙你知道那銀

器到底是誰的

原來是一個窮漢

的我久已就有些

不願意要了」凡

媽道「雖然不是

我們的但是我們

用了這麼久也就

合我們的無異

193

貴方樣あなたさま

が直すぐ

にお困こま

り成な

さるでは有あ

りませんか今朝こんてう

は何ど

の

器うつは

でお汁つゆ

をお召上めしあが

りに成な

りますか』helliphellip361 (I 36-37)

了」362 (180)

Here in the quotes unlike Examples 1 to 7 the Chinese text shows some evident

discrepancies from the Japanese and Western versions As far as the bishops opinion

of who owns the silverware is concerned the Chinese version uses the individualized

expression 一個窮漢363 to indicate the supposed owner of the ware whereas in the

other versions it is the poor or 貧まづし

い人ひと

364 collectively that the ware should belong

to Then in the maidservants reply the Japanese and Western texts contain the similar

message that Madame Magloires concern lies not so much with herself or the bishops

sister as with the bishop The Chinese text offers by contrast a totally different

rendition of the female servants justification of their rightful claim to the ware Finally

the Japanese and Western versions all have the maid putting to the bishop the question

of what tableware is to be used in place of the stolen silverware The Chinese text

contains no such inquiry

The cause of the Chinese renditions drifting apart from the other versions may

involve complex considerations on the part of the translator but the rhetoric employed

in the Chinese text seems to offer a glimpse of its possible heritage We may look more

closely into how the maidservant expressed herself in the different versions

Hugo Ce nest pas pour moi ni pour mademoiselle Cela nous est bien eacutegal

Wilbour It is not on my account or mademoiselles it is all the same to us

Richmond It is not on my account or Miss Baptistines it is all the same to us

Wraxall I do not care for it nor does mademoiselle

Hapgood It is not for my sake nor for Mademoiselles It makes no difference to us

361 The bishop turned around and said calmly We should think things through before we jump to this conclusion In the first place does the silverware belong to us It is not right for us to have kept it like treasure for so long because it naturally belongs to the poor The guest who came last night was certainly poor Which meant that it was taken for granted that a poor guy like that one should take it away How magnanimous Over the past ten years the old woman had been in admiration for the surpassing morality of the bishop She had not so much as uttered anything like criticism against the bishop but this time she was greatly perplexed It does not matter to me and it should not matter to your sister but are you not simply vexed to find the silverware stolen What will you use for eating soup this morning 362 At Madame Magloires words Bishop Myriel said with a smile Take it easy Do you know who in the world the silverware belongs to It belongs to a certain poor man I have long been unwilling to keep it Madame Magloire retorted Although it was not ours we have kept it for so long that we have a rightful claim to it 363 a certain poor man 364 the poor people

194

Walton et al I do not care for it nor does mademoiselle

Kuroiwa 盜ぬす


し共ども

は搆かま


もお搆かま

ひは無な

いのでせう

365

Su 雖然不是我們的但是我們用了這麼久也就合我們的無異了366

The Japanese sentence contains the key word 搆かま

う which in this context conveys

the idea of causing trouble to someone or mattering to someone With years of

education in Japanese Su Manshu would surely have been able to grasp this simple

structure and its idea if he had translated from Japanese The drastic deviation of the

Chinese text from the Japanese can only mean that Kuroiwas text is not the reference

material for the Chinese translator to render from As for the Western passages the

Chinese expression 也就合我們的無異 may possibly be a misreading of

Wilbour-Richmonds it is all the same to us or Hapgoods It makes no difference to

us for it is the same as belonging to us but the version by Wilbour and the

Richmond is more likely than that by Hapgood if context is taken into consideration

Indeed if we take its preceding sentence into consideration we find that

Wilbour-Richmonds not on my account or mademoiselles [Miss Baptistines] is not

as easy to understand for a Chinese reader as the French pas pour moi ni pour

mademoiselle or Wraxalls and Walton et als I do not care for it nor does

mademoiselle or Hapgoods not for my sake nor for Mademoiselles Su Manshu

might fail to comprehend the phrase on someones account employed by Wilbour

here so he turned to its ensuing clause it is all the same to us for inspiration resulting

in his deviant interpretation This conjecture is in agreement with my former

conclusion in Chapter Four of the present dissertation in pointing to Wilbours text as

the most probable basis on which the Chinese translator produced his version

Example 10 Jean Valjean ran way with the bishops silverware but was caught

by the gendarmes and brought back before the bishop for identification When he

heard how they addressed the clergyman the thief had the following reaction worthy

of notice


mdashMonseigneur murmura-t-il Ce Monseigneur he murmured then it

365 The fact that it was stolen does not matter to me and it does not matter to your sister either 366 Although it was not ours we have kept it for so long that we have a rightful claim to it

195

nest donc pas le cureacute (LM I 164) is not the cureacute (89)


Monseigneur he muttered then he is

not the cureacute (LM [1880] I 90)

My lord he murmured then it is

not the curate (I 74)


Monseigneur he murmured So he

is not the cureacute (I 101)

Monseigneur he muttered then he

is not the cureacute (XI 212)


戎ぢやん


helliphellip 殆ほとん

ど呆あき

れた樣やう

に顏かほ

を上あ

げて呟つぶや

いた

『閣下かくか

とは閣下かくか

とは其それ

では只たゞ

の牧師ぼくし

さんでは無な

い

のだ』helliphellip367 (I 38)

［金華賤］還低聲道

「孟主教一定沒有主教

的職分」368 (181)

In the Japanese and Western texts the protagonists sudden realization of the bishops

true religious status is expressed in a soliloquy of surprised recognition but in the

Chinese text disbelief and denial take the place of the recognition To sort out the

relationship of the Chinese text to the other versions we may first draw our attention

to the difference between the Japanese text and the Western versions in their respective

way of communicating the similar idea In the Western texts the clerical ranks cureacute

(also cureacute in French) and bishop (eacutevecircque in French) are differentiated whereas

the Japanese version employs the generic term 牧師ぼくし

369 and emphasizes the high

ranking by employing the rhetoric 只たゞ

の牧師ぼくし

さんでは無な

い 370 The Japanese

rhetoric couched in a simple sentence could not have escaped Su Manshu if he had

used the Japanese version for rendition Rather the misconstruction of the Chinese

translation here may be ascribable to the translators failure to distinguish between the

Catholic ranks when he translated from one of the Western texts The Chinese

367 A look of surprised stupefaction covered the face of Jean Valjean who muttered to himself Monseigneur monseigneur So he is not an ordinary priest 368 [Jean Valjean] murmured Bishop Myriel is surely not a bishop 369 a priest 370 not an ordinary priest

196

translator might mix cureacute up with bishop and the confusion caused him to come

up with the errant rendition we have above Therefore the above analysis again brings

us to the certainty of the lack of genealogy between the Japanese and the Chinese The

Chinese version is undeniably derived from a Western source and most probably from

Wilbours version as Examples 5 and 9 and my research in Chapter Three of the

dissertation suggest

My discussions above have sorted out the relationship of the Chinese rendition to

the Japanese and Western versions Now let me turn to the primary question to be

addressed in this chapter Are the final three-odd chapters of Can Shijie translated by

Su Manshu or Chen Duxiu The answer is obvious Because it is certain that the

appended chapters in the enlarged version of Can Shijie are not rendered from

Japanese but probably from an English source and most likely from Wilbour and

because Chen Duxius training in foreign languages would only allow him to translate

from Japanese and by no means from English (or French) there is no way that Chen

Duxiu could be the translator of the supplemented text Judging from the fact that the

intertextual comparisons I have done across the four languages in this chapter yield a

result consistent with the result achieved in Chapter Three which deals with the

preceding shorter version of Can Shehui I find it more than likely that the rendition

was done by the same translator all through the fourteen chapters In other words Su

Manshu is the translator of both Can Shehui and Can Shijie and Chen Duxius role in

the process consists mainly in editing and polishing

Also the reinforced conclusion about Sus Chinese translation deriving from an

English version also reminds us that the question of Sus French ability at age nineteen

is still unanswered Notwithstanding from what has been discussed in this chapter I

may venture to say that at the age of nineteen Su Manshus English and Japanese

calibre was a lot higher than his French level a judgment which corresponds to Liu

Wu-chis assumption and which I believe is more plausible than Ding Fu-shengs

argument that Su possessed the abilities required for rendition from the French

English and Japanese texts of Les Miseacuterables

Though I do not fully agree with Dings viewpoints on Chen Duxius language

abilities the result of my research into the problem of authorship for Can Shijie

concurs with Dings conclusion and so collides with Liu Yazis presumption Anyway

what I do in this chapter is an example of how source-tracing through interlingual

intertextual juxtapositions can turn out helpful in solving a long unsettled case in the

197

history of Chinese translation

199

Chapter Six The Untraceable Texts of Tian Liu Er

Guxing Lei and Guai Ke

Three Chinese translations of Les Miseacuterables in the pre-May-Fourth period will

be discussed in this chapter Tian Liu Er 天鷚兒 by Hei Shi 黑石 (1905) Guxing

Lei 孤星淚 (1907) and Guai Ke 怪客 by Xiao Zong 孝宗 (1916) In these cases

my interlingual intertextual comparison fails to track down their source texts but

contrives to identify their source language They will be presented chronologically in

the following sections each dedicated to a specific text

61 The Indeterminate Sources of Tian Liu Er Multiple Possibilities

Tian Liu Er371 a translation by Hei Shi from Les Miseacuterables was published in

1905 in the compilation issue comprising Numbers Four and Five of the journal Nuumlzi

Shijie372 女子世界 Couched in classical Chinese the unchaptered text presents the

plot comparable to the Fourth Book of Volume One of the original novel that is about

how Fantine entrusted her daughter Cosette to the care of the Theacutenardiers The original

Book titled Confier cest quelquefois livrer373 contains three chapters of which the

beginning and ending ones are the primary concern of the Chinese translation In an

essay presented at a conference Hinosugi Tadahiro 日野杉匡大 makes the

affirmative observation that Chapter Two of the original book which supplies an

in-depth introduction to the Theacutenardier couple was left completely untreated by the

Chinese translator (66) As a matter of fact however although the Chinese plot is

taken for the most part from Chapters One and Three traces of the middle chapter can

be found in the translation For example as the translator drifts from Chapter One to

Chapter Three of the original there is an in-between passage of transition which

involves the description 覃自云曾為軍曹門外之圖即自表其戰功者374 (Hei Shi

90) This description harks back to a passage in the original Second Chapter which

goes as follows

Ce Theacutenardier sil fallait len croire avait eacuteteacute soldat sergent disait-il il

371 Literally skylark 372 Literally Womens World 373 To Entrust Is Sometimes to Abandon (Wilbour 122) 374 Theacutenardier claimed that he had once been a sergeant and that the sign outside his door was emblematic of his feats in the war

200

avait fait probablement la campagne de 1815 et seacutetait mecircme comporteacute

assez bravement agrave ce quil paraicirct Nous verrons plus tard ce quil en eacutetait

Lenseigne de son cabaret eacutetait une allusion agrave lun de ses faits darmes375

(Hugo LM I 238)

Here the Chinese passage is obviously a translation of the opening sentence (Ce

Theacutenardier sil fallait len croire avait eacuteteacute soldat sergent disait-il) and the closing

sentence (Lenseigne de son cabaret eacutetait une allusion agrave lun de ses faits darmes)

Thus Hei Shis treatment of the Second Chapter should be given due acknowledgment

no matter how little a proportion it occupies in the chapter or how transitional a part it

plays in the translation

In terms of translation strategy as Hinosugi points out the translator renders

sentence by sentence rather than word for word376 (69) To be more specific the

original text is generally followed sentence by sentence and paragraph by paragraph

though the Chinese version arranges the paragraphs differently from the French text

usually breaking a single paragraph in the original into several ones in the translation

Sometimes the translator adjusts the sequence of narration so that the interaction

between the characters in the story is simplified and easier for the Chinese reader to

digest For instance in the original account Mrs Theacutenardiers humming of a then

popular tune as she rocked her little children on the swing was interrupted by Fantines

sudden appearance with comments about the young ones being very beautiful In order

to depict the interruption the original author separates the two lyrical lines of a couplet

in the song and inserts between them a description of Fantines approaching with her

remark

Tout en berccedilant ses deux petites la megravere chantonnait dune voix fausse

une romance alors ceacutelegravebre

Il le faut disait un guerrier

Sa chanson et la contemplation de ses filles lempecircchaient dentendre et

de voir ce qui se passait dans la rue

Cependant quelquun seacutetait approcheacute delle comme elle commenccedilait le

premier couplet de la romance et tout agrave coup elle entendit une voix qui

375 This Thenardier if he himself was to be believed had been a soldiermdasha sergeant he said He had probably been through the campaign of 1815 and had even conducted himself with tolerable valor it would seem We shall see later on how much truth there was in this The sign of his hostelry was in allusion to one of his feats of arms (Hapgood I 147) 376 Hinosugis original words are 黑石的翻譯方法不是逐字的翻譯而是逐句的翻譯

201

disait tregraves pregraves de son oreille

mdashVous avez lagrave deux jolis enfants madame

Agrave la belle et tendre Imogine

reacutepondit la megravere continuant sa romance puis elle tourna la tecircte377 (Hugo

LM I 227-28)

In the Chinese text by contrast the narration of Fantines comment appears after the

couplet is rendered in full so that the two lines of lyrics are not disconnected or

inserted with any passage but run smoothly

其母怡然弄兒口中以不協音之調微吟曰

是必如是兮古勇士之所云欹彼意摩琴兮美麗而輕盈

吟聲未已忽聞其後有聲云hellip夫人汝有如此佳兒歟378 (Hei Shi

84)

The Chinese translator makes up for the loss of the interruptive effect by adding a

phrase 吟聲未已忽聞其後有聲云 to bring it to the readers attention that Fantines

voice is an interruption to the humming The shift in the narrative strategy renders the

Chinese text plainer and more straightforward than the French original

Another example has to do with the treatment Cosette received in the Theacutenardiers

house

Tant que Cosette fut toute petite elle fut le souffre-douleur des deux

autres enfants degraves quelle se mit agrave se deacutevelopper un peu cest-agrave-dire

avant mecircme quelle eucirct cinq ans elle devint la servante de la maison

Cinq ans dira-t-on cest invraisemblable Heacutelas cest vrai La

souffrance sociale commence agrave tout acircge

On fit faire agrave Cosette les commissions balayer les chambres la cour la

377 As she rocked her little ones the mother hummed in a discordant voice a romance then celebratedmdash It must be said a warrior Her song and the contemplation of her daughters prevented her hearing and seeing what was going on in the street In the meantime some one had approached her as she was beginning the first couplet of the romance and suddenly she heard a voice saying very near her earmdash You have two beautiful children there Madame To the fair and tender Imogenemdash replied the mother continuing her romance then she turned her head (Hapgood I 140) 378 While pleasantly rocking her children the mother hummed a melody in an out-of-tune manner It must be so said an ancient warrior Oh Imogine fair and soft As the humming continued she suddenly heard a voice from behind saying Madam you have beautiful children

202

rue laver la vaisselle porter mecircme des fardeaux 379 (Hugo LM I

242)

Here in the French text the first paragraph ends with an account of Cosette becoming

the servant of the household What she was required to do as a servant is not described

until the third paragraph The second paragraph containing authorial voices and ideas

is digressive and disruptive to the plot In comparison the Chinese version moves the

details of Cosettes servant work to the first paragraph

康雪幼時即為二兒之罪羊（意替罪者）逮少長未及五歲已

為全家之公僕洒掃房庭潔街道滌食器間且負重荷

五歲讀者必曰是妄也噫然是乃其實社會之苦惡起始於

任何年歲helliphellip380 (Hei Shi 92-93)

The original three paragraphs are reduced to two by the Chinese translator through

incorporating the third paragraph into the first As a result the information of Cosettes

functioning as house servant is followed immediately by description of the servants

job in the Chinese translation The combination of the two paragraphs in the Chinese

text contributes to a cohesive narration of the girls misery The intervening paragraph

in the original becomes less of a noise when placed after the combined paragraph in

the translation

Besides sequential adjustment the Chinese version also shows some omissins

additions and alterations as is a salient characteristic of the translations in late-Qing

and early Republican China In the first three paragraphs of the original the second

which expresses how cumbersome and eye-catching the fore-carriage was in the spring

of 1818 is completely ignored by the translator the other two paragraphs have been

compared with the Chinese version by Hinosugi After conducting a meticulous

comparison and contrast Hinosugi definitively points out some phrasal deletions

379 As long as Cosette was little she was the scape-goat of the two other children as soon as she began to develop a little that is to say before she was even five years old she became the servant of the household Five years old the reader will say that is not probable Alas it is true Social suffering begins at all ages Cosette was made to run on errands to sweep the rooms the courtyard the street to wash the dishes to even carry burdens (Hapgood I 150) 380 When Cosette was little she was the scapegoat (someone who bears the blame for others) of the other two children As she grew older when she was not yet five years of age she became the servant of the household cleaning the rooms and the courtyard sweeping the street washing the dishes and even carrying heavy burdens Five years of age The reader would say it is impossible But it is true Social suffering begins at any age

203

expressive additions and rhetoric modifications in the first paragraph (68-69) The

content of the original though is generally preserved in the translation with the said

alterations relatively minor As to the third paragraph Hinosugi observes that the first

half which depicts the structure of the fore-carriage is roughly carried over to the

Chinese rendition whereas the second half which narrates in a literary manner the

aspects of the vehicle with allusions to fictive figures of Polyphemus under Homer and

Caliban under Shakespeare is totally erased in translation (69)

In rare cases the Chinese translator supplies specific details where the original

text is not explicit While Fantines daughter was playing with the two children of the

Theacutenardiers an event happened which scared and excited the three The original story

tells about a gros ver381 emerging all of a sudden out of the ground (Hugo LM I

234) The unspecified big worm is explicitly transformed into a 蠐螬 (dung beetle

larva) in the Chinese rendition which goes 有蠐螬自土中出382 (Hei Shi 88)

Despite the differences illustrated above between original and translation on the

whole the Chinese text retains the general structure and narration of the original story

To trace the version on which the Chinese translation is based as usual the

present study first turns to the author or translator for clues However the translatorial

information does not help here for Hei Shis identity cannot be known for certain In

Hinosugi Tadahiros and Han Yiyus researches mention is made of the critical

suspicion that Hei Shi might be a pen name of Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (Han 74

Hinosugi 66) Hinosugi points out that the speculation has to do with a chronology of

Zhou Zuoren compiled by Zhang Juxiang 張菊香 and Zhang Tierong 張鐵榮 in

which under the year 1905 is a statement which goes ［周作人］翻譯英國作家雨果

的作品譯名為《天鷚兒》383 (Zhang and Zhang 263) This piece of chronological

information is according to Hinosugi traceable to and derived from Chen

Mengxiongs 陳夢熊 correspondence with Zhou Zuoren (Hinosugi 66-67) However

after doing some meticulous investigation in this respect Hinosugi states that the

evidence in favor of the identification of Hei Shi with Zhou Zuoren is inconclusive

(68) Apart from this indeterminate conjecture nothing more is known about Hei Shi

Therefore the tracing of the source of Tian Liu Er cannot rely on the translatorial

381 Literally big worm 382 There was a dung beetle larva emerging from the earth 383 [Zhou Zhuoren] rendered a work by the English author Hugo titled Tian Liu Er

204

information

Without any clue from the translators identity my research has to probe into the

text to see if it relates to any specific version In Tian Liu Er there appear in the

Chinese text an English place name M surM (Hei Shi 86 91) which is used to refer

to Fantines native town and a birds name Lark (Hei Shi 93) which is attached to

the Chinese characters 天鷚兒 to specify its original at the end of the main text The

existence of the two English terms in the Chinese text leads Hinosugi to argue for the

probability of a certain English version as Hei Shis source of translation (68)

Hinosugis argument for a probable English source is plausible but his concurrent

exclusion of the French original as a likely source calls for careful examination

According to Hinosugi the place described in the orginal French work is the

unabbreviated Montreuil-sur-mer as opposed to the abbreviated M surM in the

Chinese text as well as in several English versions This constitutes part of the ground

on which he argues in favor of the English versions However Hinosugi fails to

recognize the process of transformation from M surM to Montreuil-sur-mer in

Hugos scheme In this regard Maurice Allem provides us with a clear picutre

Victor Hugo avait eacutecrit sur une page formant chemise laquoApregraves ma mort

quant on reacuteimprimera ce livre il faudra mettre en toutes lettres le nom des

villes Au lieu de D Digne au lieu de M-sur-M Montreuil-sur-Merraquo

Les noms furent mis en toutes lettres deux384 ans avant la mort de Victor

Hugo ce fut dans leacutedition Quantin (1881)385 (Allem 1490)

From the above citation we know that the French editions of Les Miseacuterables published

before 1881 showed the abbreviated names of the towns such as D and M-sur-M

while those which came after 1881 had the names of the towns in full letters like

Digne and Montreuil-sur-Mer Specifically when Les Miseacuterables was first published in

1862 Fantines hometown was shown in abbreviation (Hugo LM I 230) instead of in

full letters (as for example in Maurice Allem 156) The English versions are

obviously based on the earlier editions because for instance Wilbours and Wraxalls

translations both came within just some months after the first release of the French

384 This is an obvious typo Since Victor Hugo died in 1885 the appearance of the Quantin edition in 1881 should be quatre ans (four years) rather than deux ans (two years) before the death of Hugo 385 Victor Hugo once wrote on a page-format jacket of his book When the book is reprinted after my death the names of the cities and towns should be given in full letters Digne should be used instead of D Montreuil-sur-Mer is to take the place of M-sur-M These names were given in full letters two years before the death of Victor Hugo in the Quantin edition (1881)

205

novel so that they also exhibit the place in shortened form Therefore the presence of

M surM in the Chinese text should mean that the French and English versions are all

likely to be the source of the Chinese Tian Liu Er Contrastively the attachment of

Lark at the end of Chinese text is more plausible as evidence for the greater

likelihood of an English source

Interestingly in affirming the probability of the English versions Hinosugi also

articulates the unlikelihood of a Japanese text as Hei Shis source According to

Hinosugi before the appearance of Tian Liu Er in 1905 there was no excerpted

translation in Japanese which dealt with Book Four of Volume One of the French novel

other than Kuroiwa Ruikous 黒岩淚香 Aamujou 噫無情 but Kuroiwas was a

greatly reduced and Japanized version which cannot have been the chief source for the

Chinese translation (67) However Hinosugi did not give any textual evidence to back

up his generalized observation that Kuroiwa was an unlikely source for Hei Shi To be

on the safe side it is necessary to look into the text to see if it supports Hinosugis

argument The Fourth Book of Volume One of the French novel finds its counterpart in

Chapter Thirteen with the heading 小雪こゆき

386 of Kuroiwas Japanese version A

perusal of the Japanese text shows that the original story was retold rather than

translated by the Japanese translator as is characteristic of Kuroiwas translating

practice noted by Graham Law and Morita Norimasa 森田範正 as well as by

Kuroiwa himself (Law and Norimasa 120 Kuroiwa Foreword 3-4) Many details of

the original plot were lost in the retelling What is significant here is that there are

quite some details which are omitted by the Japanese version but which are preserved

in the Chinese rendition and this provides a cogent reason for excluding the Japanese

text in the source-tracing of the Chinese translation Two examples serve to illustrate

my point First the French novel locates the Theacutenardiers tavern in la ruelle du

Boulanger387 in Montfermeil (Hugo LM I 225) which finds its rendition in the

Chinese version as 抱蘭格之巷388 in 莽芬米爾389 (Hei Shi 83) The Japanese text

however makes no mention of this particular lane but narrates the tavern as situated at

386 The Japanese name for Cosette 387 Boulanger Lane 388 Lane of Boulanger 389 A Chinese transliteration of Montfermeil

206

汪多樓ワウタルー

へ行ゆ

く追分路おひわけみち

hellipの所ところ

390 in the town of フアメール391 instead (Kuroiwa

I 50) Not only is it impossible for the Chinese translator to obtain the information of

Boulanger Lane from the Japanese but the mispelled or fragmentary Japanese

transliteration フアメール (phonetically fermeil of Montfermeil) for the town

cannot have been the inspiration for the phonetically adequate transliteration 莽芬米

爾 in the Chinese A second instance is more conspicuous by the absence of any

description about Mrs Theacutenardiers chanting of a popular melody in the Japanese text

Contrastively the presence of the song-humming narration in the Chinese text as well

as in the French and English versions negates the possibility that Hei Shi based his

rendition on Kuroiwas text The above textual evidence serves to substantiate

Hinosugis observation and allows me to exclude the Japanese version from further

consideration

After the exclusion of the Japanese text I would like to follow up on my previous

argument about the French and English versions being likely sources of the Chinese

Tian Liu Er In the First Chapter of the present dissertation I have mentioned several

English versions of Les Miseacuterables including complete translations and partial ones

and some French abridgments in addition to Hugos original novel Here I shall first

make a preliminary screening among the said versions and then conduct an intertextual

comparison between the texts singled out from the initial screening to see if any

lineage is exhibited

To start with the French versions first Hugos original text specifically the 1862

version is without doubt a possible source on which Hei Shis Chinese rendition might

be based Though the presence of the English word Lark in the Chinese text might

hint at an English source more textual evidence is needed for confirmation of this lead

To be on the safe side the French original will be included in my subsequent

comparative exploration Next Husss 1892 excerpted version can also be ruled out for

the reason that the range of the text ie the Second Book of Volume One does not

cover the part treated by the Chinese rendition As for Sumichrasts 1896 truncated

version although its contents cover the book handled by the Chinese translator its

390 (At) the corner of a forked road which leads to Waterloo 391 A mispelled or fragmentary Japanese transliteration of Montfermeil It was replaced with the correct spelling モントフアメール in a modern revised edition of Kuroiwas rendition See Murase Machiu 村瀨巷宇 ed Aamujou 噫無情 [Alas Heartless] Trans Kuroiwa Ruikou 黒岩淚香 By Victor Hugo vol 1 (Tokyo Harushobo はる書房 2005) 52 2 vols

207

narration is too simplified to be the source for the Chinese version For example the

originally detailed account of the process by which Fantine implored the Theacutenardiers

to take care of her daughter is reduced wholesale to a single-sentence summary

Arrive Fantine qui obligeacutee de chercher du travail confle sa petite fille Cosette aux

Theacutenardier malgreacute le prix eacuteleveacute quon lui demande pour sa pension392 (Sumichrast

49) The whole of the Third Chapter in the original book is also summarized in a single

sentence Danneacutee en anneacutee la pauvre petite Cosettemdashque lon appelle lAlouettemdashest

de plus en plus maltraiteacutee par les Theacutenardier 393 (Sumichrast 50) These

simplifications cannot explain the elaborate narration in the corresponding parts of the

Chinese text Therefore Sumichrasts abridgment can be safely excluded from further

consideration Finally the abridged version edited by Douglas Labaree Buffum is out

of the question because it was published three years later than the Chinese translation

and because Hugos Fourth Book of Volume One was totally deleted in this

bowdlerization In a nutshell of the French versions sifted above only Hugos 1862

work is eligible for further intertextual comparison

As far as the English versions are concerned the complete translations which

were published before the appearance of Tian Liu Er in 1905 are all likely sources

for the Chinese translation We have three texts qualifying as full rendition Charles E

Wilbours 1862 translation Isabel F Hapgoods 1887 version and the ca1894

collaborated rendition by William Walton et al Of the partial translations in English

those which cover the three chapters of Book Four of the First Volume are worthy of

further examination because the Chinese text is about the chapters In this regard

Wraxalls 1862 rendition and the 1863 Richmond translation are both probable material

for the Chinese text Another condensed text The Story of Jean Valjean From Victor

Hugos Les Miseacuterables edited by Sara E Wiltse and published in 1897 is a shortened

version of Hapgoods 1887 translation as was mentioned in a previous chapter This

version is not a possible text to inspire the Chinese rendition for to mention just one

instance it prunes away one of the two lyrical couplets hummed by Madame

Theacutenardier whereas the Chinese version has the couplets represented in full To sum up

the above screening process is in favor of the five versions respectively by Wilbour

Hapgood Walton et al Wraxall and Dimitry and A F (the Richmond translation) 392 Fantine arrives Obliged to find a job she entrusts her daughter Cosette to the Theacutenardiers despite the high price they demand for the little girls board and lodging 393 Year after year the poor little Cosettemdashwhom people call the Larkmdashis increasingly maltreated by the Theacutenardiers

208

Together with the French original they will be subjected to my subsequent intertextual

examination

My intertextual comparison exhibits a general tendency of the Chinese text

toward Hapgoods version but the existence of some exceptions seems to point to

other possibilities A few examples that follow will serve to illustrate the complex

results the present study has found Each instance will be tabulated and numbered for

ease of comparison and later reference

Example 1 To begin with the style of presentation of Fantines native town in

abbreviation is worthy of notice We may compare how it is presented respectively in

my selected versions


Mmdash sur Mmdash (LM I 230) Mmdash sur Mmdash (125)


M sur M (LM [1880] I 123) Mmdash sur Mmdash (I 98)


M sur M (I 142) Mmdash sur Mmdash (XII 14)

Chinese (Hei Shi)

M surM (86 91)

The differences in the style of presentation here lie in whether there is a dot or a dash

after the letter M The French contains both each of the English versions has either

of them the Chinese has neither In terms of form and visual impression the

abbreviation with a dash is farther removed from the Chinese than that with a dot

Hence the versions by Wraxall and Hapgood are closer to the Chinese representation

in this first instance However this is no guarantee that the Chinese text is derived

from either of them because the superficial resemblance may due to mere chance

More evidence is needed to increase the probability

Example 2 A second example concerns the description of Madame Theacutenardiers

two childrens and we have the following versions


209

lune denviron deux ans et demi lautre

de dix-huit mois la plus petite dans les bras

de la plus grande 394 (LM I 227)

the smaller eighteen months old

in the lap of the larger who was two

years and a half old (123)


one about two years and a half the other

eighteen months the younger being in the

arms of the elder (LM [1880] I 121)



years and a half old (I 96)


one about two years and a half old

the other eighteen months the younger

in the arms of the other (I 139)

one about two years and a half the

other eighteen months the younger being

in the arms of the elder (XII 9)

Chinese (Hei Shi)

長兒年約二歲有半幼者十八月倚其腕而坐395 (83)

Here in the quotes attention is drawn to the distinctive narration of Wilbours version

and the Richmond translation Whereas the other versions relate the elder daughter of

two and a half years old first Wilbours and the Richmond texts have the description of

the younger child of eighteen months of age precede that of the elder one Besides

with regard to the relative positions of the two daughters only Wilbours and the

Richmond versions depict the young one being in the lap of the older one while in the

other alphabetical versions it is not the lap but the arms in which the younger one was

positioned The Chinese version 腕 (wrist) which is part of the arm is more likely

to derive from the other versions than from Wilbours and the Richmond translations

Example 3 A third instance is drawn from the description of the distance of

Madame Theacutenardier from her daughters as they were on the swing Let us see how this

is narrated in the related versions


394 one about two and a half years old the other eighteen months old the younger in the arms of the older 395 The older was about two and a half years old the younger eighteen months of age was sitting against the wrist of the older

210

Agrave quelques pas accroupie sur le seuil de

lauberge la megravere 396 (LM I 227)

The mother was seated on the sill of

the inn (123)


A few yards off and seated in the inn

door the mother (LM [1880] I 121)


the inn (I 96)


A few paces apart crouching down upon the

threshold of the hostelry the mother (I 140)

A few yards off and seated in the

inn door the mother (XII 9)

Chinese (Hei Shi)

相距數武其母坐門檻上397 (84)

Here Wilbours version as well as the Richmond translation stands out again from the

other texts by failing to mention the distance between mother and daughters Besides

the Chinese narration 相距數武 (a few paces away) bears a rhetorical resemblance

more to the French Agrave quelques pas or Hapgoods A few paces apart than to

Wraxalls and Walton et als A few yards off Hence in this instance Wilbours

Wraxalls Walton et als and the Richmond renditions are the least likely of them all

Example 4 Another example has to do with the depiction of Fantine as she

appeared in front of Madame Theacutenardier It is narrated in the following manner


Une femme eacutetait devant elle agrave quelques

pas Cette femme elle aussi avait un

enfant quelle portait dans ses bras

Elle portait en outre un assez gros sac de

nuit qui semblait fort lourd398 (LM I 228)

A woman was before her at a little

distance she also had a child which

she bore in her arms

She was carrying in addition a large

carpet-bag which seemed heavy (124)


396 A few paces off crouching down on the sill of the tavern the mother 397 A few paces away the mother was sitting on the threshold 398 A woman was before her a few paces away This woman also had a child which she was carrying in her arms She was carrying in additiion a large overnight bag which seemed very heavy

211

A woman was standing a few

paces from her who also had a child

which she was carrying in her arms

She also carried a heavy bag (LM

[1880] I 122)


distance she also had a child which she

bore in her arms


carpet-bag which seemed heavy (I 97)


A woman stood before her a few paces

distant This woman also had a child which

she carried in her arms


carpet-bag which seemed very heavy (I 140)


paces from her This woman also

had a child which she was carrying

in her arms She also carried a

heavy carpet-bag (XII 10-11)

Chinese (Hei Shi)

hellip則一婦人立其旁近不數步彼亦有一兒抱之臂際一手攜一氈製之行

囊其量若甚重者399 (84)

Here about the distance between Fantine and the hostess of the inn Wilbours and the

Richmond translations use the phrase at a little distance whereas all the other

versions adopt the more specific expression a few paces away The Chinese version

近不數步 (no more than a few paces away) is more probably based on the other

versions than on Wilbours and the Richmond translations Moreover the account of

the bag carried by Fantine also reveals something of the relationships between the texts

Wraxalls shortened phrase She also carried a heavy bag lacks the description of the

material of the bag contained in the Chinese text and the heaviness of the bag is

expressed in a different rhetorical manner from the Chinese Walton et als She also

carried a heavy carpet-bag though not short of describing the bags material also

conveys the heaviness of the bag in a different rhetoric from the Chinese The Chinese

rendition 一手攜一氈製之行囊其量若甚重者400 corresponds perfectly to the

other versions not only in semantics but also in rhetoric Also worthy of close scrutiny

is the Chinese term 氈製之行囊 (woolen carpet-bag) Rhetorically speaking this

399 A woman was standing nearby no more than a few paces away She also had a child which she held in her arm In the other arm she carried a woolen carpet-bag which seemed very heavy 400 In the other arm she carried a woolen carpet-bag which seemed very heavy

212

rendition is more likely to derive from the English a large carpet-bag than from the

French un assez gros sac de nuit (a very large overnight bag)

Example 5 The narration of Fantines appearance deserves our extra attention


Elle avait les mains hacircleacutees et toutes

piqueacutees de taches de rousseur lindex

durci et deacutechiqueteacute par laiguille une

Mante brune de laine bourrue une robe

de toile et de gros souliers401 (LM I

229)

Her hands were tanned and spotted with

freckles the forefinger hardened and

pricked with the needle she wore a

coarse brown delaine mantle a calico

dress and large heavy shoes (124)


Her hands were rough and covered with

red spots and her forefinger was

hardened and torn by the needle she had

on a brown cloth cloak a cotton gown

and heavy shoes (LM [1880] I 122)





dress and large heavy shoes (I 97)


Her hands were sunburnt and all dotted

with freckles her forefinger was hardened

and lacerated with the needle she wore a

cloak of coarse brown woollen stuff a

linen gown and coarse shoes (I 141)

Her hands were tanned and covered

with red spots and her forefinger was

hardened and torn by the needle she

had on a brown woolen cloak a cotton

gown and heavy shoes (XII 12)

Chinese (Hei Shi)

渠手多黃斑食指有針痕身著粗惡紫罽之外套加列哥布之上衣曳敝革履

402 (85)

About the mantle Fantine was wearing the Chinese description 粗惡紫罽之外套 (a

coarse purple woollen cloak) may be traceable to any of the cited texts except 401 Her hands were tanned and covered with freckles the forefinger hardened and torn by the needle She wore a coarse brown delaine cloak a linen dress and coarse shoes 402 Her hands were covered with freckles the forefinger dotted with needle marks She wore a coarse purple woollen cloak a calico dress and worn-out (leather) shoes

213

Wraxalls a brown cloth cloak and Walton et als a brown woolen cloak which do

not offer as much information about the material as the Chinese does As regards

Fantines shoes the Chinese 敝革履 (shabby shoes) comes more likely from

Hapgoods coarse shoes than from Wilbours and the Richmonds large heavy shoes

or Wraxalls and Walton et als heavy shoes

So far in the five instances provided above we have found five pieces of evidence

against the Wilbours and the Richmond translations (Examples 1 to 5) three against

Wraxalls text (Examples 3 to 5) three against the version by Walton et al (Examples 3

to 5) and two against the French original (Examples 1 and 4) This means that

Hapgoods version is the most probable source for the Chinese rendition while

Wilbours and the Richmond translations are the least likely ones Hapgoods high

probability also finds support in the treatment of the two lyrical couplets in the First

Chapter of the book Of all the English versions only Hapgoods text and Walton et

als version give the couplets an English translation (Hapgood LM I 140 143 Walton

et al XII 10 16) but evidence against the latter is strong enough to rule out its

possibility of being the major reference material for the Chinese rendition The other

versions do not translate the couplets but present them in the original French (Wilbour

123 126 Dimitry and F I 97 99 Wraxall LM [1880] I 121 124) For the Chinese

translator to render from English Hapgoods text offers the most convenient material

in that no knowledge of the French language is needed to translate the couplets

However despite the great likelihood of Hapgoods version being the source of

the Chinese translation there also exists some textual evidence which points to other

possibilities A salient case is found in Example 5 Noteworthy here is the sketch of

Fantines dress The Chinese text describes Fantine wearing 加列哥布之上衣 Since

the Chinese 加列哥布 is a phonetic transliteration of the word calico Wilbours

and the Richmonds a calico dress is the only one among the above quoted versions

that could provide the model on which the Chinese translator might make the rendition

The other versions whether the French une robe de toile Wraxalls and Walton et

als a cotton gown or Hapgoods a linen gown cannot possibly have led to the

Chinese rendition This finding registers the contradictory result that Wilbours and the

Richmonds texts the least probable sources for the Chinese translator might also play

a part in the formation of the Chinese text In other words Hapgoods translation may

not be the only text to which the Chinese translator referred in the process of

214

rendering

To further compound the problem of the present source-tracing I would like to

draw attention to another piece of material in the Chinese text The former occupation

of Monsieur Theacutenardier is described in the Chinese translation as 軍曹 (sergeant)

in the army (Hei Shi 90) This term belongs to the Japanese system of military ranks It

is intriguing why in the context of the story which has nothing to do with anything

Japanese the Chinese translator should adopt the Japanese title instead of a Chinese

one which could have been 軍人 or 士官 just like soldat and sergent in the

French original or soldier and sergeant in the English versions (Hugo LM I 238

Wilbour 129 Wraxall LM [1880] I 127 Dimitry and F I 102 Hapgood LM I 147

Walton et al XII 23) Here attention is drawn to Kuroiwas Aamujou in which the

tavern-keeper said he used to be a 軍曹ぐんさう

(Kuroiwa I 51) This seems to suggest that

Kuroiwas Japanese version might be among the references consulted by the Chinese

translator even though it was definitely not the major source which inspired the

Chinese rendition

Mention was made earlier in this chapter of the critical speculation that Hei Shi

might be Zhou Zuoren It was also stated in a previous chapter that Zhou Zuoren

incorporates the plot of Claude Gueux into the latter half of his Guer Ji The English

version of Claude Gueux used by Zhou is taken from The Works of Victor Hugo (1896)

an eight-volume collection which found its way to Zhous hands in 1904 This

compilation also includes in the Fourth to Sixth Volumes an English version of Les

Miseacuterables translated by Isabel F Hapgood This piece of information would be a

strong backing for Hapgoods text being the major source of the Chinese traslationmdashif

the Chinese translator was Zhou However there is as yet no ascertaining whether Hei

Shi and Zhou Zuoren are one and the same person Moreover Zhou expressed in a

short piece of writing in 1922 that the eight-volume collection was too bulky and

lengthy for him to read through and that he ended up occasionally flipping through

Claude Gueux and The Last Day of a Condemned Man only403 (Xuexiao Shenghuo

de Yiyie 50) If Zhou had translated Tian Liu Er from Les Miseacuterables why did he

not mention any reading of the novel in the collection other than the above two works

especially when in China back then Les Miseacuterables was too well-known a Western

403 Zhous original Chinese 這是不曾見過的一部大書但是因為太多太長了卻也就不能多

看只有《死囚的末日》和《Claude Gueux》這兩篇時常拿來翻閱

215

novel to be neglected by Zhou who had a copy of it on hand To solve all these

uncertainties would require a more comprehensive research and go beyond the scope

of the present dissertation The purpose of mentioning them here is to underscore the

complexity of the problems related to the source-tracing of Tian Liu Er

All in all my tracing for the Chinese Tian Liu Er points to the possibility of

multiple sources There is some evidence which intimates that the Chinese text might

be based on Hapgoods English version However the question remains on the one

hand why the Chinese translator suddenly turned to the Wilbours or the Richmonds

text for rendition in the case of the calico dress if he adopted Hapgoods version as

his master copy during his translating process and on the other why he chose to

employ the Japanese system of military title for the non-Japanese character in a

non-Japanese context Are the two instances of exception unquestionably indicative of

the translators adoption of different sources The textual evidence I can find is not

numerous enough for me to make any affirmative argument I can only say in

conclusion without negating other possibilities that Hei Shis Tian Liu Er is

probably translated from more than one source that the major source for reference is

probably an English one and that the most probable English source for the Chinese

rendition is Isabel F Hapgoods 1887 version

62 The Two Likely Sources of Guxing Lei

Guxing Lei404 was published in 1907 by the publishing company of Shangwu 商

務 in Shanghai 上海 Written in classical Chinese it is comprised of fifty chapters in

two volumes the First Volume covering Chapter One to Chapter Twenty-one the

Second Volume continuing with the remaining twenty-nine chapters With a total of

309 pages (142 pages in Volume One 167 pages in Volume Two) it was the longest

and most comprehensive translation of Les Miseacuterables in pre-May-Fourth China In

contrast with the single-episode renditions of the other Chinese versions addressed in

the present dissertation Guxing Lei embraces all the major plot lines in the five

volumes of the original novel Of the forty-eight books in the French work forty-one

are treated in the translation The omitted seven books are mostly digressions that are

only tangentially relevant to the main plot including the analytical description of

Napoleons downfall at Waterloo (Book One in Volume Two) the system and practice

404 Literally Tears of a Lone Star

216

of the convent of Petit-Picpus (Book Six in Volume Two) Hugos idiosyncratic view

on the convent system as a whole (Book Seven in Volume Two) Gavroches desertion

and slight by the Theacutenardier couple (Book One in Volume Three) the introduction of

some major criminals who dominated the underworld in Paris from 1830 to 1835

(Book Seven in Volume Three) Hugos point of view on the function and significance

of slang (Book Seven in Volume Four) and Hugos opinion on the significance of the

sewer system to the civilized world (Book Two in Volume Five)

Like most Chinese versions of Les Miseacuterables dealt with in the present

dissertation Guxing Lei is oriented to the plot and the translators strategy is to relate

the story in a concise manner cutting off the minor details and trifles For example the

long passage narrating Bishop Myriels beneficence in exchanging his vast episcopal

palace with the humble small hospital including the conversation between the Bishop

and the director of the hospital in Chapter Two of Book One in Volume One of the

original is summed up in the translation in one sentence only 捨所居室為醫院405

(Guxing Lei I 1) In the original Chapter One of the Second Book in Volume One the

extended and vividly graphic account of Jean Valjeans repeated rejections in the town

of Digne including the scenes at the tavern at the Cross of Colbas at the public house

at the Rue de Chaffaut at a peasants house and at a dogs kennel are also rendered

summarily into a single sentence 尋常社會中皆不納406 (Guxing Lei I 2) However

the Chinese translator does not treat all the original text in so succinct a fashion The

translators typical way of handling a paragraph can be illustrated in the following

instance a scene where the inspector Javert was taking his own life The French

original and the Chinese translation go respectively as follows

Javert demeura [quelques minutes] immobile regardant [cette

ouverture de teacutenegravebres il consideacuterait linvisible avec une fixiteacute qui

ressemblait agrave de lattention] Leau bruissait [Tout agrave coup] il ocircta son

chapeau et le posa sur [le rebord du quai] [Un moment apregraves] une figure

haute et noire [que de loin quelque passant attardeacute eucirct pu prendre pour

un fantocircme] apparut debout [sur le parapet se courba vers la Seine] puis

se redressa et tomba droite dans les teacutenegravebres il y eut un clapotement

sourd [et lombre seule fut dans le secret des convulsions de cette forme

405 He allowed his house to be used as hospital 406 He was not accepted or received by any of the ordinary society

217

obscure disparue sous leau]407 (Hugo LM V 242 brackets added)

hellip茄伐注視不動但知水流滾滾永無息時乃摘帽下置石上

此時第見至長之影向上佇立猛一躍起長影墜入黑潭略有波點

濺起而已嗚呼茄伐竟漫漫長夜不知何時復旦408 (Guxing Lei II

137)

As can be seen from the above quotes the translator gives a rough instead of a full

rendition of the original passage The bracketed texts in French are left out in the

translation which nevertheless sustains the gist of the original paragraph Also

noteworthy is the fact that the concluding clause in the French text is deleted and

replaced in Chinese with a sentence of the translators own invention 嗚呼茄伐竟漫

漫長夜不知何時復旦 From this instance we see that the translator not only deletes

original passages but also adds his own narration in the practice

Brought out in book form Guxing Lei does not show any authorship information

on the covers whether on the front or on the back on the inside or on the outside

However the beginning of the main text contains several introductory sentences

addressed to the reader which offer a glimpse of what the book is about

讀者志之是書篇帙至繁多者情事亦至離奇至慘變者凡世事之弱

肉強食人情之畸善偏惡皆刻畫盡致矣嗟乎鷦巢蝸角登鐵血

之舞台塵網魔淫敗金輪之法相金銀世界中果有此獰惡慘痛晦

塞酷毒之一境耶請述法國大文家囂俄之言矣曰有舊主教麥理爾

者helliphellip409 (Guxing Lei I 1)

From this initial passage can also be known that the author of the story is Hugo

407 Javert remained motionless [for several minutes] gazing [at this opening of shadow he considered the invisible with a fixity that resembled attention] The water roared [All at once] he took off his hat and placed it on [the edge of the quay] [A moment later] a tall black figure [which a belated passer-by in the distance might have taken for a phantom] appeared erect [upon the parapet of the quay bent over towards the Seine] then drew itself up again and fell straight down into the shadows a dull splash followed [and the shadow alone was in the secret of the convulsions of that obscure form which had disappeared beneath the water] (Hapgood LM V 154) 408 Javert remained motionless and fixed on the water that surged endlessly He took off his hat and placed it on a stone At that moment could be seen a very long shadow standing erect then springing up suddenly and falling into the dark pool with only some tiny ripples splashing up Alas Javert joined the eternal darkness just like this without any certainty of ever seeing the light again 409 Dear reader this work is bulky with numerous books and chapters The affairs in the story are extremely intriguing and disastrous encompassing all the jungle-law bullying and victimizing all the goodness and evil in human society Alas rogues and rascals get to have their way to success and power as blackguards and scoundrels continue to corrupt the virtuous society Are there really such hopelessly vile and calamitous situations in the material world Lets listen to what the French literary giant Hugo has to say There used to be a bishop named Myriel

218

rendered as 囂俄 in Chinese Apart from this the information of the translator is

nowhere to be found throughout the book There was a suspicion that Lin Shu 林紓

was the anonymous translator of the bulky work and that the selection of the Chinese

characters 囂俄 as a phonetic representation for the name of the French author

reflected the Fuzhou 福州 dialect which Lin was using However in his Lin Shu

Fanyi Zuopin Kaosuo 林紓翻譯作品考索410 Yu Jiuhong 俞九洪 lists only the

item of Shuangxiong Yisi Lu 雙雄義死錄411 (a rendition of Hugos Quatrevingt-treize)

while introducing Lin Shus translation of Hugo (363) Also in Lin Shu Pingzhuan 林

紓評傳412 by Zhang Juncai 張俊才 Guxing Lei is not included in the enclosed list of

Lin Shus creative writings and translations a list based on Ma Tailais 馬泰來 Lin

Shu Fanyi Zuopin Chuanmu 林紓翻譯作品全目413 In view of the prominence of

Les Miseacuterables Yu and Zhang as well as Ma cannot have missed the item of Guxing

Lei if they had believed Lin Shu to be the translator of the work Moreover Zeng

Jinzhang 曾錦漳 points out unambiguously that it remains uncertain whether Guxing

Lei was translated by Lin Shu (286) And the Japanese scholar Tarumoto Teruo 樽本

照雄 in discussing the origin of the Chinese 囂俄 as a phonetic transliteration of

Hugo states that Lin Shu has nothing to do with 囂俄 (Hugo no Kanyakuna

Xiaoe ni tsuite (Ge) 8) a view which not only directly negates the Chinese

pronunciation of 囂俄 as inspired by the Fuzhou dialect spoken by Lin Shu but also

indirectly suggests that Lin Shu did not translate Les Miseacuterables All in all the critical

consensus tends to doubt the authorship of Lin Shu as the translator of Guxing Lei

With no information whatsoever about the translator the tracing of the source of

Guxing Lei would be a tough and onerous job and one would have to wonder whether

it was rendered from a version of the French the English the Japanese or other

language sources Indeed aside from possible Western sources the publication of

Guxing Lei just one year after Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou was printed separately in

1906 from its previous serialization in Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 easily makes one

suspect a link between the two particularly when both versions share the same feature

unique and unprecendented in their respective time and country of covering the entire 410 Literally Research on Lin Shus Works of Translation 411 Literally Righteous Death of Two Heroes 412 Literally Critical Biography of Lin Shu 413 Literally A Complete List of Lin Shus Works of Translation

219

network of the story lines of Les Miseacuterables However the Roman letters present in the

text of Guxing Lei offer one of the proofs which argue against the possibility of the

lineage between them As illustration the town of Digne is shown as ダイン in the

Japanese version and as D 城 in the Chinese text respectively (Kuroiwa I 1 Guxing

Lei I 1) Fantines hometown Montreuil-sur-Mer is represented as モントリウル by

Kuroiwa and as M 城 by the Chinese translator (Kuroiwa I 55 Guxing Lei I 33)

Judging from the pronunciations of the towns the D and M in the Chinese text do

not sound like phonetic transcriptions of their Japanese counterparts In fact the

Chinese representation of the towns with a Roman letter corresponds to the Western

versions Where the Western texts do not abbreviate the name of a town the Chinese

rendition also skips the letter representation and shifts to a more common way of

phonetic transliteration such as 亞拉斯 for Arras and 忙勿迷 for Montfermeil

(Guxing Lei I 38 14) While 亞拉斯 could be phonetically related to either the

FrenchEnglish Arras or the Japanese アラス (Kuroiwa I 95) 忙勿迷 is more

likely derived from the Western Montfermeil for its phonetic similarity than from the

Japanese モントフアメール (Kuroiwa I 180)

Another more decided instance concerns the Latin passage of a funeral

incantation which is presented in the Chinese text in the following manner

旋聞冷汰幽悽之音為二人相對讀經作拉丁音甚緩略可辨識一

老人音嘽緩一小兒音清銳嘽緩者音作Qui dormiunt in terrae

pulvere evigilabunt alii in vitam aeternam et alii in approbrium ut

videant semper 清銳者音作De profundis 嘽緩者又作Requiem

aeternam donaei [sic] Domine 清銳者又作Et lux perpetua luceat

ei414 (Guxing Lei I 114)

This Latin incantation is present in several English versions as well as in the French

original but is absent in Kuroiwas Aamujou so the Chinese passage cannot have been

rendered from the Japanese Evidence of this kind which serves for the present

research to exclude Kuroiwas text from further consideration is too abundant to be

414 Instantly could be heard some cold and elegiac sound coming draggingly from a duet incantation in Latin Discernibly the slow and steady voice was uttered by an old man the crisp and clear voice was articulated by a child First the slow-voiced went Qui dormiunt in terrae pulvere evigilabunt alii in vitam aeternam et alii in approbrium ut videant semper Then the crisp-voiced responded De profundis The one continued Requiem aeternam donaei [sic] Domine The other followed Et lux perpetua luceat ei

220

recounted here and since no other Japanese versions covered as much content as the

Chinese text at the time we may rest assured that Japanese is not the source of Guxing

Lei

After excluding the Japanese versions we may attend to the Western texts The

Roman letters in the Chinese text may suggest an English or a French source In order

to determine which one is more likely an intertextual comparison among the possible

texts is needed Now again a preliminary screening is to be made before the

intertextual juxtaposition is conducted Hugos French original is without doubt a

probable source to be subjected to further comparative scrutinization Now we shall

turn to the English versions Because Guxing Lei embraces the major network of the

original plot lines in its narration any English version that covers the major story lines

of the French novel be it a complete or partial rendition deserves our close

examination With this judgment criterion in mind the texts by Wilbour Hapgood and

Walton et al respectively are unquestionable candidates for further comparison for

their complete coverage of the French work The almost complete translation by

Wraxall is another likely source to be compared later The slightly abridged versions of

the Richmond translation and Wiltses 1897 text would have qualified as probable

sources for the Chinese text had it not been for the existence of some textual evidence

pointing to the contrary Specifically the Richmond version eliminates the secret note

of insurrection picked up by a carpenter in the original story

Q C D E Apprenez cette liste par coeur Apregraves vous la

deacutechirerez Les hommes admis en feront autant lorsque

vous leur aurez transmis des ordres

Salut et fraterniteacute415

L

u og a fe

Les personnes qui furent alors dans le secret de cette trouvaille nont

connu que plus tard le sous-entendu de ces quatre majuscules

quinturions centurions deacutecurions eacuteclaireurs et le sens de ces lettres u

og a fe qui eacutetait une date et qui voulait dire ce 15 avril 1832 Sous

chaque majuscule eacutetaient inscrits des noms suivis dindications tregraves 415 Learn this list by heart After so doing you will tear it up The men admitted will do the same when you have transmitted their orders to them Health and Fraternity (Hapgood LM IV 26)

221

caracteacuteristiques AinsimdashQ Bannerel 8 fusils 83 cartouches Homme

sucircrmdashC Boubiegravere 1 pistolet 40 cartouchesmdashD Rollet 1 fleuret 1

pistolet 1 livre de poudremdashE Teissier 1 sabre 1 giberne

ExactmdashTerreur 8 fusils Brave etc416 (Hugo LM IV 44)

This note is transcribed in Guxing Lei as follows

Q C D E 此紙牢記後即毀之凡人受允許亦可依此作為然必先

將彼之命令遞去

同胞康健417

U og a fe

凡拾此紙者皆茫然莫知彼四字母之作為後知為第一字者即伍什

長第二字百長第三字什長第四字偵探簽名下數字即一千八

百三十二年四月十五號又每一字下寓有人名並器械之數目及其

人之考語下有略待字樣418 (Guxing Lei II 42)

Since the absence of the note in the Richmond text cannot explain its presence in the

Chinese version the Richmond translation can be safely ruled out from further

intertextual comparison As for Wiltses 1897 text attention is drawn to a passage

where Cosette unsuccessfully lied to a pedler guest about the watering of his horse

All at once one of the pedlers who lodged in the hostelry entered and

said in a harsh voicemdash

My horse has not been watered

Yes it has said Madame Thenardier

I tell you that it has not retorted the pedler

Cosette had emerged from under the table

Oh yes sir said she the horse has had a drink he drank out of a

bucket a whole bucketful and it was I who took the water to him and I

416 It was only later on that the persons who were in the secret of this find at the time learned the significance of those four capital letters quinturions centurions decurions eclaireurs [scouts] and the sense of the letters u og a fe which was a date and meant April 15th 1832 Under each capital letter were inscribed names followed by very characteristic notes Thus Q Bannerel 8 guns 83 cartridges A safe manmdashC Boubiere 1 pistol 40 cartridgesmdashD Rollet 1 foil 1 pistol 1 pound of powdermdashE Tessier 1 sword 1 cartridge-box ExactmdashTerreur 8 guns Brave etc (Hapgood LM IV 26) 417 Tear up this note after learning it by heart Those who are admitted can also follow suit on condition that they be given the orders first Health to Our People 418 Those who picked up this note did not know what the four letters meant Only later did they realize they represented quinturions centurions decurions and scouts respectively Those under the ending formula stood for the date of April 15 1832 with each letter connoting a name an epithet of the person and the number of weapons followed by the mark of and others

222

spoke to him

It was not true Cosette lied

[Theres a brat as big as my fist who tells lies as big as the house

exclaimed the pedler] I tell you that he has not been watered you little

jade He has a way of blowing when he has had no water which I know

well (Hapgood LM II 75-76 Wiltse 306-307 brackets added)

As has been pointed out previously Wiltses version is a truncated text from Hapgoods

translation The bracketed words in the quotes are existent in Hapgoods original copy

but erased in Wiltses revision A counterpart passage can be found in the Chinese

version which runs like this

忽一客至庭中厲聲問曰飲馬否主婦答曰業飲之客曰吾知

其未飲卡失出語客曰實已飲矣且一巨桶是小奴所手飲者客

曰爾身小如拳不意敢大言起空中樓閣欲誑我我告爾確知此

馬未飲因喘氣可證419 (Guxing Lei I 72)

What deserves attention here is the simile used by the guest to scold Cosette for her

lies in the Chinese version 爾身小如拳不意敢大言起空中樓閣 which harks back

to Hapgoods expression Theres a brat as big as my fist who tells lies as big as the

house Because this sentence is deleted in Wiltses version it cannot have been the

source of the Chinese translation Therefore Wiltses 1897 text can be excluded from

further consideration

The initial screening conducted above leaves us with five candidate texts for

further comparison Hugos French original and Wilbours Wraxalls Hapgoods and

Walton et als English versions Juxtaposing them with the Chinese text I find

contradictory results To begin with there are instances where more than one version

appears possible For ease of reference each example that ensues will be numbered

Example 1 Regarding how Cosette was treated in the house of the Theacutenardiers

we have the following narrations


On la nourrit des restes de tout le monde un They fed her on the orts and ends a

419 Suddenly a guest came to the hall and asked harshly Has my horse had water The hostess replied Yes it has The guest retorted I know it has not Cosette chimed in Yes it really has It drank out of a huge bucket It was I who took the water to it The guest protested Youre as small as a fist and yet you dare tell big lies like building castles in the air I tell you my horse has not been watered Im pretty sure of this because I know it from its manner of breathing

223

peu mieux que le chien et un peu plus mal

que le chat Le chat et le chien eacutetaient du

reste ses commensaux habituels Cosette

mangeait avec eux sous la table dans une

eacutecuelle de bois pareille agrave la leur (LM I 240)

little better than the dog and a little

worse than the cat The dog and cat

were her messmates Cosette ate with

them under the table in a wooden dish

like theirs (130)

English (Lascelles Wraxall) English (Isabel F Hapgood)

She was fed on the leavings of

everybody a little better than the dog

and a little worse than the cat Dog and

cat were her usual company at dinner

for Cosette ate with them under the

table off a wooden trencher like theirs

(LM [1880] I 128)

They fed her on what all the rest had

leftmdasha little better than the dog a little

worse than the cat Moreover the cat and

the dog were her habitual

table-companions Cosette ate with them

under the table from a wooden bowl

similar to theirs (I 148)

English (William Walton et al) Chinese (Guxing Lei)

She was fed on the leavings of everybody a little better

than the dog a little worse than the cat Dog and cat were

moreover her usual company at dinner for Cosette ate

with them under the table off a wooden trencher like

theirs (XII 26)

食以殘羹甚至投穢置

濁狗彘所不食者強

以果腹與木碗一與

畜類雜處420 (I 16)

Here attention is drawn to the utensil with which Cosette had her food The Chinese

木碗 bears more resemblance to the French eacutecuelle de bois421 and Hapgoods

wooden bowl than to Wilbours wooden dish and Wraxalls and Walton et als

wooden trencher because the French and Hapgoods versions as well as the Chinese

speak about a bowl whereas Wilbours Wraxalls and Walton et als texts present the

concept of a plate So here we have two likely texts between which the present study

cannot decide for now Moreover although the other three versions are less likely to

inspire the Chinese rendition their possibility cannot be denied altogether After all

plate and bowl are so closely associated as likely to be interchanged in translation

420 They fed her on leftover food and soups and to quench her hunger she even took dirty things which even dogs and pigs did not eat With a wooden bowl in hand she was in the company of animals 421 wooden bowl

224

Example 2 Another instance has to do with the cause of the fight between

Fantine and Bamatabois The texts concerned are as follows


loisif se baissa prit sur le paveacute une

poigneacutee de neige et la lui plongea

brusquement dans le dos entre ses deux

eacutepaules nues (LM I 293)

[The loafer] stooped down seized a

handful of snow from the side walk and

threw it hastily into her back between her

naked shoulders (159)


he stooped to pick up a handful of

snow and suddenly plunged it

between her bare shoulders (LM

[1880] I 153)

he bent down picked up a handful of

snow from the pavement and thrust it

abruptly into her back between her bare

shoulders (I 180)


he stooped to pick up a handful of snow and suddenly

plunged it between her bare shoulders (XII 93)

少年乃俯身摶雪片

納女頸中422 (I 28)

With respect to the spot where the snow was planted the Chinese 頸中 with the 中

embracing the sense of both in and between can possibly be rendered from the

French dans le dos entre ses deux eacutepaules nues Wilbours into her back between her

naked shoulders or Hapgoods into her back between her bare shoulders Wraxalls

and Walton et als between her bare shoulders is less likely compared with the others

for its simplified rendition However this reason is not sufficient to exclude the

possibility of the two versions

Example 3 The next example is about a description of an underground society in

Paris which is expressed in the following manners


il y avait agrave Paris entre autres

affiliations de ce genre la socieacuteteacute

des Amis de lA B C

Queacutetait-ce que les Amis de lA B

there was in Paris among other

affiliations of this kind the Society of the

Friends of the A B C

Who were the Friends of the A B C A

422 The young man bent down picked up a handful of snow which he rolled in a ball and plunged it in the neck of the girl

225

C une socieacuteteacute ayant pour but en

apparence leacuteducation des enfants

en reacutealiteacute le redressement des

hommes

On se deacuteclarait les amis de lA B

CmdashLAbaisseacute ceacutetait le peuple On

voulait le relever (LM III 115)

society having as its aim in appearance the

education of children in reality the elevation

of men

They declared themselves the Friends of the

A B C The abaisseacute [the abased] were the

people They wished to raise them up [A B C

in French is pronounced ah-bay-say exactly

like the French word abaisseacute]423 (546-47)


and there was at Paris among

other affiliations of this nature the

society of the friends of the A B C

Who were the friends of the A B

C A society whose ostensible

object was the education of

children but the real one the

elevation of men They called

themselves friends of the A B C

and the people were the Abaisseacutes

whom they wished to raise (LM

[1880] I 480)

there existed at Paris among other

affiliations of that nature the society of the


What were these Friends of the A B C A

society which had for its object apparently the


of man

They declared themselves the Friends of

the A B Cmdashthe Abaisseacutemdashthe debasedmdashthat

is to say the people They wished to elevate

the people (III 66)


and there was at Paris among other affiliations of this

nature the society of the Friends of the A B C

Who were the friends of the A B C a society having for

its aim in appearance the education of children in reality

the elevation of men

巴黎秘密會黨不一

皆草創未成立一名

ABC（法名挨排雖

意為極卑下）友會

423 The bracketd text is an explanatory note provided by the English translator In Wilbours original text the remark is placed at the bottom of the page as footnote Here we put it right after the quote to make for easy comparison

226

They called themselves Friends of the A B C The

Abaisseacute were the people They wished to elevate them

(XV 158-59)

者此會宗旨專養

成少年高尚人格424

(I 129)

Here the treatment of the name of the society deserves our attention The French pun in

the title of the society which results from the identical pronunciation between A B C

and Abaisseacute is lost if pronounced in any of the other languages here The Chinese

translator makes up for this loss by adding a parenthetical note explaining the names

pronunciation and significance in French This addition may be due to the translators

attempt at clarification in rendering from the French It may also stem from Wilbours

text as Wilbour provides a footnote explicating the French pronunciation and meaning

of A B C and Abaisseacute a practice which is in concert with the Chinese translators

Hapgoods text which elucidates to the reader the meaning of Abaisseacute as the debased

without pointing out the play in French pronunciation may also be another possible

source for the Chinese renditioin Wraxalls version is the least likely of all the texts

discussed here to be the source for the Chinese version in that it does not offer any

clarification for the word play except through context and also in that it is the only

version which attaches a dot to each of the three letters A B C as opposed to the other

versions including the Chinese which place no dots after the letters The version by

Walton et al like Wraxalls translation does not provide any explanatory remark for

the original pun and so is less likely than the French original Wilbours text and

Hapgoods version to be the model on which the Chinese rendition was based

The three instances above perplex us with multiple possibilities without definitely

dismissing any specific text as absolutely impossible By comparison the following

two cases display more robust evidence against Wraxalls version

Example 4 Regarding the place where Cosette sat in the house of the

Theacutenardiers the following passages are worth comparing


Cosette eacutetait agrave sa place ordinaire assise

sur la traverse de la table de cuisine pregraves

de la chemineacutee Elle eacutetait en haillons

elle avait ses pieds nus dans des sabots

Cosette was at her usual place seated on

the cross-piece of the kitchen table near

the fire-place she was clad in rags her

bare feet were in wooden shoes and by

424 There were different kinds of secret societies in Paris most of which were in their embryonic stage of development A soeciety called The Friends of the A B C (Ai-pai-sui in French which means extremely lowly) had for its aim the cultivation of moral integrity in young people

227

et elle tricotait agrave la lueur du feu des bas

de laine destineacutes aux petites Theacutenardier

Un tout jeune chat jouait sous les

chaises (LM II 120)

the light of the fire she was knitting

woolen stockings for the little

Thenardiers A young kitten was playing

under the chairs (319)


Cosette was seated at her usual place the

crossbar of the table near the chimney

she was in rags her bare feet were thrust

into wooden shoes and she was knitting

by the firelight stockings intended for the

young Thenardiers Two merry children

could be heard laughing and prattling in

an adjoining room ( LM [1880] I

292)

Cosette was in her usual place seated

on the cross-bar of the kitchen table

near the chimney She was in rags her

bare feet were thrust into wooden shoes

and by the firelight she was engaged in

knitting woollen stockings destined for

the young Thenardiers A very young

kitten was playing about among the

chairs (II 69)


Cosette was at her usual place the cross bar of the

kitchen table near the chimney she was in rags her bare

feet were thrust into wooden shoes and she was knitting

by the fire-light woolen stockings for the little

Theacutenardiers A young kitten was playing under the

chairs (XIII 160)

卡失伏爨下一小几旁

敝衣跣足借火鑪餘

光為主人子結絨襪

一雛貓戲足下425 (I

69)

Notice here what the table where Cosette sat was near to The Chinese text describes a

fire stove (爨) beneath which lay the table where Cosette crouched The fire stove

may have been translated from the French chemineacutee or Wilbours fire-place

Comparatively the word chimney used by Wraxall Hapgood and Walton et al is

less likely to inspire the Chinese translator with fire stove for the reason that it is

usually understood in Chinese as 煙囪 which is somewhat distinct from fire stove

Although this judgment cannot completely negate the possibility of Wraxalls

Hapgoods and Walton et als translations being the textual model on which the 425 Cosette crouched at a small table beneath the fire stove ragged and barefooted knitting woolen stockings for the children of her masters by the light of the fire A kitten was playing about her feet

228

Chinese text was based another piece of evidence here serves to argue against

Wraxalls version The Chinese text narrates a kitten playing about Cosettes feet All

the Western versions contain a similar narration with the exception of Wraxalls

version The absence of a cat playing around here in Wraxalls text cannot account for

the Chinese texts inclusion of its description Thus it is rather unlikely that the

Chinese Les Miseacuterables was rendered from Wraxalls version Wraxalls unlikelikhood

is further strengthened by another example that follows

Example 5 Earlier when my inquiry proposed to exclude the Richmond

translation from consideration the secret note of insurrection was cited as evidence

Here a return to this note is needed and I shall focus my discussion on the boxed text





L

u og a fe

(Hugo LM IV 44)

Attention here is drawn to the letters at the bottom of the box The versions by Wilbour

and Hapgood as well as the Chinese text conform to the French original in presenting

u og a fe at the end of the boxed message (Wilbour 714 Hapgood LM IV 26

Guxing Lei II 42) By contrast in Wraxalls version the note in the box ends with u

og al fe Noticeably the division of the letters into four units with four added dots

and the misrepresented al in place of the original a in the third unit are what

separates Wraxalls text from the other versions The version by Walton et al u og a

fe (XVII 59) which corrects Wraxalls misprinted al but still retains the dots in

each of the four units is also less likely to be the model for the Chinese text than

Wilbours and Hapgoods translations as well as the French work Like the previous

instance this example also provides ample evidece against Wraxalls translation The

possibility of the rendition by Walton et al is also decreased considerably

After showing the unlikehood of Wraxalls text and Walton et als version I have

some evidence in favor of Wilbours version The following three examples are 426 Learn this list by heart After so doing you will tear it up The men admitted will do the same when you have transmitted their orders to them Health and Fraternity (Hapgood LM IV 26)

229

sufficient to make my point

Example 6 The sobriquets endowed on Jean Valjean and Cosette by Courfeyrac

serve to shed some light on the relationship of the Chinese text with the other versions


Frappeacute uniquement de la robe de la

petite et des cheveux du vieux il avait

appeleacute la fille mademoiselle Lanoire et

le pegravere monsieur Leblanc si bien que

personne ne les connaissant dailleurs

en labsence du nom le surnom avait

fait loi (LM III 197)

Struck especially by the dress of the little

girl and the hair of the old man he had

named the daughter Mademoiselle

Lanoire [Black] and the father Monsieur

Leblanc [White] and so as nobody knew

them otherwise in the absence of a name

this surname had become fixed (592)


Being solely struck by the dress of the girl

and the old mans hair he christened the

former Mlle Lanoire and the father

Monsieur Leblanc so that as no one

knew them otherwise this name adhered

to them in the absence of a better one

(LM [1880] I 522-23)

Impressed solely with the childs gown

and the old mans hair he had dubbed

the daughter Mademoiselle Lanoire and

the father Monsieur Leblanc so that as

no one knew them under any other title

this nickname became a law in the

default of any other name (III 117)


Being solely struck by the dress of the girl and the

old mans hair he christened the former

Mademoiselle Lanoire and the father Monsieur

Leblanc so that as no one knew them otherwise and

in the absence of a better one this name stuck to

them (XVI 11-12)

［買哩］以女子黑服即隱

名之曰黎拿（黑意）令孃

老人華顛則曰黎不來（白

意）以不知姓名故作此

記憶語427 (I 136-37)

The Chinese translators mistaking Marius for the sobriquet-giver aside what is

noteworthy here is that the parenthetical notes 黑意 and 白意 added immediately

after the sobriquets in the Chinese text are in accord with Wilbours bracketed remarks

427 [Marius] called her Miss Lanoire (meaning black) secretly in his mind after the black dress she wore The white-haired old man was given the nickname of Leblanc (meaning white) As he did not know their names the sobriquets made for easy remembrance

230

Black and White Although this likeness between Wilbours text and the Chinese

rendition does not preclude the possibility of the other texts being the source for the

Chinese the ensuing two instances will strengthen the plausibility of Wilbours text as

the most probable source which inspired the Chinese rendition

Example 7 Now we turn to the court scene in Arras where Jean Valjean testified

before the judges and audience against himself in an effort to rescue Jean Mathieu

from suffering legal injustice for his sake Among the addresses made by Jean Valjean

to the three convicts to prove his true identity the speech directed to Chenildieu is

worthy of scrutiny


mdashChenildieu qui te surnommais

toi-mecircme Je-nie-Dieu tu as toute leacutepaule

droite brucircleacutee profondeacutement parce que tu

tes coucheacute un jour leacutepaule sur un reacutechaud

plein de braise pour effacer les trois lettres

T F P quon y voit toujours cependant

Reacuteponds est-ce vrai (LM I 427)

Chenildieu surnamed by yourself

Je-nie-Dieu the whole of your left

shoulder has been burned deeply from

laying it one day on a chafing dish full

of embers to efface the three letters T

F P which yet are still to be seen

there Answer me is this true (235)


Chenildieu you have a deep burn

in your right shoulder because you

placed it one day in a pan of

charcoal in order to efface the three

letters T F P which however are

still visible Answer memdashis it so

(LM [1880] I 220-21)

Chenildieu you who conferred on

yourself the name of Jenie-Dieu your whole

right shoulder bears a deep burn because you

one day laid your shoulder against the

chafing-dish full of coals in order to efface

the three letters T F P which are still visible

nevertheless answer is this true (I 266-67)


Chenildieu nicknamed by yourself Je-nie-Dieu

you have the whole of your right shoulder burned

deeply because you placed it one day in a brazier of

live coals in order to efface the three letters T F P

which however are still visible Answer memdashis it

爾名己所定否爾曾記左

臂有 TEP 三字耶旋圖滅

迹將暖鍋餘燼着肉燙

烙至今結癥猶在有此事

231

so 否428 (Guxing Lei I 54)

Despite the typo of TEP which should have been TFP in the Chinese text what is

remarkable here is the spot where the mark T F P was situated The Chinese version

locates it on the left arm which is apparently inherited from Wilbours left shoulder

The other versions are unlikely to inspire the Chinese text because all of them

delineate the spot to be on the right shoulder Also the Chinese 餘燼 is clearly a

rendition of the word embers which can be found only in Wilbours version Hence

the derivation of the Chinese version from Wilbour is more certain here than in the

previous example and the French and Hapgoods texts as well as the versions by

Wraxall and Walton et al are out of the question here

Example 8 Still another instance in favor of Wilbour depicts the incident in

which Jean Valjean dropped a handkerchief which was picked up by Marius We have

the following versions for comparison


Un soir agrave la brune il avait trouveacute sur le

banc que laquoM Leblanc et sa filleraquo

venaient de quitter un mouchoir Un

mouchoir tout simple et sans broderie

mais blanc fin et qui lui parut exhaler

des senteurs ineffables Il sen empara

avec transport Ce mouchoir eacutetait

marqueacute des lettres U F Marius ne

savait rien de cette belle enfant ni sa

famille ni son nom ni sa demeure ces

deux lettres eacutetaient la premiegravere chose

delle quil saisissait adorables initiales

sur lesquelles il commenccedila tout de suite

agrave construire son eacutechafaudage U eacutetait

eacutevidemment le preacutenom Ursule

pensa-t-il quel deacutelicieux nom (LM III

215-16)

One night at dusk he found on the seat

which M Leblanc and his daughter had

just left a handkerchief a plain

handkerchief without embroidery but

white fine and which appeared to him to

exhale ineffable odours He seized it in

transport This handkerchief was marked

with the letters U F Marius knew

nothing of this beautiful girl neither her

family nor her name nor her dwelling

these two letters were the first thing he

had caught of her adorable initials upon

which he began straightway to build his

castle It was evidently her first name

Ursula thought he what a sweet name

(601)

428 Your name was given by yourself right You once bore the mark of TEP on your left arm and then in order to efface it you suffered your flesh to be burned on a chafing dish full of embers Now the mark is still there Is this true

232


One evening at twilight he found on the

bench which M Leblanc and his

daughter had just quitted a simple

unembroidered handkerchief which

however was white and pure and

seemed to him to exhale ineffable

odors He seized it with transport and

noticed that it was marked with the

letters U F Marius knew nothing about

the lovely girl neither her family her

name nor her abode these two letters

were the first thing of hers which he

seized adorable initials upon which he

at once begun to erect his scaffolding

U was evidently the Christian name

Ursule he thought what a delicious

name (LM [1880] I 531)

One evening at dusk he had found on

the bench which M Leblanc and his

daughter had just quitted a handkerchief

a very simple handkerchief without

embroidery but white and fine and

which seemed to him to exhale ineffable

perfume He seized it with rapture This

handkerchief was marked with the letters

U F Marius knew nothing about this

beautiful childmdashneither her family name

her Christian name nor her abode these

two letters were the first thing of her that

he had gained possession of adorable

initials upon which he immediately began

to construct his scaffolding U was

evidently the Christian name Ursule he

thought what a delicious name (III

128)


One evening at twilight he found on the bench

which Monsieur Leblanc and his daughter had

just quitted a handkerchief a simple

unembroidered handkerchief but white and fine

and which seemed to him to exhale ineffable

odors He seized it with transport This

handkerchief was marked with the letters U F

Marius knew nothing about this lovely girl neither

一日停429晚黎不來已去似

剛離坐者坐處有一物忽觸眼

簾拾視則一細布白色之

帕殊樸素不類少女所攜

急注視之喜極欲躍帕角有

字作 UE430自思此女雖覿面

已久未免有情然姓氏里居

429 The character 停 here is obviously a typo for 傍 which when combined with the next character 晚 forms the phrase meaning evening or dusk 430 The letters UE here are a typo for UF When they reappear in page 34 in the second volume of Guxing Lei they are the correct UF

233

her family nor her name nor her abode these two

letters were the first thing of hers which he had

become possessed of adorable initials upon which

he at once begun to erect his scaffolding U was

evidently the Christian name Ursule thought he

what a delicious name (XVI 35)

毫未知悉今既得此帕上二

字其為此女之名縮書無疑

乃以意足成之謂此定為

Ursula 婀秀蘭自詫曰是名

至美頗稱其人431 (I 140)

What is noteworthy here is the supposed name represented by the letter U The

Chinese translation contains the English spelling Ursula which turns out to be a vital

clue for its heritage Among the Western texts only Wilbours version spells the name

in the same way as the Chinese text In all the other versions including the French

original it is Ursule instead Thus here in this case the Chinese text is rendered

undoubtedly from Wilbours text and the other versions can be dismissed as unlikely

So far the instances provided above seem to point unequivocally to Wilbours

version as the indisputable source for the Chinese rendition However the question of

source-tracing for Guxing Lei is not so simple The lineage between Wilbours version

and the Chinese rendition would have been established based on the preceding

instances had it not been for the existence of some other clues which powerfully argue

to the contrary The following two examples serve to illustrate the contradictory

phenomenon the present research is facing here

Example 9 The scene outside the court room in Arras where Jean Valjean alias

Madeleine arrived after a long journey involves a clue worth noticing and comparing

The versions concerned are cited as follows


Un huissier se tenait debout pregraves de la

porte qui communiquait avec la salle des

assises Il demanda agrave cet huissier

mdashMonsieur la porte va-t-elle bientocirct

souvrir (LM I 398)

An officer stood near the door which

opened into the courtroom He asked this

officer

Monsieur will the door be opened

soon (219)

431 One evening Leblanc seemed to have left just now and something on the bench where Leblanc had sat caught his eye Picking it up he [Marius] saw a white delaine handkerchief its pattern so simple and plain that it did not look like girls stuff As he examined it he almost jumped up in rapture for there on a corner of the handkerchief were marked the letters UF He thought to himself that although he had encountered the girl numerous times and a fond feeling had grown in him for her he had never been able to know her name and address Now that he had the handkerchief in hand the letters had to be the abbreviation of her names without doubt By his judgment he believed that the letter U stood for Ursula a name so surprisingly beautiful that to him it fitted her person perfectly

234


An usher was standing near the

door communicating with the court and

he asked himmdash

Will this door be opened soon (LM

[1880] I 205)

An usher stood at the door

communicating with the hall of the

Assizes He inquired of this ushermdash

Will the door be opened soon sir

(I 248)


A court officer was standing near the door

communicating with the court room and he asked him

Will this door be opened soon (XII 227)

末特里徐至門側問閽

者曰門以何時啟432

(I 48)

The one at the door whom Jean Valjean addressed is according to the Chinese version

a 閽者 (usher) This reflects either the French huissier or Hapgoods usher

Wilbours officer or Walton et als court officer is the least likely to induce the

Chinese translator to come up with 閽者 Wilbours unlikelihood is even more

plausible if we look at the next example

Example 10 In providing the historical background for the 1832 insurrections

narrated in Les Miseacuterables Hugo elaborates on the importance of the endorsement of

fact by right and mentions as illustration a historical figure which offers a vital clue to

the present source-tracing The relevant texts involve the following citations


Si lon veut constater dun coup agrave quel

degreacute de laideur le fait peut arriver vu agrave

la distance des siegravecles quon regarde

Machiavel Machiavel ce nest point un

mauvais geacutenie ni un deacutemon ni un

eacutecrivain lacircche et miseacuterable ce nest rien

que le fait Et ce nest pas seulement le

fait italien cest le fait europeacuteen le fait

du seiziegraveme siegravecle (LM IV 12)

If you would ascertain at once what

degree of ugliness the fact may reach

seen in the distance of the centuries look

at Machiavel Machiavel is not an evil

genius nor a demon nor a cowardly and

miserable writer he is nothing but the

fact And he is not merely the Italian fact

he is the European fact the fact of the

sixteenth century (697)

432 Madeleine approached the door slowly and asked the usher When will this door be opened

235


If we wish to discover at one glance what

a degree of ugliness fact can attain when

looked at through the distance of

centuries let us regard Machiavelli He is

not an evil genius a demon or a

cowardly and servile writer he is nothing

but the fact and not merely the Italian

fact but the European fact the fact of the

sixteenth century (LM [1880] II 615)

If one desires to learn at one blow to

what degree of hideousness the fact can

attain viewed at the distance of

centuries let him look at Machiavelli

Machiavelli is not an evil genius nor a

demon nor a miserable and cowardly

writer he is nothing but the fact And he

is not only the Italian fact he is the

European fact the fact of the sixteenth

century (IV 5-6)


If we wish to discover at a glance to what a degree of

ugliness fact can attain when looked at through the

distance of centuries let us regard Machiavelli

Machiavelli is not an evil genius nor a demon nor a

cowardly and servile writer he is nothing but the fact

And he is not only the Italian fact but the European

fact the fact of the sixteenth century (XVII 18)

試觀歷史上墨基亞佛利

MACHIAVELLI 為人非

無學無膽識者也其事

實足代表義大利全國

且足代表歐洲全土更及

十六世紀之全世界 433

(II 40)

Conspicuously the Chinese text offers the original spelling of the transliterated name

墨基亞佛利 as MACHIAVELLI Intriguingly this name is spelled Machiavel

which is an alternative spelling of Machiavelli in the French and Wilbours versions

The other three English renditions spell the name in the same way as the Chinese text

does Coupled with the precedent Example 9 this fact recognizes Hapgoods version as

the most probable source for the Chinese translation while dismissing as impossible

Wilbours text as well as the French original Bewilderingly this conclusion is in

contradiction with what is obtained from Examples 6 7 and 8

To sum up in tracing the source of the Chinese Les Miseacuterables my study has

433 Lets see for example the historical Machiavelli a learned and undaunted figure whose fact represented the whole Italy the whole European Continent even the whole world in the sixteenth century

236

found the contradictory phenomenon where the textual clues point to two equally

plausible sources Wilbour and Hapgood As for the French original it is rather

unlikely to be the master copy of the Chinese renditionmdashfor reasons stated as follows

First none of the ten instances illustrated above underscores the French text as the sole

possibility Where the French original appears probable there is concurrently at least

one other version which shows the same probability as in Examples 1 to 5 Besides

when Wilbour or Hapgood stands out as the only possible source as in Examples 7 to

10 the French text is crossed out at the same time Still another reason has to do with

the translation of the Society of the Friends of the A B C In Example 3 after rendering

the name of the affiliation the Chinese translator attaches a parenthetical remark right

after it to explain how ABC is pronounced in French The Chinese 挨排雖

(pronounced ai pai sui in the Pinyin system) apparently a phonetic transliteration of

the three letters seems to betray the translators ignorance of the French pronunciation

for 挨排雖 is phonetically far removed from the French ABC A closer phonetic

representation would have been a bei sui (transcribable as the Chinese characters 阿

悲雖 among other possibilities) or a bei xie (transcribable as 阿悲些 among

other possibilities) and what not The phonetic transcription of 挨排雖 may have

resulted from Wilbours explicative remarks of ah-bay-say and abaisseacute

mispronounced by the Chinese translator Therefore the present thesis deems it less

than likely for Hugos French text to be the model for the Chinese translation

The question remains as to what source the Chinese translator drew on for

rendition of Guxing Lei The intertextual juxtapositions in the ten examples above

seem to indicate more than one source as is evidenced by the equal probability of

Wilbour and Hapgood Another fact worth mentioning here is that the Chinese text is

loaded with numerous inconsistencies For example Bishop Myriel is rendered mostly

as 麥理爾 (I 1) but sometimes as 末利而 (I 19) which easily causes the reader to

suspect that they may not be the same person The protagonist Jean Valjean is

translated for the most part as 服爾基 (I 3) but at one time as 伏爾基 (I 50) the

latter involving a typo Fantines hometown Montreuil-sur-mer is transcribed first as

N 城 (I 17) and then as M 城 (I 33) the former being obviously a misprint The

Latin quarter in Paris is first described as 拉丁 (I 129) and then as 臘丁區 (II 43

85) and so it is definitely hard for the reader to take them as signifying one and the

same district

237

Apart from the above incongruities one last instance concerns the epithet of

Alouette (Lark) bestowed on Cosette by people in Montfermeil In the original

story the epithet first appears in the Fourth Book of Volume One when Cosette got

this nickname for her suffering in the house of the Theacutenardiers to whose care Fantine

had entrusted her Then this appellation surfaces again in the following situations in

the Fifth Book of the First Volume when Cosette was used by the Theacutenardiers as a

means to swindle as much money as possible out of Fantine in Book Six of the same

volume when the Theacutenardiers received a letter from Jean Valjean asking them to

return Cosette to her mother in the Third Book of the Second Volume when Cosette

encountered a woman on her way to the forest spring for a bucketful of water also in

the Third Book of the Second Volume when the Theacutenardiers were acting in front of

their patron Jean Valjean about the economical burden which Cosette inflicted on them

in Book Five of Volume Two when Javert made a trip to Montfermeil to pick up clues

about Jean Valjean who had previously taken away Cosette from the hands of the

Theacutenardiers Later in Book Eight of Volume Three this epithet is once more alluded to

by the male Theacutenardier as he tried to extort money from his prisoner Jean Valjean who

was then tied to a bed in Theacutenardiers hovel The Chinese text omits translation of the

epithet in its inceptive emergence and does not mention anything about the nickname

during its serveral occurrences enumerated above in the original in the meantime until

at the scene where Jean Valjean fell in the hands of the Theacutenardiers when Cosette was

referred to as 百靈鳥434 (II 33) Without any prior introduction to Cosette as so

nicknamed the abrupt appearance of this sobriquet here in the Chinese text is

somewhat puzzling to the reader This problem could have been avoided if the epithet

had been translated in its first occurrence The inconsistent treatment of the nickname

seems to hint at the possibility that at the time of handling 百靈鳥 the Chinese

translator was unconscious of the previous presences of the epithet

What is implied in all the inconsistencies illustrated above Are they simply due

to the translators inattention a momentary laspe of concentration Or do they suggest

that more than one translator was involved in the undertaking that the translation was

a team work poorly coordinated These questions are also complicated by the

consideration of the contradictory results in my source-tracing Without further clues

and evidence the present dissertation is unable to answer any of the posed questions

434 Literally Lark

238

for sure Here I can only conclude tentatively that the Chinese version of Guxing Lei is

probably translated from an English source with Wilbours and Hapgoods texts as the

most likely among other possible sources

63 The Difficulty of Source-tracing in Guai Ke Insufficient Textual Evidence

Xiao Zongs Guai Ke435 was published in 1916 in the number 28 issue of

Xiaoshuo Shibao436 小說時報 Written in the vernacular language the translation

deals with the part of Les Miseacuterables where Jean Valjean went to Montfermeil to bring

Cosette back from the hands of the Theacutenardiers Of the eleven chapters in the Third

Book of Volume Two which cover the part the translator leaves completely untreated

Chapter Ten which narrates Theacutenardiers act of running after Jean Valjean and Cosette

in an attempt to extort more money from the old man whom he had allowed to take

away the girl on a payment of 1500 francs Like the other Chinese translations

addressed in the present dissertation the rendition of Guai Ke is oriented to plot and

focused on the major story line Minor details minute descriptions and wandering

digressions in the original are omitted by the translator resulting in a version that is

condensed and coherent Examples of the deleted passages include the inconvenience

of water supply in Montfermeil in the original Chapter One the physical and

personality traits of the Theacutenardier couple in the Second Chapter Jean Valjeans prior

journey from Paris to Montfermeil in Chapter Six and what not

The employment of the vernacular as linguistic media enables the Chinese

translator to draw on the rich repertoire of colloquialisms to enrich the narrative flavor

For instance the original story has Cosette stopping to gaze in admiration at the

magnificent doll in the toy shop on her way to the spring in the forest and the

narration goes elle ne put sempecirccher de lever les yeux sur cette prodigieuse

poupeacutee437 (Hugo LM II 133) The counterpart description in the Chinese text is 一

雙睛兒好似生了釘子一般只不住的瞧這偶像438 (Xiao Zong 2) The figurative

expression 好似生了釘子一般 (literally as if nails were shooting out of her eyes)

is characteristically Chinese and contains more graphic images than does the original

phrase ne put sempecirccher de lever les yeux (could not refrain from lifting her eyes)

435 Literally strange guest 436 Literally Fiction Times 437 she could not refrain from lifting her eyes to that wonderful doll (Hapgood LM II 77) 438 Her eyes were riveted on the doll like nails

239

Then to describe the rapt concentration in which Cosette was contemplating the doll

the original text has the sentence Dans cette adoration elle oubliait tout mecircme la

commission dont elle eacutetait chargeacutee439 (Hugo LM II 133) which finds its Chinese

rendition in 他瞧出了神便把主母的命令丟向爪哇國去了440 (Xiao Zong 3) The

matter-of-fact diction oubliait tout (forgot everything) is transformed by the

translator into an interesting figure of speech 丟向爪哇國去了 (literally throwing

them all to Java)

The colloquial expressions used in the Chinese rendition not only add extra relish

to the narration but also characterize the translation with local color In narrating

Cosettes fear in walking all alone in the pitch-black wilderness the Chinese translator

does not follow the original lengthy account but simplifies the description to just a

few sentences including this one 到了這荒涼的地境別說是十來歲的小把戲便

是狠強壯的大把戲也會嚇得個一佛出世二佛升天441 (Xiao Zong 3) The

expression 一佛出世二佛升天 (literally one Budda coming alive another Budda

going dead) a common idiom in Chinese conveying the sense of half alive and half

dead or to a great extent is marked with Buddhist allusions which are absent in the

French text Likewise in describing how the scary image of Madame Theacutenardier still

haunted Cosette as she burdened by the heavy bucket alternated between walking a

few steps and resting for a while on the return journey from the woods the Chinese

text offers a creative sentence 可憐葛色悵生生的女兒家也不知前世和麥丹結下

了什麼冤仇應該今生還淚的442 (Xiao Zong 4) Here the concept of 前世冤仇

which is ascription of present suffering to a vendetta from a previous life stems from

Buddhist belief and has become rooted in Chinese thinking It is however not known

in the Christian context of the original story The localized translation results in a text

that is similar in plot to but distinct in belief system from the French story

In tracing the source of Guai Ke we cannot resort to the translator for clues

because no biographical material is available to offer us even a glimpse of who Xiao

439 In this adoration she forgot everything even the errand with which she was charged (Hapgood LM II 78) 440 In delirious admiration she left the orders of Madame [Theacutenardier] behind throwing them all to Java 441 In this forlorn and deserted land even a robust adult would be frightened half alive and half dead not to mention a teenage girl 442 Poor Cosette born a poor girl who did not know what she had done in her previous life to incur Madame Theacutenardiers personal vendetta against her so that she had to suffer for it in tears in this life

240

Zong is Unlike the case of Tian Liu Er where the text suggests an English source

through its presentation of some English proper names the text of Guai Ke does not

reveal any linguistic clues This means we cannot narrow down our scope of textual

search to one linguistic realm only but have to include as many likely languages as

possible for consideration In this regard I deem it reasonable to place my bet on the

French English and Japanese languages ie the original language in which Les

Miseacuterables is written plus the two most frequently used languages as intermediary for

Chinese translators of the early Republican era to render Western works

After the three languages are decided the next step is to go on to review the

possible versions within each language to single out the most possible one or ones

which I shall then subject to my final intertextual comparison in the hope of finding

out the source of the Chinese translation To begin with the French versions we have

known from earlier chapters of the present dissertation that apart from Hugos original

work there were some abridged versions in French existing before the appearance of

Guai Ke in 1916 Husss 1892 excerpted version can be ignored because it presents

the Second Book of Volume One only without touching any of the Third Book of

Volume Two which is the content of the present Chinese translation Sumichrasts 1896

condensed version can also be ruled out for the original Book Three of Volume Two is

reduced here to a single-sentence summary [Jean Valjean] se rend agrave Montfermeil ougrave

se trouve Cosette la fille de Fantine que les Theacutenardier traitent avec la derniegravere

brutaliteacute Il la deacutelivre et lemmegravene avec lui agrave Paris443 (Sumichrast 118) This

drastically shortened synopsis cannot have inspired the Chinese translator with the

detailed and colorful narration in Guai Ke Buffums 1908 version bowdlerizes the

original eleven chapters of the Third Book of the Second Volume into three resulting

in a content which is too simplified to be the source of the Chinese version A salient

example can be provided as follows

mdashOh si monsieur dit-elle le cheval a bu il a bu dans le seau plein

le seau et mecircme que cest moi qui lui ai porteacute agrave boire et je lui ai parleacute

Cela neacutetait pas vrai Cosette mentait

[mdashEn voilagrave une qui est grosse comme le poing et qui ment gros

comme la maison seacutecria le marchand Je te dis quil na pas bu petite

drocirclesse Il a une maniegravere de souffler quand il na pas bu que je connais

443 [Jean Valjean] goes to Montfermeil where Cosette the daughter of Fantine is treated by the Theacutenardiers with utmost cruelty He saves her and takes her with him to Paris

241

bien

Cosette persista et ajouta dune voix enroueacutee par langoisse et quon

entendait agrave peine

mdashEt mecircme quil a bien bu]

mdashAllons reprit le marchand avec colegravere ce nest pas tout ccedila quon

donne agrave boire agrave mon cheval et que cela finisse

Cosette rentra sous la table444 (Hugo LM II 129-30 Buffum 95)

The above passage is cited from Hugos original and the bracketed text in the quote is

present in the original work but is deleted in Buffums version What is noteworthy

here is that the erased passage contains the sentence En voilagrave une qui est grosse

comme le poing et qui ment gros comme la maison which finds its counterpart in the

Chinese text that reads 你這小丫頭人還沒有拳頭大說出誑話來比一棟屋子

還大呢445 (Xiao Zong 2) This means that the Chinese version cannot have been

translated from Buffums truncated text The above screening among the French texts

leaves us with only one possibility Hugos original work

Now it is time to examine the English versions Wilbours and Hapgoods texts

and the joint version by Walton et al the three complete translations are undoubtedly

possible sources for the Chinese rendition because of their full coverage of Book Three

of Volume Two on which the story in Chinese is based The Richmond translation is

also possible because the Third Book of Volume Two of the original is completely

rendered in this slightly abridged version Wraxalls version shortens the eleven

chapters of the book into nine by combining Chapters Four and Five and merging

Chapters Ten and Eleven with a few paragraphs deleted Despite the deletions

Wraxalls text qualifies as another possibility because the undeleted part covers the

whole of the Chinese translation Wiltses 1897 text inherited from Hapgoods version

444 Oh yes sir said she the horse has had a drink he drank out of a bucket a whole bucketful and it was I who took the water to him and I spoke to him It was not true Cosette lied [Theres a brat as big as my fist who tells lies as big as the house exclaimed the pedler I tell you that he has not been watered you little jade He has a way of blowing when he has had no water which I know well Cosette persisted and added in a voice rendered hoarse with anguish and which was hardly audiblemdash And he drank heartily] Come said the pedler in a rage this wont do at all let my horse be watered and let that be the end of it Cosette crept under the table again (Hapgood LM II 75-76) 445 Little girl you are no greater than a fist but you tell lies bigger than a house

242

preserves the eleven chapters of the book but removes some passages Some of the

deleted passages find their way into the Chinese text The following is an example



spoke to him





well (Hapgood LM II 75-76 Wiltse 307)

In the above quote which is originally Hapgoods translation the text in brackets is

omitted in Wiltses abridgment Significantly the omitted part is treated in the Chinese

translation 你這小丫頭人還沒有拳頭大說出誑話來比一棟屋子還大呢446

(Xiao Zong 2) This serves to argue against the possibility of Wiltses version as the

source of the Chinese rendition Hence in the above screening among the English

versions of Les Miseacuterables we have five possible versions for the Chinese text

Wilbours Wraxalls Hapgoods Walton et als and the Richmond translations

After filtering the French and English versions it is now time to examine the

Japanese versions Prior to the publication of Guai Ke in 1916 Kuroiwa Ruikous

Aamujou is a possible version because it covers the original plot of the Third Book of

Volume Two The eleven chapters of the original book are rearranged into Chapters 47

to 57 in the Japanese version of 152 chapters Although also divided into eleven

chapters the Japanese text does not correspond to the original on a chapter-to-chapter

basis Nevertheless the detailed narration in this part of the plot entitles Kuroiwas text

to inclusion in the subsequent intertextual comparison Another Japanese version

Yama Gano Mizu 山家水447 authored by Tayama Katai 田山花袋 (1872minus1930)

and released in 1892 on the magazine Senshi Genkou 千紫万紅 also overlaps with

the episode of Cosettes story narrated in Guai Ke However Tamayas text a

translation done in a typically Japanese honan 翻案448 fashion localizes the plot to

such an extent that the settings characters and actions diverge radically from those in

the original story The names of the characters in the episode including Cosette and

446 Ibid 447 Literally Water for the House in the Mountains 448 Literally adaptation

243

the Theacutenardiers which are phonetically transliterated in Guai Ke are nowhere to be

found in Tamayas adapted version This fact alone suffices to exclude Yama Gano

Mizu from further consideration Therefore Kuroiwas text is the only Japanese

version to be put on the list of potential sources for Guai Ke

My intertextual comparison and contrast points to certain possibilities but since

the text of Guai Ke is short and the clues it offers are few the results are

inconclusive The only thing that can be known for certain is that the Chinese

translation is not derived from the Japanese version The following five examples serve

to illustrate my point For ease of later reference each instance will be numbered

Example 1 The first instance is about the place where Cosette cowered to knit

woollen stockings for the two daughters of the Theacutenardiers The Chinese text is 靠著

火爐449 (Xiao Zong 1) We shall see how the different versions describe the place



de la chemineacutee450 (LM II 120)

on the cross-piece of the kitchen table

near the fire-place (319)


[at] the crossbar of the table near the

chimney (LM [1880] I 292)


near the fire-place (II 59)


on the cross-bar of the kitchen table near

the chimney (II 69)

[at] the cross bar of the table near the

chimney (XIII 160)

Japanese (Kuroiwa Ruikou) Chinese (Xiao Zong)

臺所だいどころ

に在あ

る卓子てーぶる

の下した

451 (I 184) 靠著火爐452 (1)

From the above citations we see that the Chinese description of Cosette sitting by the

火爐 (fireside) may be inspired by Hugos pregraves de la chemineacutee or Wilbours and

the Richmonds near the fire-place Comparatively the chimney in Wraxalls and

449 by the fireside 450 on the crossbar of the kitchen table near the fireplace 451 under the kitchen table 452 by the fireside

244

Hapgoods and Walton et als texts which is usually understood as 煙囪 in Chinese

is less likely to inspire the Chinese translator with the sense of 火爐 The Japanese

version which places Cosette under the kitchen table without mentioning anything

about the fireplace is the farthest removed from the Chinese and the least likely to be

the source of the Chinese translation

Example 2 A second example has to do with Cosettes lying about supplying a

guests horse with water What the guest said when he exposed Cosettes lie deserves

our close scrutiny


En voilagrave une qui est grosse comme le poing

et qui ment gros comme la maison453 (LM

II 129)

Here is a girl as big as my fist who

can tell a lie as big as a house

(324)


Theres a girl no bigger than ones fist who

tells a lie as big as a house (LM [1880] I

297)


can tell a lie as big as a house (II

64)


Theres a brat as big as my fist who

tells lies as big as the house (II 75)

Here is a girl no bigger than my fist who

can tell a lie as big as a house (XIII 172)


何なん

だ此こ

の小女こをんな

は鼠ねずみ

の樣やう

な小ちひさ

い身躰からだ

で

象ざう

の樣やう

な巨でか

い噓うそ

を吐つ

いてさ454 (I 186)

你這小丫頭人還沒有拳頭大說

出誑話來比一棟屋子還大呢455

(2)

Here in the above quotes attention is drawn to the use of simile in each version All

except the Japanese text employ the contrast of fist versus house to underscore the

girls tiny body versus her huge lie The Japanese version also contains a simile but it

is changed into a distinction of mouse versus elephant Since the rhetorical strategy in

453 Here is a girl who is as big as my fist but who tells a lie as big as a house 454 How can a little girl as tiny as a mouse tell a lie as huge as an elephant 455 Little girl you are no greater than a fist but you tell lies bigger than a house

245

the Chinese text is in line with the Western versions the Japanese text is the least

possible source for the Chinese translator

Example 3 A third instance concerns the portrayal of Cosettes frightened look as

she was astonished to find the fifteen-sou piece which Madame Theacutenardier had given

her was gone We have the following depictions


Cosette plongea sa main dans la poche de

son tablier et devint verte La piegravece de

quinze sous ny eacutetait plus456 (LM II 157)

Cosette plunged her hand into her apron

pocket and turned white The

fifteen-sous piece was not there (339)


Cosette plunged her hand into the pocket

of her apron and turned green the coin

was no longer in it (LM [1880] I 310)



fifteen-sous piece was not there (II 75)



of her apron and turned green The

fifteen-sou piece was not there (II 92)


of her apron and turned green the

fifteen-sous piece was no longer there

(XIII 206)


小雪「ハイ」と云いつ

て衣嚢かくし

の中なか

を探さぐ

ッたが探さぐ

ると同時どうじ

に青あを

い其そ

の顏色がんしょく

が灰色はひいろ

と為な

ッた

457 (I 199)

順手在口袋中一掬那銀子早已

不翼而飛葛色嚇得說不出話

來面上呈了啞白之色458 (5-6)

The use of color to delineate the girls look of horror is worthy of notice here All the

above versions do not render Cosettes face the same color Specifically Cosettes face

turned green in Hugos original as well as in Wraxalls and Hapgoods and Walton et 456 Cosette plunged her hand into her apron pocket and turned green The fifteen-sous piece was not there 457 Yes Madame said Cosette as she reached her hand into the pocket but then her pale-white face turned gray 458 Cosette reached her hand into the pocket but the coin was long gone She was scared speechless and her face turned a lacklustre white

246

als versions it turned gray in the Japanese text (灰色はひいろ

) and it turned white in the

Chinese (啞白459) and Wilbours and the Richmond translations In Chinese both the

colors green (青) and white (白) can be used to depict a terrified look but not the

gray color depicted in the Japanese 灰色はひいろ

The Chinese translators word choice of the

white color here seems to betray a source that has a similar color description In this

light the texts offered by Wilbour and the Richmond translation seem to be the most

probable model for the Chinese rendition

Example 4 Another case is found in the description of how happy Cosette was

when she received the gorgeous doll as a gift from Jean Valjean We have the

following versions of this description


Ce quelle eacuteprouvait en ce moment-lagrave

eacutetait un peu pareil agrave ce quelle eucirct

ressenti si on lui eucirct dit brusquement

Petite vous ecirctes la reine de France460

(LM II 169)

What she experienced at that moment

was almost like what she would have felt

if some one had said to her suddenly

Little girl you are queen of France (347)


What she felt at this moment was

something like what she would have felt

had someone suddenly said to her Little

girl you are Queen of France (LM

[1880] I 317)


was almost like what she would have

felt if some one had said to her

suddenly Little girl you are queen of

France (II 81)


What she felt at that moment was a little

like what she would have felt if she had

been abruptly told Little one you are

the Queen of France (II 100)



had some one suddenly said to her

Little girl you are Queen of France

459 Literally of a whiteness that lacks luster 460 What she experienced at the moment was a little like what she would have felt if someone had said to her abruptly Little girl you are Queen of France

247

(XIII 221)


(no counterpart translation) 葛色耳根裡彷彿有人說道「葛色今番你做

了法蘭西女王了helliphellip461 (7)

Here in this case the Chinese expression 法蘭西女王 (Queen of France) could

derive from any of the above texts except the Japanese version Since the Japanese text

does not include this expression in its rendition but the Chinese does it is positive that

the Chinese text is most improbably translated from the Japanese version

Example 5 One last example my research has found is about the name Cosette

gave to the beautiful doll Here are the different versions


mdashJe lappellerai Catherine dit-elle462 (LM

II 170)

I will call her Catharine said she

(347)

English (Lascelles Wraxall) English (Alexander Dimitry and A

F)

I will call her Catharine she said (LM

[1880] I 317)


(II 81)


I shall call her Catherine she said (II

101)


(XIII 222)


(no corresponding translation) 「我給他起個名字喚作克札林」463

(7)

Like Example 4 here in this instance the Chinese naming of the doll as 克札林 is a

phonetic translation of Catharine and so could be based on any of the Western

461 It seemed to Cosette as if someone were saying to her Cosette now you are Queen of France 462 I will call her Catherine she said 463 I give her a name I call her Catherine

248

versions The Japanese text does not provide any name for the doll so it cannot have

been the source of the Chinese rendition

In the five examples illustrated above all are against the Japanese version so it

can be safely ruled out As to the other versions we have two cases (Examples 1 and 3)

in favor of Wilbours and the Richmond translations two cases (Examples 1 and 3)

against the probability of Wraxalls Hapgoods and Walton et als versions and one

instance (Example 1) for and one instance (Example 3) against the likelihood of the

French original It seems from this analysis that the texts by Wilbour and the

Richmond version are the most probable source on which Xiao Zong based his

Chinese translation As was pointed out in an earlier chapter of the present thesis the

Richmond translation is basically modeled on Wilbours text The five passages cited

above also demonstrate the identicalness of the two texts in translation Genealogically

speaking here the Richmond text is actually Wilbours Thus the result of my

intertextual comparison can be said to bring Wilbours version in relief as the most

likely text for the Chinese translator to render from However the Chinese text is short

with a total of nine little pages only and there are few clues in it which exhibit its

relationship with the selected versions Aside from the five instances provided above

my present study is incapable of finding any other sign or trace in the text which helps

to confirm my tentative judgment In this light other possibilities cannot be ignored

apart from the result of my findings The two examples which serve to argue in favor

of Wilbours text requires more substantial and corroborative proof to be regarded as

definitive and conclusive But since my research is unable to find any other supporting

evidence in the Chinese text I can only conclude here while keeping other

possibilities in mind that Xiao Zongs Guai Ke is more probably translated from an

English text than from the French original and that the most likely English source for

the Chinese rendition is Wilbours version

249

Chapter Seven Conclusion

71 Abridged Versions of Les Miseacuterables Stories

After its publication Victor Hugos Les Miseacuterables was translated widely into

many languages because of its international fame However together with its two

preceding short pieces of Claude Gueux and LOrigine de Fantine the content of the

French originals is not always preserved intact in a new version In the period covered

by the present dissertation ie the time before the May-Fourth Movement in 1919 the

nine Chinese versions of stories about Les Miseacuterables are all abridged translations

which underscores the importance of partial texts in contributing to the early

dissemination of Victor Hugos works in China In fact excerpted texts of Les

Miseacuterables tales account for a considerable portion of the various versions circulating

not only in Chinese but in Japanese English and French as well Significant abridged

translations of the French works in Japanese before 1919 include Morita Shikens

Fantine no Moto (1888) and Claude (1890) Hara Houitsuans Jean Valjean

(1892) ABC Kumiai (1894-1895) ABC Kumiai (1902) and Mizu Mei Hen (1896)

and Kuroiwa Ruikous Aamujou (1902-1903 1906) Important bowdlerized texts in

English at the time embrace Wraxalls version (1862) the Richmond translation (1863)

and Sara E Wiltses The Story of Jean Valjean From Victor Hugos Les Miseacuterables

(1897) Campbells Claude Gueux (ca 1886) and the version of Claude Gueux by

Nottingham Society (1907) Noteworthy French extracts of Les Miseacuterables include H

C O Husss La Chute From Victor Hugos Les Miseacuterables (1892) F C de

Sumichrasts Les Miseacuterables Abridged with Introduction and Notes (1896) and

Douglas Labaree Buffums Les Miseacuterables (1908)

Among all possible reasons the abundance of truncated versions of Les

Miseacuterables stories has to do with two outstanding factors the inherent characteristics

of the original works and the purposes of the translations The unusual length of Les

Miseacuterables and the interlaced complexity of its plot make it an onerous and

time-consuming job to translate the novel completely Under certain limitations or

considerations impetus for cutting and trimming the original text may arise resulting

in the numerousness of abridged versions that were circulated on the book market One

contributory factor for the prevalence of abridged versions is the intrinsically easy

segmentation of the novel The story lines and episodes in Les Miseacuterables contain

250

clear-cut demarcations and divisions Each of the plot lines can be singled out and

presented like a separate work many episodes and subplots in the novel can also stand

out independently as a little history If the translation is focused on war the uprising in

1832 which is recounted continually from Volumes Three to Five may be exploited

for representation If a love story is to be depicted the love triangle involving Marius

Cosette and Eacuteponine also in the last three volumes of the French novel provides

excellent material for an enthralling delineation If the purpose of rendition is didactic

the virtuous character of Bishop Myriel narrated in Volume One offers an excellent

model for moralization and education If translational interest lies in a strange

adventure Jean Valjeans journey through the sewer of Paris with the unconscious

Marius on his back recounted in Volume Five affords an engaging tale to tell

Moreover the moral struggles and growth of Jean Valjean all through the novel is also

a good topic for focused portrayal and delineation The above illustration is meant not

so much to exhaust the full potential of the segmentability of Les Miseacuterables as to

draw attention to its thematic and topical variety which conduces to easy division and

selection for separate representation in translation

This trait of easy segmentability is also shared by Claude Gueux which is divided

into two parts the major text which narrates the story of the hero and an epilogue

which articulates Hugos criticism on the social injustice in France This division

affords occasion for partial representation as materialized in Xue Shengs plot-oriented

Leixie Mengxin which preserves the story but leaves out the authorial criticism

Compared with Les Miseacuterables and Claude Gueux LOrigine de Fantine is not as

divisible as them for it recounts only a single incident with no branches or subplots on

the side Even so it is not exempt from condensation in translation as evidenced in its

rendition by Lu Xun into Aichen which though nearly a full-text version short of

the long footnote of the French original does not qualify as a complete translation in

the strict sense of the word

Apart from the segmentability of the original stories the purpose in translation

also plays a vital part in the translators partial selection for rendition of a given work

Under different considerations some translators covered in the present dissertation

also present the original story partially and sometimes even somewhat differently The

first British version of Les Miseacuterables treats the original with the most scrupulous

fidelity (Wraxall LM [1880] I 3) This fidelity declaration leads one to expect a

complete meticulous translation comparable to the one already done by Charles E

251

Wilbour However aware that French is a bolder language which in some cases finds

no equivalent in English and afraid that the authors purpose might be misapprehended

in England the English translator finally omits Hugos elucidation of Cambronnes

rude reply to the English army and some passages involving the monastic system

(Wraxall LM [1880] I 3-4) Wraxalls concern in leaving out some passages of the

original is linguistically and religiously oriented

In addition to linguistic and religious considerations pedagogical reasons also

play a part in the translators excerption of the original story The three abridged texts

in French by H C O Huss F C de Sumichrast and Douglas Labaree Buffum

respectively are intended to be textbooks for students of the French language or

French literature Sara E Wiltses English truncated version is also edited with

classroom use in mind

In China the purposes of the translators of Les Miseacuterables stories are marked by

their responses to the chaotic conditions of the time and place At the dawn of the

twentieth century when China was under the decaying rule of the monarchic Qing

Dynasty and when the influx of western currents of thought became widespread and

overwhelming new doctrines and theories in the Chinese intelligentsia cropped up in

response to the issues and problems arising from the cultural as well as imperial

invasion The corruption of the Qing government prompted many intellectuals to

advocate a new type of revolutionary literature in the service of their insurgent cause

for the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of a democratic republic In

this climate Su Manshus creatively translated Can Shijie inevitably reflects his

revolutionist thinking that was inspired by the Romantic ideas of freedom and

democracy in the West Just as the Romantic trend of thought was primarily a revolt

against the 18th-century Age of Reason so Sus identification with Romanticism was

meant to attack the progressive reason-inspired imperialism and colonialism on the

one hand and the reactionary provincial-minded bureaucracy of the degenerate Qing

Dynasty on the other

Similarly Lu Xuns Aichen according to Kudo Takamasa is also inspired by

Western thinking the theory of evolution contained in Hugos argument about human

beings in relation to religion society and nature fascinates Lu Xun and prompts him to

select the story of Fantine for translation (Lu Xun Zaoqi Sanbu Yizuo de Fanyi Yitu

39) The passages about the saintly deeds and sayings of the morally immaculate

Bishop Myriel are specially chosen by Xie Wu in his Tianmin Lei to fulfill his purpose

252

of educating and moralizing the Chinese public at the time as the translators note

preceding the main text of translation unambiguously states The intention of

ameliorating societys moral sense is also found in Chen Jinghans Yifanmdashalso made

clear by the translators notesmdashwhere Mayor Madeleine follows the guide of his moral

conscience and turns himself in to rescue the unjustly accused Champmathieu after

undergoing psychological struggles over the dilemma of public interests versus

personal rights The social circumstances and different agendas which motivated the

Chinese renditions call back Lefeveres conception of translation as rewriting

mentioned in the opening chapter of the present thesis the Chinese translators did not

produce their renditions in a vacuum but were conditioned by the specific time and

space and the linguistic and literary tradition in which they were situated

As illustrated above most of the Chinese translators produced their renditions

with obvious intentions which coupled with the characteristic segmentation of the

originals results in partial rather than full representations of the French works in

translation However there are also a few cases where the abridgement is inevitable

because their source texts are incomplete versions despite the translators evident

purposes Lu Xuns Aichen has no way of achieving the status of complete rendition

of Hugos LOrigine de Fantine for its sole reliance on Morita Shikens less than

complete version Chen Jinghans Yifan can never be a complete version of Les

Miseacuterables not only because the rendition is focused on the particular segment about

Mayor Madeleines rescue of the innocent convict Champmathieu but also because the

master copy for the Chinese translator is Kuroiwa Ruikous abridged version Xie Wus

Tianmin Lei also has no chance of fully reconstructing Hugos original precisely

because it follows Douglas Buffums shortened version In any case for whatever

reasons none of the nine Chinese texts dealt with in the present dissertation is a

complete translation of Hugos original

As analysized above bowdlerized versions of Les Miseacuterables stories existed

numerously in French English Japanese and Chinese Some of the Chinese versions

are found in the present research to derive from partial versions rather than from

complete ones and in many cases the French originals are not among the translators

reference materials for their lack of knowledge of the French language Therefore in

tracing the sources of the Chinese versions of stories of Les Miseacuterables in the

pre-May-Fourth period the importance and significance of the variously abridged

versions in the languages concerned aside from the French originals cannot be

253

overemphasized

72 The Relay in Translation of Les Miseacuterables Stories in the Pre-May-Fourth

Period

Relay translation is a common phenomenon in the translation history around the

world The activity of translational relay is distinguishable between relay interpreting

and relay translating Since relay interpreting belongs to a different form of

communication and entails different factors to be considered and since literary written

translation is the main concern of the present dissertation the term relay translation

is used to refer exclusively to written translation in my discussion In what follows I

shall elaborate on some dimensions of relay in translation before coming to the

particular case of the relay of the stories connected with Les Miseacuterables before 1919

As opposed to retranslation which most commonly denotes either the act of

translating a work that has previously been translated into the same language or the

result of such an act ie the retranslated text itself (Baker 233) relay translation is

usually defined as an interlingual practice where an original text is translated through

the mediation of a third language The view that relay usually happens across

languages is generally shared by critics For example under the item of relay in

Mona Bakers Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies is the definition the

translation of a translated text (either spoken or written) into a third language (for

example from Chinese to English then from English to French) (230) Cay Dollerup

also refers to relay as an interlingual transmission and provides a similar elucidation

a mediation from source to target language in which the translational product has

been realised in another language than that of the original (19) A notable example is

the rendition of ancient Greek works by Syrian scholars around the ninth and tenth

centuries into Syrian texts which were then translated into Arabic versions based on

which a large number of translations into Latin and other European languages were

undertaken in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Tan 4-7)

However relay in translation may also occur within the same linguistic

community In the translation of Buddhist scriptures in ancient China as Eva Hung 孔

慧怡 demonstrates Kumarajivas 鳩摩羅什 version of Prajnaparamitahydayo Sutra

心經464 was copied up to the degree of ninety percent by Xuanzang 玄奘 whose

464 Commonly known as Heart Sutra

254

translation then became the source text for Yijings 義淨 new rendition similarly the

translation of Vajacchedika Prajnaparamita Sutra 金剛經 465 also involves a

transmission along the line of Kumarajiva Bodhiruci 菩提留支 (or 菩提流支)

Paramartha 真諦 Dharmagupta 達摩笈多 Xuanzang and Yijing (87-99) All the

above Buddhist texts are relayed in the Chinese language In the history of Bible

translation in the West John Wyclifs English Bible was translated from the Latin

Vulgate which was derived from St Jeromes Latin Bible which was rendered from

Greek and Hebrew sources (Dollerup 21) Here a transfer from Latin to Latin is

involved in this relay Besides Miles Coverdales English version of the New

Testament was based on William Tyndales English Bible also a relay within the

English language (Dollerup 21) In addition to religious texts Ezra Pounds translation

of some Chinese poems into English was based on the English notes provided by

Ernest Fenollosa whose annotation of the Chinese poems was conducted under

Japanese instructors (Yip 7) In this process of relay from Chinese to Japanese from

Japanese to English and then from English to English translation from the same

language is also registered

Moreover the development of relay may be unidirectional or two-way The

instances offered previously occur in the one-way circuit An example of round-trip

relay is provided by Federico Masini about the formation of Chinese neologisms

through translation As his recent research reveals quite a number of Chinese

neologisms previously believed to come from Japanese were actually invented first in

the Chinese language by foreign Protestant missionaries and Chinese collaborators

when they cooperated in translating Western works into Chinese Those new terms

received little notice in China for some time and found their way into Japanese

through translation in the latter half of the nineteenth century It was only after Japan

became the model of reform and innovation for China that the originally Chinese

neologisms were reintroduced from Japanese to Chinese and came into popular use in

China (Masini 98-103)

Furthermore the relationship between the texts in the circuit of relay can be either

substitutional or complementary In a previous example where classical texts were

transferred from Greek to Syrian from Syrian to Arabic and from Arabic to Latin and

other European languages a new rendition is produced to replace its forerunning

465 Commonly known as Diamond Sutra

255

foreign version for domestic use Contrastively in the case of rendition of Buddhist

and Biblical scriptures as the translators are mostly devout believers with the intention

to bring the sacred texts to perfection it is a rather common practice for them to

improve upon existing versions adopting the impeccable passages while modifying

the parts they deem less than perfect Here the new translation serves to complement or

supplement rather than to substitute the old ones

In sum as opposed to the relay race in sports the relay in translation has no

pre-set journey no fixed number of legs and no definite end or destination It is

belated rather than consecutive domestically impulsed rather than internationally

organized communicative rather than competitive It is called relay here in the sense

that the content of an original text is passed on indefinitely from one hand to another

or to be more precise from one version to another in a substitutional or

complementary manner whether within the same language or in different languages

After the previous elaboration of some dimensions of relay translation it is time

to address the phenomenon of relay in translations of Les Miseacuterables stories prior to

the May Fourth Movement To begin with the results of my source-tracing for the nine

Chinese versions of the stories of Les Miseacuterables can be tabularized as follows

Title Year Translator Source

Aichen 哀塵 1903 Lu Xun 魯迅Morita Shiken 森田思軒

Fantine no Moto 芳梯之源



1903

1904

Su Manshu

蘇曼殊

Charles E Wilbour Les

Miseacuterables

Tian Liu Er 天鷚兒 1905 Hei Shi 黑石

English sources indeterminate

(Isabel F Hapgood more

probable than Charles E

Wilbour)

Guer Ji 孤兒記 1906Zhou Zuoren

周作人 Arabella Ward Claude Gueux

(The Works of Victor Hugo)

Guxing Lei 孤星淚 1907 Unknown


(Charles E Wilbour and Isabel F

Hapgood equally probable)

Yifan 逸犯 1907 Chen Jinghan Kuroiwa Ruikous 黒岩淚香

256

陳景韓 Aamujou 噫無情

Tianmin Lei 天民淚 1915 Xie Wu 解吾Douglas Labaree Buffum Les

Miseacuterables

Guai Ke 怪客 1916Xiao Zong 孝

宗


(possibly Charles E Wilbour)

Leixie Mengxin 縲紲

盟心 1918

Xue Sheng

雪生 Victor Hugo Claude Gueux

Of the nine Chinese texts two are produced from French sources (Tianmin Lei and

Leixie Mengxin) but Leixie Mengxin is the only one of them that is translated

first-hand from Hugos original while Tianmin Lei is rendered second-hand from

Buffums extracted version Apart from Tianmin Lei those which stem from English

sources are also second-hand translations inclusive of Can Shijie Guer Ji Tian Liu

Er Guxing Lei and Guai Ke Among the five English-related versions in Chinese

the source texts of the first two can be tracked down for sure whereas the last three are

judged to derive from English sources of which the specific versions used by the

translators the present study is unable to pin down for lack of conclusive textual

evidence Moreover Aichen and Yifan both traced back to Japanese sources can be

called third-hand translations because their Japanese master copies are based on

English versions which in turn come from the French originals

Here I would like to digress a little to elaborate on the dependence of the two

Japanese translators on English texts for rendition of Hugo before coming back to my

main points To begin with Morita Shiken whose Fantine no Moto is the source of

Lu Xuns Aichen Moritas reliance on English for rendition of Hugo owing to his

lack of knowledge of the French language as is evidenced by Tokutomi Soho has

been noted in Chapter One of the present dissertation Unable to read French Morita

had no choice but to access Hugo through English so that he could present Hugo in his

native tongue His Claude and Fantine no Moto discussed in the First Chapter are

two examples

Hara Houitsuan Moritas follower was also known for his translation of Hugo

Though none of the nine Chinese translations owes its formation to Haras texts Haras

contribution to the spread of Hugos works in Meiji Japan cannot be denied His

reliance on English for translation of Hugo is evident in his occasional supply of the

English original to annotate certain phrasings in his rendition From the English text he

257

provides it is not difficult to track down which English version he translated from In

his Mizu Mei Hen Hara gives under the Japanese title the original English as

Waters and Shadow (Mizu Mei Hen 119) Then at the end of the chapter to show

the difficulty of doing justice to the original the translator includes the following

English passage

Oh implacable march of human society

Destruction of men and of souls marking its Path [sic] Ocean where

fall all that the law lets fall

Ominous disappearance of aid

Oh moral Death [sic]

The sea is the inexhorable [sic] night into which the penal law casts its

victims

The sea is the measureless misery

The soul drifting in that sea may become a corpse Who shall restore it

to life

(Mizu Mei Hen 122)

A consultation with the preexisting English versions of Les Miseacuterables reveals

unequivocally that these English passages belong to the translation by Wilbour so

Haras Japanese is doubtless translated from Wilbours text466

The above two Japanese translators practice of rendering from English is echoed

in their contemporary Kuroiwa Ruikou whose Aamujou is the inspiration of Chen

Jinghans Yifan Although Kuroiwa had a certain command of French as is noted for

example by Xu Mi 須彌 (qtd in Zou Zhenhuan 230) his source language was

invariably English when he translated French works including those by Hugo

Though he had a particular preference for French fiction he worked always from

versions in English (Law and Morita 120) This observation is also insinuated by

Kuroiwa himself as he states in his Foreword to Aamujou

余よ

の意い

に従したが

ひて述の

べ行ゆ

く者もの

なれば翻訳ほんやく

と云い


に聞き

き

たる話はなし

をば我われ

が知し

れる話はなし

として人ひと

に話はな


し此これ

を讀よ

み


に引ひき

合あわ

せ以もっ



するを欲ほっ

する人ひと


す可べ

し

466 Wilbours original title for this chapter is The Waters and the Shadow of which the two definite articles were omitted by Hara Houitsuan

258

斯か

かる人ひと

に対たい

しては余よ

は切せつ

に山縣五十雄やまがたいがお

の英文研究録えいぶんけんきゅうろく

を推薦すいせん

す

（内外出版会社ないがいしゅっぱんかいしゃ

の出版しゅっぱん

にてhelliphellip）467 (Kuroiwa Foreword 3-4)

The above quote shows clearly that Kuroiwa had an English version in mind when he

dissuaded the reader from comparing his translation with its supposed source text

though which English text he was referring to remains yet to be explored His

recommendation of a book on English (英文研究録えいぶんけんきゅうろく

) rather than on French further

confirms the fact that his Japanese text was derived from an English version

From the previous analysis we know that English and Japanese are two

intermediary languages that contributed to the formation of the majority of Chinese

versions of Les Miseacuterables stories before 1919 In particular English plays a vital role

in spreading the French works which concern the present dissertation both

domestically and internationally in Japan as well as in China In contrast with Lydia

Lius illustration about the mediating role played by Japan in bringing about Chinese

modernity through the translational relay from Western languages to Chinese via

Japanese the translational relay of Les Miseacuterables stories in the late-Qing and early

Republican era presents a different contour where the English translations exert more

influence on China than the French originals and the Japanese versions in bringing in

the thoughts and works of Victor Hugo Of the numerous English renditions the

versions by Charles E Wilbour and Isabel F Hapgood respectively are the most

frequently referenced texts especially Wilbours version the first English translation

The rendering of Hugos French works into Chinese through intermediary

languages draws attention to the phenomenon of relay in translation a practice

frequently seen in the late-Qing and early Republican era As already stated in Chapter

Four of the present dissertation late-Qing China not only saw the gradual awakening

of high-ranking personages in the government to the benefit and convenience of

accessing Western learning through rendering from Japanese translations but also

witnessed social elites profuse production of Japanese-based Chinese translations of

Western works Also mentioned previously is the trend in Meiji Japan of introducing

Western learning by translating English versions of Western works Therefore the 467 Because the story was based on my feeling it was not so much a translation as a story which I retold in my own words after hearing it from others Anyone who attempts to read the original work by juxtaposing my book with it will feel disappointed For such a person [as wishes to acquire a duo-language reading] I sincerely recommend Yamaga Taigaos Study on English (published by Naigai Shuppan Company )

259

mode of translation relay where a Western work travelled through English and

Japanese and finally reached the soil of China in the form of a Chinese translation is

not an uncommon custom in the early twentieth century A classical example is

provided by Chen Hung-shu in Translator Manipulation From Cuore to Xins Journal

about School Life where she demonstrates how the Italian novelist Edmondo De

Amiciss work Cuore (1886) was translated by Isabel F Hapgood into the English

version of Cuore An Italian Schoolboys Journal (1887) which was then rendered by

Sugitani Daisui 杉谷代水 into Japanese as Gakudou Nisshi 學童日誌468 (1902)

from which Bao Tianxiaos Chinese translation Xiner Jiuxue Ji 馨兒就學記469 (1909)

came into being This circuit going from a Western language through English and

Japanese to Chinese can also be evidenced in the Chinese versions of stories connected

with Les Miseacuterables particularly Aichen and Yifan

Chinese translations of Les Miseacuterables stories in the pre-May-Fourth period

continued the relay from French English or Japanese with new dynamic force

partaking of an interesting circuit The routes of the relay are differentiated in

accordance with the removedness of the Chinese version from its ultimate original the

French text The third-hand translations of Aichen and Yifan fall in the circuit from

French to English from English to Japanese and from Japanese to Chinese Hugos

stories of Les Miseacuterables travel from French to English and from English to Chinese in

the case of second-hand translations embracing Can Shijie Tian Liu Er Guer Ji

Guxing Lei and Guai Ke A different circuit of second-hand translation materializes

in Tianmin Lei of which the translator accessed the French original through the

intermediary of a truncated French text The relay in the instance of Leixie Mengxin

the only one of the nine to take its cue straight from Hugos original French work is

the least complex but no less intriguing one

Although the circuit of relay from a Western language through English andor

Japanese to Chinese was a common practice in the early twentieth century what is

particular about translations of Les Miseacuterables stories before 1919 is that the relay

happened not only across languages but also within a specific language especially

English and Chinese Among the English versions the relay takes the form of standing

on the shoulders of precedent giants which is to say that some translations show

obvious lineage from previous versions Although keeping the French original in sight 468 Literally Journal of a Schoolboy 469 Literally Xins Journal about School Life

260

the Richmond version bases most of its translation on Wilbours Les Miseacuterables with

minor revisions to rectify the errors in the first English translation The text by Walton

et al is derived for the most part from Wraxall and less dominantly from Wilbour And

then we have Sara E Wiltses retitled version The Story of Jean Valjean From Victor

Hugos Les Miseacuterables modeling itself on Hapgoods translation In the case of Claude

Gueux I have pointed out in the First Chapter of the present thesis the striking

similarity between the shortened English versions such as between Gilbert Campbells

translation and the version by Nottingham Society In short the genealogical

relationship between the aforesaid texts is conspicuous and intriguing

As for the Chinese translations the relay constitutes a different pattern from the

English one Unlike the mode of adapting existing translations in some English

versions the Chinese translator seems to deliberately avoid rendering the parts of the

stories already dealt with by previous translators Each of the Chinese authors treats a

separate fragment or aspect of the original plot and so contributes a piece to the jigsaw

puzzle of the Les Miseacuterables stories There even exists a relationship of deliberate

succession between some texts For instance Liu Yazi believes Guxing Lei to be a

continuation of Su Manshus Can Shijie470 (Can Shehui yu Can Shijie 426-27)

Likewise between Tian Liu Er and Guer Ji Hinosugi Tadahiro also identifies some

affinity and concluds that Zhou Zuorens writing of Guer Ji and the characterization of

the protagonist in the novel are inspired by Tian Liu Er471 (71) These examples

suggest that the relay among some of the Chinese translations happened not so much

by pure chance as from the translators conscious intention to supplement and proceed

Here it serves the purpose of the present study well to review how some major stories

of Les Miseacuterables are respectively covered by the Chinese translations The Chinese

coverage of the French novel can be roughly tabularized as follows

Original Volume Original Book Chinese text

One 1 Tianmin Lei

2 Can Shehui Can Shijie

3

Guxing Lei

mdashexcepting the following

seven books

470 The original Chinese text 而商務印書館出版的孤星淚也是節譯囂俄哀史的一部分並

且還可以說是接續慘世界下去的 471 The original Chinese text 但是即使黑石不是周作人也常常投稿於《女子世界》的周作

人會看到〈天鷚兒〉而受到了很大的刺激和啟發並且執筆《孤兒記》之際參考康雪的描寫創

造出阿番來也無容置疑的

261

4 Tian Liu Er

5 Aichen Yifan

6 Yifan

7 Yifan

8

Two 1

2

3 Guai Ke

4minus8

Three 1minus8

Four 1minus15

Five 1minus9

Vol Two Book One

Vol Two Book Six

Vol Two Book Seven

Vol Three Book One

Vol Three Book Seven

Vol Four Book Seven

Vol Five Book Two

As far as the original contents of Les Miseacuterables are concerned Book One of the First

Volume which recounts Bishop Myriels acts of benevolence and words of wisdom is

covered though partially by Xie Wus Tianmin Lei Book Two of the same Volume

about Jean Valjeans miserable experience in the town of Digne after release from

prison is translated though somewhat distortedly by Su Manshu into Can Shijie Then

Hei Shis Tian Liu Er deals with the Fourth Book where Fantine subjects her

daughter Cosette under the charge of the Theacutenardiers Lu Xuns Aichen though

stemming from a different original piece narrates Fantines abuse by law and her

rescue by the powerful personage of V H the story evoking the counterpart plot in the

Twelfth and Thirteenth Chapters of Book Five of the First Volume Chen Jinghans

Yifan which embraces Books Five Six and Seven of the same Volume focuses on

Mayor Madeleines rescue of the wrongly indicted Champmathieu after undergoing

several bouts of inner struggles covering a different part of Book Five from the

Fantine episode What is left untreated in Chinese translation in the First Volume

contains Book Three and Book Eight the former relating Fantines history prior to her

abandonment by her lover and the latter narrating Jean Valjeans recapture and

re-escape Since the episodes in both books are minor plot in the grand scheme of the

novel it is arguable that the major plot and episodes in Volume One of the French

work are represented conjointly in the above fragmented Chinese versions

Beyond the First Volume Xiao Zongs Guai Ke handles the Third Book of

Volume Two which portrays the process where Mayor Madeleine retrieves Cosette

262

from the Theacutenardiers Apart from the bulky novel the related piece of Claude Gueux

which is only tangentially touched on in Zhou Zuorens Guer Ji is adequately

developed in Xue Shengs Leixie Mengxin There is almost no overlapping in plot

among the eight Chinese texts described so far

One exception is found in the particular case of Guxing Lei the longest Chinese

version of Les Miseacuterables before 1919 which embraces most of the fragments covered

by the other Chinese texts However since this translation extends across the five

volumes of Hugos original its overlapping with the other Chinese translations is

inevitable Even so where the plot of Guxing Lei converges with another Chinese

version distinctions between the two can be easily made For example appearing after

Can Shijie and Tian Liu Er Guxing Lei treats the counterpart segments of plot in a

much more reduced way than its two antecedents While the episodes in Can Shijie and

Tian Liu Er are described in a graphic and vivid manner Guxing Lei narrates the

same episodes in a summarized fashion This simplification of plot indicates that the

achievements of the two preceding works of translation cannot be replaced or

overshadowed by the new albeit more complete version As for Yifan and Guxing Lei

both texts were published in the same year of 1907 The plot of Yifan is concentrated

on Madeleines mental and physical actions and leaves out all irrelevancies and the

translator concocts more engaging details of the protagonists struggles than the

original offers By contrast Guxing Lei treats the counterpart passages more in concert

with the original though succinctly as it always does A more salient difference

between the two versions lies in the language adopted the former is written in

vernacular language whereas the latter is expressed in classical Chinese The linguistic

distinction indicates that they cater to different groups of readers though some of them

may coincide Therefore the depictions in the two corresponding episodes contain

more differences than similarities and neither of them can take the place of the other

Finally translated several years later than Guxing Lei Tianmin Leis detailed account

of Bishop Myriels philanthropy serves to supplement the gap left by the extremely

laconic description in the foregoing version All in all the above instances of an

original segment translated by different writers in China register a clear demarcation

between the counterpart translations and this conspicuous distinction can also be taken

to support my observation that the nine Chinese texts were produced coordinately with

little if any narrative repetition

The previous analysis on the relay in Chinese translations of the stories related to

263

Les Miseacuterables shows that Volume One of the French novel is the most translated part

in pre-May-Fourth China with the major episodes in the volume all being introduced

locally by the various Chinese versions The emergence of Guxing Lei and Guai Ke

extends the introduction beyond the First Volume to encompass the whole of the five

volumes of the original though the Chinese representation of the French novel is

somewhat deviant from the original stories and is by no means complete or finished

What is remarkable here is that there appears to exist a particular phenomenon of

cooperation or coordination conscious or unconscious intentional or unintentional

among the Chinese translators whose texts conspired to construct a picture of the

French works with each author dedicated to a separate segment or aspect of the stories

in a separate way The Chinese relay is in a word idiosyncratically complementary

rather than substitutional

The relay in the rendition of Les Miseacuterables stories before 1919 can be said to be

an epitome of the history of relay translation Here the forms of relay embrace

international relay and domestic relay substitutional relay and complementary relay

Judging from the fact that with the modern enforcement of legal protection of

intellectual property rights and the growing number of multilinguals capable of

translating foreign texts the relay in written literary translation is bound to dwindle in

modern times In this light the relay of Les Miseacuterables stories in the said period is

especially significant in the relay history in that it brings the activity to a small-scale

peak before its gradual decline in later years

The phenomenon of relay in translation which places each translated text in a

network of genealogical relations in this particular period brings out the significance

of genealogy and context In addressing a translation many critics tend to base their

assessment on the ultimate original For them the original text is the only standard by

which to inspect a translated work While this approach may do well in the appraisal of

some translations it is by no means applicable to the Chinese translations of Les

Miseacuterables stories in the pre-May-Fourth era My study on the nine Chinese texts in

this period highlights the importance of context and genealogy The results of my study

demonstrate that the evaluation of a translated text should not be based merely on the

ultimate original but more importantly the context and genealogy of the translation

should be taken into account The nine Chinese translators translate and rewrite their

source texts to a certain extent bearing different agendas (political pedagogical

didactic etc) and following different conventions (classical vernacular colloquial

264

etc) It will never do justice to the Chinese texts to address them using the criteria

based on Hugos French works only The tracing of their genealogy helps to

contextualize the translations and present a broader if not comprehensive picture of

how the stories of Les Miseacuterables are transformed into the nine Chinese versions that

we see in late-Qing and early Republican China

265

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266



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267

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Boston Heath 1892

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Hara Houitsuan 原抱一庵 trans Jean Valjean ジャンバルジャン [Jean Valjean]

By Victor Hugo Meiji Honyaku Bungaku Zenshuu Shinbun Zasshi Hen 24

(Hugo Shuu I) 明治翻訳文学全集新聞雑誌編 24 (ユゴー集 I) [Complete

Collection of Translated Literature in the Meiji Period Newspapers and

Magazines 24 (Hugo I)] Eds Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 and Sakakibara

Takanori 榊原貴教 Tokyo 東京 Ozorasha 大空社 1996 379-412

--- trans ABC Kumiai ABC 組合 [ABC Society] By Victor Hugo Meiji Honyaku

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新聞雑誌編 25 (ユゴー集 II) [Complete Collection of Translated Literature in

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大空社 1998 60-96

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Naigai Shuppan 內外出版 1902

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268

Translated Literature in the Meiji Period Newspapers and Magazines 25 (Hugo

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Tokyo 東京 Ozorasha 大空社 1998 119-22

Tayama Katai 田山花袋 Yama Gano Mizu 山家水 [Water for the House in the

Mountains] Meiji Honyaku Bungaku Zenshuu Shinbun Zasshi Hen 24 (Hugo

Shuu I) 明治翻訳文学全集新聞雑誌編 24 (ユゴー集 I) [Complete Collection

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(Hugo I)] Eds Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 and Sakakibara Takanori 榊原貴教


Kuroiwa Ruikou 黒岩淚香 trans Aamujou 噫無情 [Alas Heartless] By Victor

Hugo 2 vols Tokyo 東京 Husoudou 扶桑堂 1906

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A Criminals Last Hours Together with Told under Canvas and Claude Gueux

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269


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Hugo Tokyo 東京 Minyuusha 民友社 1898 Tokyo 東京 Yushodo 雄松堂

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o Megutte 明治時代のヴィクトルユゴー森田思軒の邦訳をめぐって

[Victor Hugo in the Meiji Period On Morita Shikens Translation] Meiji

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学全集新聞雑誌編 24 (ユゴー集 I) [Complete Collection of Translated

Literature in the Meiji Period Newspapers and Magazines 24 (Hugo I)] Eds

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272

Ozorasha 大空社 1996 413-36

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新聞雑誌編 24 (ユゴー集 I) [Complete Collection of Translated Literature in the

Meiji Period Newspapers and Magazines 24 (Hugo I)] Tokyo 東京 Ozorasha

大空社 1996

--- eds Meiji Honyaku Bungaku Zenshuu Shinbun Zasshi Hen 25 (Hugo Shuu II) 明

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1990

Li Zhimei 李志梅 Baoren Zuojia Chen Jinghan ji Qi Xiaoshuo Yanjiu 報人作家陳

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[Collected Works from the Ice-drinkers Studio An Annotated Edition] Vol 3 6

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Liang Yan 梁艶 A Study of the Translators Enlightenment Consciousness in the

Late Qing Dynasty Focus on the Chinese Translation of Les Miseacuterables named

Yi Fan 清末翻訳小説に見る訳者の啓蒙意識『レミゼラブル』の漢訳「逸

犯」をめぐって Studies in Chinese Literature 中國文學論集 40 (2011)

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Liu Lydia H Translingual Practice Literature National Culture and Translated

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Liu Wu-chi 柳無忌 Su Man-shu Twaynes World Authors Series A Survey of the

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Liu Yazi 柳亞子 Can Shehui yu Can Shijie 慘社會與慘世界 [Can Shehui and

Can Shijie] Vol 4 of Su Manshu Quanji 蘇曼殊全集 [Complete Works of Su

Manshu] By Su Manshu 蘇曼殊 Ed Liu Yazi 柳亞子 5 vols Beijing 北京

Cathay Bookshop 中國書店 1985 422-31

--- Ji Chen Zhongfu Xiansheng guanyu Su Manshu de Tanhua 記陳仲甫先生關於

蘇曼殊的談話 [An Interview with Chen Zhongfu (Chen Duxiu) about Su

Manshu] Su Manshu Nianpu ji Qita 蘇曼殊年譜及其他 [A Chronological Life

of Su Manshu and Other Articles] Eds Liu Yazi 柳亞子 and Liu Wu-chi 柳無

忌 Shanghai 上海 Beixin 北新書局 1928 279-86

--- Su Heshang Zatan 蘇和尚雜談 [Some Facts about Monk Su] Vol 5 of Su

Manshu Quanji 蘇曼殊全集 [Complete Works of Su Manshu] By Su Manshu

蘇曼殊 Ed Liu Yazi 柳亞子 5 vols Beijing 北京 Cathay Bookshop 中國書

店 1985 130-231

--- Su Manshu Yanjiu de Sange JieduanmdashSu Manshu Wenji Xu 蘇曼殊研究的三個

274

階段mdashmdash《蘇曼殊文集》序 [Three Stages of the Studies on Su ManshumdashPreface

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Matsuoka Toshihiro 松岡俊裕 Guanyu Zhou Zuoren Zaoqi Xiaoshuo Guer Ji 關於

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Tang Baolin 唐寶林 and Lin Maosheng 林茂生 Chen Duxiu Nianpu 1879-1942

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Yu Jiuhong 俞九洪 Lin Shu Fanyi Zuopin Kaosuo 林紓翻譯作品考索 [Research

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Zhang Wei 張偉 Zhiyun YouchangmdashRen yu Shu de Wangshi 紙韻悠長ndashndashndash人與書的

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Zhang Yaojie 張耀杰 Lu Xun yu Zhou Zuoren 魯迅與周作人 [Lu Xun and Zhou

Zuoren] Taipei 台北 Showwe Information 秀威資訊科技 2008

Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 Guangyi Diwu 廣譯第五 [Part V Promotion of

Translation] Quanxue Pian 勸學篇 [Advocacy of Learning] By Zhang

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Zhou Zuoren 周作人 Choubei Zazhi 籌備雜誌 [Preparing a Magazine] Zhitang

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Huixiang Lu 知堂回想錄 [Memoirs in Knowledge Hall] Vol 1 3 vols Taipei

台北 Longwind Publications 龍文出版社 1989 261-63

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Xun Xiaoshuo lide Renwu 魯迅小說裡的人物 [Characters in Lu Xuns

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--- Lu Xun yu Yingwen 魯迅與英文 [Lu Xun and English] Zhitang Jiwai Wen

Yibao Suibi 知堂集外文《亦報》隨筆 [Miscellanies in Knowledge Hall Short

Pieces in the Yi Daily] Ed Chen Zishan 陳子善 Changsha 長沙 Yuelu

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--- Wu Yizhai 吳一齋 [Wu Yizhai] Zhitang Huixiang Lu 知堂回想錄 [Memoirs

in Knowledge Hall] Vol 1 3 vols Taipei 台北 Longwind Publications 龍文出

版社 1989 217-19

--- Xuexiao Shenghuo de Yiyie 學校生活的一葉 [A Leaf in My School Life]

Yutian de Shu 雨天的書 [Book of Rainy Days] Taipei 台北 Le Jin Books 里

仁書局 1982 47-51

--- Yu Lei Tang 魚雷堂 [Yu Lei Dormitory] Zhitang Huixiang Lu 知堂回想錄

[Memoirs in Knowledge Hall] Vol 1 3 vols Taipei 台北 Longwind

Publications 龍文出版社 1989 213-15

Zou Zhenhuan 鄒振環 Yingxiang Zhongguo Jindai Shehui de Yibaizhong Yizuo 影響

中國近代社會的一百種譯作 [One Hundred Translations which Influenced

Modern Society of China] Beijing 北京 China Translation amp Publishing

Corporation 中國對外翻譯 1996

279

Appendix List of Chinese and Japanese Phonetic Transcriptions

Phonetic Transcription Chinese Original

Japanese Original English Translation

A Ying 阿英 Aamujou 噫無情 Alas Heartless ABC Kumiai ABC 組合 ABC Society Afan 阿番

Aichen 哀塵 The Mournful Dusty World

Aichen Yizhe Fuji 哀塵譯者附記 Translators Note to Aichen

Aishi 哀史 A Miserable History Aishi 哀史 A Miserable History Bai Juyi 白居易 Bao Chang 鮑昌 Bao Tianxiao 包天笑

Baojie Qisu Wentan Xiake Chenleng (Chen Jinghan) Qiren Qishi

報界耆宿文壇

俠客陳冷（陳景

韓）其人其事

The Newspaper Guru and Literary Knight Chen Leng (Chen Jinghan) and His Stories

Baoren Zuojia Chen Jinghan ji Qi Xiaoshuo Yanjiu

報人作家陳景

韓及其小說研

究

The Newspaperman-Writer Chen Jinghan and His Novels A Study

Beican Shijie 悲慘世界 The Sad Miserable World

Beijing 北京 Beixin 北新

Bodhiruci 菩提留支 (菩提流支)

Bungei Kurabu 文芸倶楽部 Literatures and Arts Club

Can Shehui 慘社會 The Miserable Society Can Shehui yu Can Shijie

慘社會與慘世

界 Can Shehui and Can Shijie

Can Shijie 慘世界 The Miserable World Cao Xueqin 曹雪芹 Chahuanuuml 茶花女 Lady of Camellias

Chahuanuuml Yishi 茶花女遺事 The Sad Story of the Deceased Lady of Camellias

Changsha 長沙 Chao Jing 趙靜

280



Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀

Chen Duxiu Nianpu 1879-1942

陳獨秀年譜一

八七九ndashndashndash一九

四二 Chronology of Chen

Duxiu 1879-1942

Chen Guochuan 陳國權 Chen Hung-shu 陳宏淑 Chen Jinghan 陳景韓 Chen Mengxiong 陳夢熊 Chen Pingyuan 陳平原 Chen Wanxiong 陳萬雄 Chen Youji 陳由己 Chen Zishan 陳子善 Chi Zihua 池子華 Choubei Zazhi 籌備雜誌 Preparing a Magazine Chouhousha 朝報社 Chunliushe 春柳社 Chuuoo 中央 Claude クラウド Claude Gueux


從本世紀初西

歐文學的譯介

看當時的中日

文學交流

A Survey on the Interactions in Literature between China and Japan through Inspection of Translations of Literature from Western Europe

Cong Kangxue dao AfanmdashLun Hei Shi Yi Tian Liu Er yu Zhou Zuoren zuo Guer Ji de Wenben Guanxi

從康雪到阿

番mdashmdash論黑石

譯天鷚兒與周

作人作孤兒記

的文本關係

From Kangxue to AfanmdashOn the Textual Relationship between Hei Shis Tian Liu Er and Zhou Zuorens Guer Ji

Daoyan 導言 Introduction Dehua 德華 Dharmagupta 達摩笈多 Difu 笛夫 Ding Fu-sheng 丁富生 Dongda 東大 Dousou 抖擻 Duanna 端拿 Eva Hung 孔慧怡 Fan Ling 范苓 Fantine no Moto 芳梯之源 Origin of Fantine

281



Fanyi Yishixingtai yu Huayu Chongguo 1895-1911 Nian Wenxue Fanyi Yanjiu

翻譯意識形態

與話語中國

1895mdash1911 年

文學翻譯研究

Translation Ideology and Discourse A Study of Literary Translations during the Years from 1895 to 1911 in China

Fenshuiling Shang Yu Kwang-chung Pinglun Wenji

分水嶺上余光

中評論文集

On the Watershed A Collection of Yu Kwang-chungs Critical Essays

Fuzhou 福州 gailaigo 外来語 Gakudou Nisshi 學童日誌 Journal of a Schoolboy Ge Baoquan 戈寶權 Gengchen 庚辰 Guai Ke 怪客 Strange Guest Guangxu 光緒

Guangyi Diwu 廣譯第五 Part V Promotion of Translation

Guangzhou 廣州

Guanyu Zhou Zuoren Zaoqi Xiaoshuo Guer Ji

關於周作人早

期小說孤兒記 On Zhou Zuorens Early Novel Story of an Orphan

Guer Ji 孤兒記 Story of an Orphan Guilin 桂林

Guomin Riribao 國民日日報 The China National Gazette

Guxing Lei 孤星淚 Tears of a Lone Star Haina 海那 Hakuaimaru 博愛丸 Han Yiyu 韓一宇 Hangzhou 杭州 Hara Houitsuan 原抱一庵 Harushobo はる書房 He Zhen 何震 Hei Shi 黑石 Hinosugi Tadahiro 日野杉匡大 honan 翻案 adaptation huashuo 話說 it happened that

Hugo no Kanyakuna Xiaoe ni tsuite (Ge)

ユゴーの漢

訳名囂俄に

ついて（下）

On the Chinese Translation of Hugos Name as Xiaoe (II)

Hugo no Kanyakuna Xiaoe ni tsuite (Jou)

ユゴーの漢

訳名囂俄に

On the Chinese Translation of Hugos Name as Xiaoe (I)

282



ついて（上）

Hugo Shouhin ユーゴー小

品 Short Pieces of Hugo

Hugo Shouhin ni Daisu ユーゴー小

品に題す Preface to Short Pieces of Hugo

Hugo Shuu ユ－ゴ－集 Works of Hugo Hung Eva 孔慧怡 Husoudou 扶桑堂 Janbarujan 戎瓦戎

Jean Valjean ジャンバル

ジャン Jean Valjean

Ji Chen Zhongfu Xiansheng guanyu Su Manshu de Tanhua

記陳仲甫先生

關於蘇曼殊的

談話

An Interview with Chen Zhongfu (Chen Duxiu) about Su Manshu

Jianzhen Dongdu 鑒真東渡 Monk Jianzhens Journey to Japan

Xie Wu 解吾 Jincheng Riben Mingzhi Bianzheng Kao Zhe

進呈日本明治

變政考折 Memorial of a Survey on the Meiji Reformation in Japan

Jingjin 鏡今

Jiu Riji lide Lu Xun 舊日記裡的魯

迅 Lu Xun in the Old Diaries

Jiuda 久大 Jue Nu 覺奴 Kang Youwei 康有為 Kang Youwei Zhenglun Ji 康有為政論集 Political Essays of

Kang Youwei kanguan 看官 dear audience kanji 漢字 Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 Kawato Michiaki 川戸道昭 Kokumin Shinbun 国民新聞 National News Kudo Takamasa 工藤貴正 Kumarajiva 鳩摩羅什 Kunming 昆明 Kuroiwa Ruikou 黒岩淚香 Laozi 老子 Leixie Mengxin 縲紲盟心 Prison Brotherhood Leng 冷 Li Chu 勵儲 Li Sao 離騷 On Encountering

283



Sorrow Li Shutong 李叔同 Li Wei 李蔚 Li Zhimei 李志梅 Liang Qichao 梁啟超 Liang Yan 梁艶 Liaoshi 老氏 Lin Daiyu 林黛玉 Lin Maosheng 林茂生 Lin Shu 林紓 Lin Shu Fanyi Zuopin Chuanmu

林紓翻譯作品

全目

Lin Shu Fanyi Zuopin Kaosuo

林紓翻譯作品

考索 Research on Lin Shus Works of Translation


林紓翻譯作品


Lin Shu Pingzhuan 林紓評傳 Critical Biography of Lin Shu

Lin Shu Yanjiu Ziliao 林紓研究資料 Research Materials on Lin Shu

Lin Yi de Yuanben 林譯的原本 The Originals of Lin Shus Translations

Liu Changshu 劉長述 Liu Shipei 劉師培 Liu Wu-chi 柳無忌 Liu Xinhuang 劉心皇 Liu Yazi 柳亞子 Long Caipan 聾裁判 Deaf Judges Lu Xun 魯迅

Lu Xun Chuanji zhong de Ren he Shi Lu Xun Yiwen Yishi Kaoshi

鲁迅全集中的

人和事鲁迅佚

文佚事考釋

The Personages and Events in The Complete Works of Lu Xun

Lu Xun de Qingnian Shidai

魯迅的靑年時

代 The Youth Lu Xun

Lu Xun Nianpu 魯迅年譜 Chronology of Lu Xun Lu Xun Xiaoshuo lide Renwu

魯迅小說裡的

人物 Characters in Lu Xuns Novels

Lu Xun yu Yingwen 魯迅與英文 Lu Xun and English Lu Xun yu Zhou Zuoren 魯迅與周作人 Lu Xun and Zhou

Zuoren Lu Xun Zaoqi Sanbu Yizuo de Fanyi Yitu

魯迅早期三部

譯作的翻譯意 Lu Xuns Intentions in

His Three Earliest

284



圖 Translations

Lu Xun Zizhuan 魯迅自傳 Lu Xuns Autobiography

Lun Xue Ribenwen zhi Yi

論學日本文之

益 On the Advantages of Learning Japanese

Luo Xiaoming 羅孝明 Ma Tailai 馬泰來 Ma Yijun 馬以君

Manshu Dashi Quanji 曼殊大師全集 Complete Works of the Reverend Manshu

Maruzen 丸善 Mashilang 馬十郎 Matsuoka Toshihiro 松岡俊裕 Meiji 明治

Meiji Honyaku Bungaku Zenshuu Shinbun Zasshi Hen 24 (Hugo Shuu I)

明治翻訳文

学全集新聞

雑誌編 24 (ユゴー集 I)

Complete Collection of Translated Literature in the Meiji Period Newspapers and Magazines 24 (Hugo I)

Meiji Honyaku Bungaku Zenshuu Shinbun Zasshi Hen 25 (Hugo Shuu II)

明治翻訳文

学全集新聞

雑誌編 25 (ユゴー集 II)

Complete Collection of Translated Literature in the Meiji Period Newspapers and Magazines 25 (Hugo II)

Meiji Jidai no Victor Hugo Morita Shiken no Houyaku o Megutte

明治時代の

ヴィクトル

ユゴー森

田思軒の邦

訳をめぐっ

て

Victor Hugo in the Meiji Period On Morita Shikens Translation

Ming (Dynasty) 明 Ming Nande 明男德 Minguo Zhenxi Zhuankan Tekan Zengkan Jinianhao Huibian

民國珍稀專刊

特刊增刊紀念

號匯編

Memorial Collection of Rare Special Issues and Supplements in the Republican Era

Minyuusha 民友社 Miserable ミゼラブル Miserable

Mizu Mei Hen 「水冥」篇Waters and Shadow Chapter

Morita Norimasa 森田範正

Morita Shiken 森田思軒 (森田文蔵)

285



Murase Machiu 村瀨巷宇 Naigai Shuppan 內外出版 Nanjing 南京 Noneko 野猫 wildcat Nuumlzi Shijie 女子世界 Womens World Ozorasha 大空社 Paramartha 真諦 Peng Jianhua 彭建華 Ping Yun 平雲 Pipa Xing 琵琶行 Song of the Pipa PlayerPrajnaparamitahydayo Sutra 心經 Heart Sutra

Qian Xuantong 錢玄同 Qing (Dynasty) 清

Qing Guangyi Riben Shu Pai Youxue Zhe

請廣譯日本書

派遊學折

Memorial for Mass-translation of Japanese Books and Sending Students to Study in Japan

Qing Kaiju Yi Riben Shu Zhe

請開局譯日本

書折

Memorial for Establishment of Institutes for Translating Japanese Books

Qingmo Minchu Hanyi Faguo Wenxue Yanjiu

清末民初漢譯

法國文學硏究

A Study of Chinese Translations of French Literature in the late Qing and early Republican Era

Qiu Wenzhi 邱文治 Qiushi 求是 Qu Yuan 屈原 Quanxue Pian 勸學篇 Advocacy of Learning queshuo 卻說 it happened that Sakakibara Takanori 榊原貴教 Seisoku 正則 Sendai 仙台 Senshi Genkou 千紫万紅 Shanghai 上海 Shaoxing 紹興 She Xiebin 佘協斌 Shi Zhicun 施蟄存 Shibao 時報 Eastern Times Shijiazhuang 石家莊

286



Shinmatsu Shousetsu kara

清末小說か

ら From Late-Qing Fiction

Shounenen 少年園 Boyhood

Shuangxiong Yisi Lu 雙雄義死錄 Righteous Death of Two Heroes

Shuobu Congshu Erji 說部叢書二集 Book Series for Story-telling II

shuoshu 說書 taletelling Sohu 搜狐

Su Heshang Zatan 蘇和尚雜談 Some Facts about Monk Su

Su Manshu 蘇曼殊

Su Manshu Dashi Xinzhuan

蘇曼殊大師新

傳 The Reverend Su Manshu A New Biography

Su Manshu Nianpu ji Qita

蘇曼殊年譜及

其他 A Chronological Life of Su Manshu and Other Articles

Su Manshu Pingzhuan 蘇曼殊評傳 Critical Biography of Su Manshu

Su Manshu Quanji 蘇曼殊全集 Complete Works of Su Manshu

Su Manshu Wenji 蘇曼殊文集 Collection of Su Manshus Writings

Su Manshu Yanjiu de Sange JieduanmdashSu Manshu Wenji Xu

蘇曼殊研究的

三個階段mdashmdash蘇曼殊文集序

Three Stages of the Studies on Su ManshumdashPreface to Collection of Su Manshus Writings

Su Zigu 蘇子穀 Sugitani Daisui 杉谷代水 Taidong 泰東 Taipei 台北 Taipingyang Bao 太平洋報 The Pacific News Takano Yaichi 高野彌一 Tan Yuguo Beican Shijie Zuizao de Zhongyiben

談雨果悲慘世

界最早的中譯

本

On the Earliest Chinese Translations of Hugos Les Miseacuterables

Tan Zai-xi 譚載喜 Tang Baolin 唐寶林 Tang Zhijun 湯志鈞 Tarumoto Teruo 樽本照雄 Tayama Katai 田山花袋 Tian Liu Er 天鷚兒 The Skylark

287



Tianjin 天津

Tianmin Lei 天民淚 Tears of Heavenly People

Tokutomi Soho 徳富蘇峰 Tokyo 東京 Tsubakihime 椿姬 Tsulon ツーロン Ueno 上野 Umajurou 馬十郎 Vajacchedika Prajnaparamita Sutra 金剛經 Diamond Sutra

Wang Fong 王風 Wang Xiaoyuan 王曉元

Wanqing Wenxue Congchao Xiaoshuo Sijuan

晚清文學叢

鈔小說四卷

Compilation of Literary Works in Late Qing Dynasty Fourth Collection of Fiction

Waseda 早稻田 Wen Gongzhi 文公直 Wenhai 文海 Wenxue Yinyuan 文學因緣 Affinities in Literature

Wenxue Yinyuan Zixu 文學因緣自序 Preface to Affinities in Literature

Wong Tak-wai 黃德偉 Wu Jianren 吳趼人 Wu Song 吳松 Wu Wo 毋我 Wu Xiangxiang 吳相湘 Wu Yizhai 吳一齋

Xiandai Hanyu Cihui de Xingcheng Shijiu Shiji Hanyu Wailaici Yanjiu

現代漢語詞匯

的形成十九世

紀漢語外來詞

研究

The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language The Period from 1840 to 1898

Xiao Zong 孝宗 Xiaoshuo Shibao 小說時報 Fiction Times

Xiaoshuo Yuebao 小說月報 The Short Story Monthly

Xiaoshuolin 小說林

Xifang Fanyi Jianshi 西方翻譯簡史 A Concise History of Translation in the West

Xiner Jiuxue Ji 馨兒就學記 Xins Journal about

288



School Life Xin Xiaoshuo 新小說 New Fiction Xiong Yuezhi 熊月之

Xixue Dongjian yu Wanqing Shehui

西學東漸與晚

清社會 The Gradual Influence of Western Learning on Late-Qing China

Xu Mi 須彌 Xu Yonggang 徐永剛 Xuanzang 玄奘 Xue Suizhi 薛綏之 Xuesheng 雪生 Xuexiao Shenghuo de Yiyie

學校生活的一

葉 A Leaf in My School Life

Yama Gano Mizu 山家水 Water for the House in the Mountains

Yanagida Izumi 柳田泉 Yanku Wang 岩窟王 Yemaozi Jinboer 野貓子金鉢兒 Yifan 逸犯 Prisoner at Large Yijing 義淨

Yinbingshi Wenji Dianjiao

飲冰室文集點

校 Collected Works from the Ice-drinkers Studio An Annotated Edition

Yingxiang Zhongguo Jindai Shehui de Yibaizhong Yizuo

影響中國近代

社會的一百種

譯作

One Hundred Translations which Influenced Modern Society of China

Yokohama 橫濱 Yorozu Chouhou 萬朝報 Yu Jiuhong 俞九洪 Yu Kwang-chung 余光中 Yu Lei Tang 魚雷堂 Yu Lei Dormitory Yue Min 樂敏

Yuguo zai Zhongguo Yijie Yanjiu ji QitamdashJinian Shijie Wenhua Mingren Yuguo Danchen 200 Zhounian

雨果在中國譯

介研究及其

他ndashndashndash紀念世界

文化名人雨果

誕辰 200 週年

Hugo in China Translations Studies and OthersmdashIn Memory of the Cultural Personage Hugo in the Bicentennial Celebration of His Birth

Yushodo 雄松堂 Yutian de Shu 雨天的書 Book of Rainy Days Yuwai Yinjie Ji 域外引介集 Works from Across the

289



Boundaries

Yuxian Lu 娛閒錄 Leisure Entertainment Pieces

Zanghuaci 葬花詞 The Flower-burial SongZeng Jinzhang 曾錦漳 Zeng Xiaogu 曾孝谷 Zhang Juncai 張俊才 Zhang Juxiang 張菊香 Zhang Reide 張瑞德 Zhang Tierong 張鐵榮 Zhang Yaojie 張耀杰 Zhang Yufa 張玉法 Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 zhanghui 章回 zhanghui xiaoshuo 章回小說 zhanghui novel Zhejiang 浙江 Zhejiang Chao 浙江潮 Zhejiang Tide Zhi An 止庵

Zhitang Huixiang Lu 知堂回想錄 Memoirs in Knowledge Hall

Zhitang Jiwai Wen Yibao Suibi

知堂集外文

《亦報》隨筆 Miscellanies in Knowledge Hall Short Pieces in the Yi Daily

Zhiyun YouchangmdashRen yu Shu de Wangshi

紙韻悠長ndashndashndash人

與書的往事

The Unfathomable Savor of Paper Past Events of People and Books

Zhongguo Jindai Wenxue Daxi (1840-1919) Di Shiyi Ji Fanyi Wenxue Ji

中國近代文學

大系

（1840-1919）

第十一集翻譯

文學集

A Treasury of Modern Chinese Literature (1840-1919) Book Eleven Division Translated Literature

Zhongguo Jinxiandai Nuumlxing Qikan Huibian

中國近現代女

性期刊匯編 Collection of Women Journals in Modern China

Zhongguo Xiandai Zizhuan Congshu

中國現代自傳

叢書 Modern China Autobiography Series

Zhongguo Xiaoshuo Xushi Moshi de Zhuanbian

中國小說敘事

模式的轉變 The Shifts in Narrative Modes in Chinese Novels

Zhonghua Quanguo Tushuguan Wenxian Suowei Fuzhi Zhongxin

中華全國圖書

館文獻縮微複

製中心

Zhou Shuren 周樹人

290



Zhoushi Xiongdi Zaoqi Zhuyi yu Hanyu Xiandai Shuxie Yuyan

周氏兄弟早期

著譯與漢語現

代書寫語言

The Early Writings and Translations of the Zhou Brothers and the Modern Written Chinese

Zhou Zuoren 周作人 Zhou Zuoren Nianpu 1885-1967

周作人年譜

1885-1967 Chronology of Zhou Zuoren 1885-1967

Zhou Zuoren Zibian Wenji

周作人自編文

集 Zhou Zuorens Own Compilation of Literary Works

Zhuangzi 莊子 Zou Zhenhuan 鄒振環 Zuikenroku 隨見録 Things Seen Zulong 祖龍

Acknowledgments

It never occurred to me that my dissertation would be completed while I was on chemotherapy The medication prescribed by my doctor which not only burdened and weakened my body but also dulled my brain made the writing process an extremely inefficient and tough one Every day for the past two years I had to struggle against writers block with very limited energy as I trudged along in constructing my thesis point by point at a snails pace It was a long testing process and there were times when hope was nowhere in sight and I felt like giving it all up Fortunately however this thought would soon be left behind by my befuddled and forgetful head Before I knew it the work was nearing the end and I finally did it Therefore the hardships and difficulties I endured all along the way have made the completion of the dissertation especially valuable and memorable to me The visit to deaths door has inspired me to better cherish everything I have The list of the people I would like to thank is hence a long one but within the limited space here I can only mention them briefly without being able to enumerate their kindnesses which have been treasured in my heart First of all I would like to thank my advisor Professor Li Sher-shiueh whose erudition and instruction have not only benefited my knowledge over the years but also helped me solve many problems related to this doctoral project A chronic pain sufferer himself he was thoroughly sympathetic to the persistent discomfort in my neck as a consequence of surgery and gave me useful advice on how to live with my pain Without his patient instructions the fulfillment of my dissertation would have been absolutely impossible Next I shall show my profoundest appreciation to the thesis defense committee membersmdashDr Jeng Hengsyung Dr Ma Yiu-man Dr Lai Tzu-yun and Dr Lee Ken-fang along with my advisormdashfor their leniency during my viva voce and for their insightful comments and constructive advice on the improvement of my dissertation Besides I owe the finishing of this task to some friends who gathered important research resources for me Kuo Yu-jen and Liau Yun-jen went several times to the NTU library to borrow many useful books for me Chen Mei-ching also provided me with some indispensable Meiji Japan material from the FJU library Cheng Che-ming came back from the United States with a rare out-of-print version of Les Miseacuterables which proved vital to my research To Yang Ruei-ying my gratitude is boundless because she had to bear the inconvenience of paying two visits to the British Library to bring back some rare material for me I also feel grateful to Tang Chun-nien Wu Tsai-yi Tu Yun Lee Te-yun Chang Chia-hao Chih Szu-chin and Tsai Shu-yuan who helped download many priceless electronic books in the public domain that could only be accessed from the United States Without their assistance the conclusion of my dissertation could not have been reached


摘要


















意的現象





花袋


























translation

















1




























2

































3




























will be given


4
























Fantine



1903



5
































6
































7


































8

































9



































10

























oriented










11



































12



































13








versions


























14



















decided
















15
































16





























involved22


17





















lhomme (CG 355)










































18






imprisonment (309)






imprisonment (319)














complete texts















19


































prisoner (28-29)


















20

































21





























22








chapter


























23


































24


















respectively













25


































26










Digne depuis 1806

























27





precirctre






Digne depuis 1806









28































29












bundles






destiny















30





























31






























32




























931-32)






33








analyses












Volumes 17



Saint-Denis

(not specified)44

Volumes 18



Saint-Denis

M Edouard Jolivet







34



















































35

follows



































emphases added)



















36

















523 emphases added)



leaves





































37





Lamarque
















Lamarque
















paraphrasings














38






































was closely cut yet




some time






39

































40
































41



若も


を句每くごと



にも達たつ

す可べ

し少すな

くとも三


なる能あた

はず然しか

れども余よ

は成な

る可べ

く一般ぱん


が初はじ

め

の部分ぶゞん

を記憶きおく

に存ぞん

し得う

る程度ていど

を限かぎ


乃至ないし

二百回くわい

以

內ない

に譯やく

し終おわ

らんとを期き








思おも


が理想りそう

とせし人ひと

なる可べ


に之これ

を揭かか


なる可べ


に及およ


に與あた


の如何いかん

に從したが


に移うつ



に揭かか


の




じ其そ

れに從したが

ふ事こと


Foreword 3)







42










stories



は余よ

が今いま

まで譯やく


と同おなじ

く余よ


を讀よみ

て余よ

の自みずか

ら感かん

じ得え

たるが儘まま

を余よ

の意い

に従したが

ひて述の

べ行ゆ

く者もの

なれば

翻訳ほんやく

と云い


に聞き


をば我われ

が知し

れる話はなし

として人ひと

に話はな


し此これ

を讀よ


に引ひき

合あわ

せ以もっ



す

るを欲ほっ

する人ひと


す可べ






43


as (Re)Writer





























44













following paragraph

Victor Hugo Lu Xun
















45





















rendering








46




finished in 1888







conducted



















47




Moto 46)



165)








which inspires it



















48
































49




































50




























204-205)










to come














Fantine 43-44)



51








り



























(Aichen 166)


52





















doubt










53


























Mer82



54


















84 (Aichen 170)






55































56












50)













hinges



57



















め見み


めて見み

る which denotes












58






Moto 45-46)













creation















59



































60

























Claude Gueux






61






























62


































63

































64








332)























65





body





















67


Tianmin Lei


























68

















place



tutoie111 (CG 370-71)
















69







dit tu113 (CG 376)


Tu賤如雞狗114 (14216)





or a dog)




















70
































71




































72




























Poursuivons

































Let us continue






73
























progress








かり

深かり







が



日の麵包パン







74




you (309)






Chinese (Xue Sheng)



















75


































76

































77























Chinese (Xue Sheng)


(14040)











78









place



370-71)






dit tu123 (CG 376)


to me thou (55)

Chinese (Xue Sheng)













79
































80



translation

























81






























82
















(558)







善讀之136 (131)






83










French original
























84
























in Japanese










a phonetic

85











ひもせずに


を貴君きくん


は誰だれ

でも此こ

の野猫のねこ

めなどと云い














と

云い




を盗ぬす

んで賣う





果物くだもの



86









へ引ひ

き出だ

されて居ゐ

る142





One last example








の入い

り口ぐち

に進すす

んだ茲ここ


が立た

って居ゐ


警吏けいり












87






















警吏けいり


に入はい





は其そ

の

表面へうめん

を見み

て聊いささ


の思おもひ

を為な




斑まだら

井ゐ

此この

名な

は數す

年來ねんらい

徳望とくぼう

の附牒ふてふ


へま


88

で聞きこ

えて居ゐ

る誰たれ


せぬ者もの

は無な




を得え


の上うえ


を加くは

へた様やう

に感かん


の影かげ

から其その

名刺なふだ

を

同僚どうれう

の手て

から手て

に廻まわ

し終つひ


の手て

にまで傳つた

はツた 148

(Kuroiwa I 128)












(Hugo LM I 427)








89


『オ武ぶ


は忘わす


と一いっ

緒しょ


に居ゐ


に染分そめわ


を懸か


して居ゐ

た事こと



に染分そめわ

けた








ける (suspend or


















90











『お前まへ





を二の腕うで

に彫附ほりつ

けて

居ゐ

たが今いま


三月ぐわつ

一日じつ

の文字もじ

が讀よ


に其そ

の傍そば

に黒子ほくろ

も有あ


の手て


を捲まく

つてお見み

せ』154

(Kuroiwa I 147-48)


二の腕うで



二 and 腕うで





(mole) beside







91


























92






























93



































94


juxtaposition





Digne depuis 1806




































95



de Digne




(3-4)






(8755)





















96


































97






























98


livres)



Montdidier)






livres)






dArles)



des prisons)

















99





indigentes)


livres)




livres)
























100


ease of comparison)




































101


































102




















103


Mysteries

























104
































105

































106

































107


































108
































則東文之用多

109





















seems plausible












110






























111





English





























112










Chinese translation
























語言能力

113


































114
































進得城來

神色疲倦大

汗滿臉一見

就知道他一定


115








是遠遊的客人

了但是他究

竟從什麼地方

來的呢暫且

不表 188

(113)


































116




















了些別的話190 (117)



















117






















表192 (113)








this regard







118































119









language versions













Aamujou 噫無情





120
































Ruikous Aamujou


121


































122


の主人あるじ
































123
































124



































125
































126

下當做枕頭213 (421) 做枕頭214 (120)







following passages




(341)









passages










127






























128






























129
















provided here







好看哩251 (381)


看252 (116)







130



following example




呢256 (340)



暫且不表257 (113)






semantic content








天氣寒冷260 (341)









131













(340)




兩次265 (113)



















132

























自開門去了275 (381)






133







圍牆278 (441)



面還有圍牆279 (121)
















the passage







134

preserved






(340-41)





















呢」288 (401)





允嗎」289 (119)


135














study



















136



























Les Miseacuterables







137



































138



































139

































Three)


140




Four)






destination (no 6)

























141

















put in tables









1815 (51)




[1880] I 55)



1815 (I 44)




55)



142



三月一日彼か







し巴里ぱりー

の都みやこ

を指さ

して

上のぼ


に一泊ぱく

した所ところ


helliphellip

今いま

は其それ


同おな

じ年とし


或日あるひ



話說西曆一

千八百十五

年十月初

旬一日天


294 (113)


















143











(51)






[1880] I 55)





44)






market-place (I 56)






町まち


で汗あせ

を拭ふ

き拭ふ

き井ゐ

戶ど

の水みづ

を汲上くみあ

げて吞の

み又また


きて町まち

中なか

の井ゐ

戶ど

で水みづ

を呑の





(113)





144
































faible

On nentendit pas



No one heard him



145








rap










some one knocking






No one heard him







door (I 48-49)





He tapped again
















opened (XI 135)


茲こゝ




146

を叩たゝ

いた二度ど

叩たゝ

いて三度ど

目め

に主人あるじ

が窓まど

まで立たつ

て來き

て

『何方どなた

』と問と


9)





298 (119)


























147


recevoir


seacuteant





mdashQuoi donc


mdashOui dit lhomme


chambre



mdashJe ne puis

mdashPourquoi






I 97)


receive you





It is not that

What then

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


replied the man

I cannot

Why


room







said





It is not that

What is it then


you





It is not that

What then

148

You have money

Yes said the man



the stables

I cannot

Why




that after supper


[1880] I 57)

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


replied the man

I cannot

Why


room





46)



The man half rose




you

It is not that

What then

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


me in the stable

I cannot

Why


you





It is not that

What is it then

You have money

Yes said the man



the stables

I cannot

Why


149






58)



after dinner



［主人あるじ

］『何ど


をお留と

め申まを

す譯わけ

に行ゆ


く打うつ

て變かはつ

たと云い

ふ

者もの

だ客きやく


を揚あ

げ『エ何なん

だ

と騙かた


ふのかでは


に仕し

やう金かね

は持もつ

て居ゐ

る斷ことわ

ツた


の空あい

た所ところ

が有あ


は未ま


せぬ最い

と靜しづか

に『室へや

が無な


で好よ

い』


は馬うま


は何ど

の樣やう

な隅すみ


はぬ藁わら

さへ

有あ

れば敷しい

て寢ね

るから先ま

ア兎と

も角かく

も

食事しよくじ

を濟す


にしやう』


這裡」







錯」










150




4)

(114-15)


























151



















toujours (LM I 117)










(LM [1880] I 67)















to me (XI 153)

152


『エ泊とめ

て吳く


エ何なん


ツ

た私わたく



を貴君きくん


は誰だれ

でも此こ

の野猫のねこ

めなどと云い

ひま






303 (125)



























153






(LM I 104-05)






of straw (57-58)





















of straw (I 50)























154

少すこ

し行ゆ


の庭には

に低ひく


の樣やう

な

者もの

が有あ

る多分たぶん

は土方どかた

か何なに


でも入い

れて置お

く為ため

に作つくつ

て有あ


ど彼か

れは潜もぐ

り込こん

だが背せな

の袋ふくろ

が邪魔じやま

に成な

る

から向む

き直なほ

して卸おろ


9-10)







的床鋪306 (120)







Western versions












155






juxtaposition



Richmond)











rendition












156





















Miseacuterables













157


kinds














Charles E Wilbours

159




Miseacuterables











Manshu alone

















160





























161





Manshu alone






























162
































163

























314 (1372)


164


































165






315 (1372)























166






























age fourteen




167



























168







linguistics



Dashi Quanji 102)















that







169



Xinhuang 89)


as follows























170































171





























novel





172
































173


































174




polisher



























175














sortie



I 151)













on his departure



plainly robbed (82)



























on his departure



176















departure

















departure



194-95)


helliphellip其そ



を受取うけと

るに及およ

び彼か

れの腹はら

の中うち



の餘よ

に為なつ

て居ゐ

る事こと

と思おも

ッて居ゐ

た所ところ

が纔わづか

に百法ふらん

の餘よ

しか無な

い是これ


の日ひ

の分ぶん

や種しゅ

々〲

の費用ひよう



で有あ


れは








177

爾さう

は思おも

はぬ確たしか



だけ盜ぬす

まれた者もの

と信しん

じた

是これ

に就つ

けても世よ

の中なか

の憎にく

さが増ま

した335 (I 31)


留下336 (178)
































178














prolonged creak




Judgment Day (85)





















barred the entrance








Day (I 70)










179

entrance





















其そ


き戶と

が開あ

いて先ま

づ嬉うれ



に小ちさ

い臺だい

が有ツた其そ

れが彼か

の足あし

に掛かゝつ

て倒たふ

れ靜しづか

な室へや

に異樣いやう


を為な

したビク

ビクして居ゐ

る彼か

れの耳みゝ

には殆ほとん


を打う

た

れた樣やう

に感かん

じ身動みうご

きも為な

し得え

で其その

まゝ蹙すく

ん









了338 (179)









180














Kuroiwa 小ちさ

い臺だい

340

Su 小几341










Kuroiwa 其そ

れが彼か

の足あし

に掛かゝつ

て倒たふ

れ靜しづか

な室へや

に異樣いやう


を為な

した342





181











きも為な

し得え

で其その

まゝ蹙すく

んだ344






















right (87)



182














hand (I 98)





207)


彼か



を脫ぬい

だ彼か

れの額ひたひ

に


が浮うい

て居ゐ










translator














183





165)





appearance (90)










(LM [1880] I 91)









appearance (I 74)











(I 101-102)






disturb the bishop




looks (XI 213)


急いそ

ぎて次つぎ

の室ま

に行ゆ

き彼か

の二個こ

一對つゐ

を持もつ

て來き



184

ア是これ

もお前まへ


て差出さしだ

して渡わた

した


は頭あたま

から足あし

の先さき

まで震ふる


ツた殆ほとん

ど何なに

を受取うけと


で知し

らぬ程ほど


(I 39)




過了蠟臺349 (181)















flanc (LM I 168)




side (91)





side (LM [1880] I 92)







185








his side (XI 216)




い子供こども

の聲こゑ

で歌うた

を謠うた

ふて來く

るのが聞きこ

えた350 (I 41)



(182)






Japanese rendition














text


186









piece (91)



(LM [1880] I 92)


piece (I 75)





piece (XI 217)


落お



でhelliphellip354

(I 42)


355 (182)













187





contrasting





piegravece


Valjean







my piece


Valjean









said

Little Gervais sir






piece


Valjean

Petit Gervais sir










188

my money


Valjean

Little Gervais sir



my coin


said





思案しあん


に近ちかづ

き『伯父おぢ

さ


な事こと

を仕し

ては可い

けないよ』

戎ぢやん

は無言むごん


を擧あ

げ

て呉く



42)






357 (182)















189


differences



























pauvres (LM I 172)




poor (93)



190



priest


poor (LM [1880] I 94)




poor (I 77)




priest


poor people (I 106)




poor (XI 221)


戎ぢやん


を差出さしだ

して『何どう

か之これ


に

お施ほどこ

し成な

さツて下くだ



















191













master and servant











(LM I 163)

























192



89)







poor man evidently






100)





poor evidently








は又また

も靜しづか


て『爾さ

う云い

はずに先ま

づ考かんが


第だい

一那あ

の皿さら

は此家このや

の物もの


ま私わた

しが惜をし

んで居ゐ

たの

が惡わる

がツた那あ


に貧まづし

い人ひと

の物もの


の客きやく

は確たしか

に貧まづし

い人ひと


い人ひと

が持もつ

で行ゆ

くのは當あた

り前まへ

だ

との意味いみ

が現あら

はれて居ゐ

る何なん


な心こゝろ

だらう何なん

十

年來ねんらい


の德とく

に服ふく




を吐はい

た事こと

の

無な




だ『盜ぬす


し共ども

は

搆かま


もお搆かま

ひは無な






器到底是誰的







合我們的無異

193


が直すぐ

にお困こま

り成な

さるでは有あ


は何ど

の

器うつは

でお汁つゆ


りに成な


了」362 (180)






い人ひと



















194


Kuroiwa 盜ぬす


し共ども

は搆かま


もお搆かま

ひは無な

いのでせう

365


























of notice




195













戎ぢやん



ど呆あき

れた樣やう

に顏かほ

を上あ

げて呟つぶや

いた

『閣下かくか


とは其それ

では只たゞ

の牧師ぼくし

さんでは無な

い




的職分」368 (181)











の牧師ぼくし

さんでは無な







196



































197


199


























goes as follows



200




(Hugo LM I 238)



















remark









201





LM I 227-28)







84)






house








202


242)
















the translation









203
































204

information






























205































206


へ行ゆ














consideration



















207
































208


examination















Chinese (Hei Shi)

M surM (86 91)












209





















Chinese (Hei Shi)
















210




the inn (123)





the inn (I 96)






Chinese (Hei Shi)























211





[1880] I 122)



bore in her arms














Chinese (Hei Shi)


















212










229)




























Chinese (Hei Shi)


402 (85)



213


































214

rendering















Chinese rendition



















215

































216

































217





137)



















218






























219






























220



Lei






















L

u og a fe






221








同胞康健417

U og a fe


















222

spoke to him






























223










like theirs (130)








(LM [1880] I 128)













theirs (XII 26)




畜類雜處420 (I 16)











224
















[1880] I 153)




shoulders (I 180)





納女頸中422 (I 28)













des Amis de lA B C







225




hommes






of men


















[1880] I 480)







of man




the people (III 66)












226



(XV 158-59)



(I 129)


































227




chaises (LM II 120)














292)









chairs (II 69)







chairs (XIII 160)





69)









228















L

u og a fe

(Hugo LM IV 44)















229


























(LM [1880] I 522-23)














them (XVI 11-12)





記憶語427 (I 136-37)





230









worthy of scrutiny























(LM [1880] I 220-21)


















231































215-16)
















(601)


232


















name (LM [1880] I 531)


















128)


















233

































souvrir (LM I 398)



officer


soon (219)


234




he asked himmdash


[1880] I 205)





(I 248)







(I 48)






























235




















century (IV 5-6)















(II 40)











236

































same district

237

































434 Literally Lark

238































239







them all to Java)






















240


































241

bien


























242





spoke to him




























243

























the chimney (II 69)


chimney (XIII 160)



に在あ


の下した

451 (I 184) 靠著火爐452 (1)





244








our close scrutiny




II 129)



(324)




297)



64)







何なん

だ此こ


は鼠ねずみ

の樣やう

な小ちひさ

い身躰からだ

で

象ざう

の樣やう

な巨でか

い噓うそ

を吐つ

いてさ454 (I 186)



(2)






245



























(XIII 206)



て衣嚢かくし

の中なか

を探さぐ

ッたが探さぐ


に青あを

い其そ



と為な

ッた

457 (I 199)







246


















(LM II 169)










[1880] I 317)





France (II 81)











247

(XIII 221)












II 170)


(347)


F)


[1880] I 317)


(II 81)



101)


(XIII 222)



(7)




248



























249

































250



































251



































252



































253

overemphasized


Period






























254


































255























1903

1904

Su Manshu

蘇曼殊


Miseacuterables





Wilbour)









256



Miseacuterables


宗




盟心 1918

Xue Sheng






















two examples






257





English passage







victims



to life

(Mizu Mei Hen 122)












余よ

の意い

に従したが

ひて述の

べ行ゆ

く者もの


と云い


に聞き

き

たる話はなし

をば我われ

が知し

れる話はなし

として人ひと

に話はな


し此これ

を讀よ

み


に引ひき

合あわ

せ以もっ



するを欲ほっ

する人ひと


す可べ

し


258

斯か

かる人ひと

に対たい

しては余よ

は切せつ




す
































259

































260



























One 1 Tianmin Lei


3

Guxing Lei


seven books





261

4 Tian Liu Er

5 Aichen Yifan

6 Yifan

7 Yifan

8

Two 1

2

3 Guai Ke

4minus8

Three 1minus8

Four 1minus15

Five 1minus9

Vol Two Book One

Vol Two Book Six

Vol Two Book Seven

Vol Three Book One


Vol Four Book Seven

Vol Five Book Two






















262



































263



































264






265

Works Consulted

Primary Sources


[Zhejiang Tide] 5 (1903) 165-169















83-94










蝠池 2006 498 510 522 546 558 570 582 594

266



蝠池 2006 14 26 42 (=47) 59 71 83 95 107 119 131














1887















York Donohue [1900]

267



Johnston 1863


1887





Boston Heath 1892




Boston Ginn 1897













大空社 1998 60-96






268



















Company 1894 257-95



Nichols 1895 189-221











269







1988 43-55

Secondary Sources















論叢 31 (March 2010) 41-68







270








大學學報（哲學社會科學版） 302 (2004) 27-28 33










科學版） 32-3 (2009) 96-98














271
























254-55








272






大空社 1996






















1990




273










133-147



















店 1985 130-231


274



















(1959) 240-246



2005










275


231 (2002) 66-69








店 1985



1929









(201041) 1-8







雄松堂 1988 1-12


276

Routledge 1995




Monthly 魯迅研究月刊 200912 (2009) 4-18





2006









8447-8451













277





2010 348-70




1981




















2008 83-86


278
















版社 1989 217-19



仁書局 1982 47-51








279









報界耆宿文壇


韓）其人其事



報人作家陳景

韓及其小說研

究







慘社會與慘世





280





陳獨秀年譜一



Duxiu 1879-1942



從本世紀初西

歐文學的譯介

看當時的中日

文學交流



從康雪到阿


譯天鷚兒與周

作人作孤兒記

的文本關係



281




翻譯意識形態

與話語中國

1895mdash1911 年

文學翻譯研究



分水嶺上余光

中評論文集




Guangzhou 廣州


關於周作人早






ユゴーの漢

訳名囂俄に

ついて（下）



ユゴーの漢

訳名囂俄に


282



ついて（上）









記陳仲甫先生

關於蘇曼殊的

談話




進呈日本明治


Jingjin 鏡今





283




林紓翻譯作品

全目


林紓翻譯作品



林紓翻譯作品







鲁迅全集中的

人和事鲁迅佚

文佚事考釋



魯迅的靑年時



魯迅小說裡的




魯迅早期三部


His Three Earliest

284



圖 Translations



論學日本文之






明治翻訳文

学全集新聞




明治翻訳文

学全集新聞




明治時代の

ヴィクトル

ユゴー森

田思軒の邦

訳をめぐっ

て



民國珍稀專刊

特刊增刊紀念

號匯編






285






請廣譯日本書

派遊學折



請開局譯日本

書折



清末民初漢譯

法國文學硏究



286




清末小說か







Su Manshu 蘇曼殊


蘇曼殊大師新



蘇曼殊年譜及






蘇曼殊研究的




談雨果悲慘世

界最早的中譯

本



287



Tianjin 天津





晚清文學叢

鈔小說四卷






現代漢語詞匯

的形成十九世

紀漢語外來詞

研究







288





西學東漸與晚



學校生活的一





飲冰室文集點



影響中國近代

社會的一百種

譯作




雨果在中國譯

介研究及其


文化名人雨果

誕辰 200 週年



289



Boundaries





知堂集外文




與書的往事



中國近代文學

大系

（1840-1919）

第十一集翻譯

文學集



中國近現代女



中國現代自傳



中國小說敘事



中華全國圖書

館文獻縮微複

製中心


290




周氏兄弟早期

著譯與漢語現

代書寫語言



周作人年譜



周作人自編文




摘要


















意的現象





花袋


























translation

















1




























2

































3




























will be given


4
























Fantine



1903



5
































6
































7


































8

































9



































10

























oriented










11



































12



































13








versions


























14



















decided
















15
































16





























involved22


17





















lhomme (CG 355)










































18






imprisonment (309)






imprisonment (319)














complete texts















19


































prisoner (28-29)


















20

































21





























22








chapter


























23


































24


















respectively













25


































26










Digne depuis 1806

























27





precirctre






Digne depuis 1806









28































29












bundles






destiny















30





























31






























32




























931-32)






33








analyses












Volumes 17



Saint-Denis

(not specified)44

Volumes 18



Saint-Denis

M Edouard Jolivet







34



















































35

follows



































emphases added)



















36

















523 emphases added)



leaves





































37





Lamarque
















Lamarque
















paraphrasings














38






































was closely cut yet




some time






39

































40
































41



若も


を句每くごと



にも達たつ

す可べ

し少すな

くとも三


なる能あた

はず然しか

れども余よ

は成な

る可べ

く一般ぱん


が初はじ

め

の部分ぶゞん

を記憶きおく

に存ぞん

し得う

る程度ていど

を限かぎ


乃至ないし

二百回くわい

以

內ない

に譯やく

し終おわ

らんとを期き








思おも


が理想りそう

とせし人ひと

なる可べ


に之これ

を揭かか


なる可べ


に及およ


に與あた


の如何いかん

に從したが


に移うつ



に揭かか


の




じ其そ

れに從したが

ふ事こと


Foreword 3)







42










stories



は余よ

が今いま

まで譯やく


と同おなじ

く余よ


を讀よみ

て余よ

の自みずか

ら感かん

じ得え

たるが儘まま

を余よ

の意い

に従したが

ひて述の

べ行ゆ

く者もの

なれば

翻訳ほんやく

と云い


に聞き


をば我われ

が知し

れる話はなし

として人ひと

に話はな


し此これ

を讀よ


に引ひき

合あわ

せ以もっ



す

るを欲ほっ

する人ひと


す可べ






43


as (Re)Writer





























44













following paragraph

Victor Hugo Lu Xun
















45





















rendering








46




finished in 1888







conducted



















47




Moto 46)



165)








which inspires it



















48
































49




































50




























204-205)










to come














Fantine 43-44)



51








り



























(Aichen 166)


52





















doubt










53


























Mer82



54


















84 (Aichen 170)






55































56












50)













hinges



57



















め見み


めて見み

る which denotes












58






Moto 45-46)













creation















59



































60

























Claude Gueux






61






























62


































63

































64








332)























65





body





















67


Tianmin Lei


























68

















place



tutoie111 (CG 370-71)
















69







dit tu113 (CG 376)


Tu賤如雞狗114 (14216)





or a dog)




















70
































71




































72




























Poursuivons

































Let us continue






73
























progress








かり

深かり







が



日の麵包パン







74




you (309)






Chinese (Xue Sheng)



















75


































76

































77























Chinese (Xue Sheng)


(14040)











78









place



370-71)






dit tu123 (CG 376)


to me thou (55)

Chinese (Xue Sheng)













79
































80



translation

























81






























82
















(558)







善讀之136 (131)






83










French original
























84
























in Japanese










a phonetic

85











ひもせずに


を貴君きくん


は誰だれ

でも此こ

の野猫のねこ

めなどと云い














と

云い




を盗ぬす

んで賣う





果物くだもの



86









へ引ひ

き出だ

されて居ゐ

る142





One last example








の入い

り口ぐち

に進すす

んだ茲ここ


が立た

って居ゐ


警吏けいり












87






















警吏けいり


に入はい





は其そ

の

表面へうめん

を見み

て聊いささ


の思おもひ

を為な




斑まだら

井ゐ

此この

名な

は數す

年來ねんらい

徳望とくぼう

の附牒ふてふ


へま


88

で聞きこ

えて居ゐ

る誰たれ


せぬ者もの

は無な




を得え


の上うえ


を加くは

へた様やう

に感かん


の影かげ

から其その

名刺なふだ

を

同僚どうれう

の手て

から手て

に廻まわ

し終つひ


の手て

にまで傳つた

はツた 148

(Kuroiwa I 128)












(Hugo LM I 427)








89


『オ武ぶ


は忘わす


と一いっ

緒しょ


に居ゐ


に染分そめわ


を懸か


して居ゐ

た事こと



に染分そめわ

けた








ける (suspend or


















90











『お前まへ





を二の腕うで

に彫附ほりつ

けて

居ゐ

たが今いま


三月ぐわつ

一日じつ

の文字もじ

が讀よ


に其そ

の傍そば

に黒子ほくろ

も有あ


の手て


を捲まく

つてお見み

せ』154

(Kuroiwa I 147-48)


二の腕うで



二 and 腕うで





(mole) beside







91


























92






























93



































94


juxtaposition





Digne depuis 1806




































95



de Digne




(3-4)






(8755)





















96


































97






























98


livres)



Montdidier)






livres)






dArles)



des prisons)

















99





indigentes)


livres)




livres)
























100


ease of comparison)




































101


































102




















103


Mysteries

























104
































105

































106

































107


































108
































則東文之用多

109





















seems plausible












110






























111





English





























112










Chinese translation
























語言能力

113


































114
































進得城來

神色疲倦大

汗滿臉一見

就知道他一定


115








是遠遊的客人

了但是他究

竟從什麼地方

來的呢暫且

不表 188

(113)


































116




















了些別的話190 (117)



















117






















表192 (113)








this regard







118































119









language versions













Aamujou 噫無情





120
































Ruikous Aamujou


121


































122


の主人あるじ
































123
































124



































125
































126

下當做枕頭213 (421) 做枕頭214 (120)







following passages




(341)









passages










127






























128






























129
















provided here







好看哩251 (381)


看252 (116)







130



following example




呢256 (340)



暫且不表257 (113)






semantic content








天氣寒冷260 (341)









131













(340)




兩次265 (113)



















132

























自開門去了275 (381)






133







圍牆278 (441)



面還有圍牆279 (121)
















the passage







134

preserved






(340-41)





















呢」288 (401)





允嗎」289 (119)


135














study



















136



























Les Miseacuterables







137



































138



































139

































Three)


140




Four)






destination (no 6)

























141

















put in tables









1815 (51)




[1880] I 55)



1815 (I 44)




55)



142



三月一日彼か







し巴里ぱりー

の都みやこ

を指さ

して

上のぼ


に一泊ぱく

した所ところ


helliphellip

今いま

は其それ


同おな

じ年とし


或日あるひ



話說西曆一

千八百十五

年十月初

旬一日天


294 (113)


















143











(51)






[1880] I 55)





44)






market-place (I 56)






町まち


で汗あせ

を拭ふ

き拭ふ

き井ゐ

戶ど

の水みづ

を汲上くみあ

げて吞の

み又また


きて町まち

中なか

の井ゐ

戶ど

で水みづ

を呑の





(113)





144
































faible

On nentendit pas



No one heard him



145








rap










some one knocking






No one heard him







door (I 48-49)





He tapped again
















opened (XI 135)


茲こゝ




146

を叩たゝ

いた二度ど

叩たゝ

いて三度ど

目め

に主人あるじ

が窓まど

まで立たつ

て來き

て

『何方どなた

』と問と


9)





298 (119)


























147


recevoir


seacuteant





mdashQuoi donc


mdashOui dit lhomme


chambre



mdashJe ne puis

mdashPourquoi






I 97)


receive you





It is not that

What then

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


replied the man

I cannot

Why


room







said





It is not that

What is it then


you





It is not that

What then

148

You have money

Yes said the man



the stables

I cannot

Why




that after supper


[1880] I 57)

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


replied the man

I cannot

Why


room





46)



The man half rose




you

It is not that

What then

You have moneymdash

Yes said the man


room


me in the stable

I cannot

Why


you





It is not that

What is it then

You have money

Yes said the man



the stables

I cannot

Why


149






58)



after dinner



［主人あるじ

］『何ど


をお留と

め申まを

す譯わけ

に行ゆ


く打うつ

て變かはつ

たと云い

ふ

者もの

だ客きやく


を揚あ

げ『エ何なん

だ

と騙かた


ふのかでは


に仕し

やう金かね

は持もつ

て居ゐ

る斷ことわ

ツた


の空あい

た所ところ

が有あ


は未ま


せぬ最い

と靜しづか

に『室へや

が無な


で好よ

い』


は馬うま


は何ど

の樣やう

な隅すみ


はぬ藁わら

さへ

有あ

れば敷しい

て寢ね

るから先ま

ア兎と

も角かく

も

食事しよくじ

を濟す


にしやう』


這裡」







錯」










150




4)

(114-15)


























151



















toujours (LM I 117)










(LM [1880] I 67)















to me (XI 153)

152


『エ泊とめ

て吳く


エ何なん


ツ

た私わたく



を貴君きくん


は誰だれ

でも此こ

の野猫のねこ

めなどと云い

ひま






303 (125)



























153






(LM I 104-05)






of straw (57-58)





















of straw (I 50)























154

少すこ

し行ゆ


の庭には

に低ひく


の樣やう

な

者もの

が有あ

る多分たぶん

は土方どかた

か何なに


でも入い

れて置お

く為ため

に作つくつ

て有あ


ど彼か

れは潜もぐ

り込こん

だが背せな

の袋ふくろ

が邪魔じやま

に成な

る

から向む

き直なほ

して卸おろ


9-10)







的床鋪306 (120)







Western versions












155






juxtaposition



Richmond)











rendition












156





















Miseacuterables













157


kinds














Charles E Wilbours

159




Miseacuterables











Manshu alone

















160





























161





Manshu alone






























162
































163

























314 (1372)


164


































165






315 (1372)























166






























age fourteen




167



























168







linguistics



Dashi Quanji 102)















that







169



Xinhuang 89)


as follows























170































171





























novel





172
































173


































174




polisher



























175














sortie



I 151)













on his departure



plainly robbed (82)



























on his departure



176















departure

















departure



194-95)


helliphellip其そ



を受取うけと

るに及およ

び彼か

れの腹はら

の中うち



の餘よ

に為なつ

て居ゐ

る事こと

と思おも

ッて居ゐ

た所ところ

が纔わづか

に百法ふらん

の餘よ

しか無な

い是これ


の日ひ

の分ぶん

や種しゅ

々〲

の費用ひよう



で有あ


れは








177

爾さう

は思おも

はぬ確たしか



だけ盜ぬす

まれた者もの

と信しん

じた

是これ

に就つ

けても世よ

の中なか

の憎にく

さが増ま

した335 (I 31)


留下336 (178)
































178














prolonged creak




Judgment Day (85)





















barred the entrance








Day (I 70)










179

entrance





















其そ


き戶と

が開あ

いて先ま

づ嬉うれ



に小ちさ

い臺だい

が有ツた其そ

れが彼か

の足あし

に掛かゝつ

て倒たふ

れ靜しづか

な室へや

に異樣いやう


を為な

したビク

ビクして居ゐ

る彼か

れの耳みゝ

には殆ほとん


を打う

た

れた樣やう

に感かん

じ身動みうご

きも為な

し得え

で其その

まゝ蹙すく

ん









了338 (179)









180














Kuroiwa 小ちさ

い臺だい

340

Su 小几341










Kuroiwa 其そ

れが彼か

の足あし

に掛かゝつ

て倒たふ

れ靜しづか

な室へや

に異樣いやう


を為な

した342





181











きも為な

し得え

で其その

まゝ蹙すく

んだ344






















right (87)



182














hand (I 98)





207)


彼か



を脫ぬい

だ彼か

れの額ひたひ

に


が浮うい

て居ゐ










translator














183





165)





appearance (90)










(LM [1880] I 91)









appearance (I 74)











(I 101-102)






disturb the bishop




looks (XI 213)


急いそ

ぎて次つぎ

の室ま

に行ゆ

き彼か

の二個こ

一對つゐ

を持もつ

て來き



184

ア是これ

もお前まへ


て差出さしだ

して渡わた

した


は頭あたま

から足あし

の先さき

まで震ふる


ツた殆ほとん

ど何なに

を受取うけと


で知し

らぬ程ほど


(I 39)




過了蠟臺349 (181)















flanc (LM I 168)




side (91)





side (LM [1880] I 92)







185








his side (XI 216)




い子供こども

の聲こゑ

で歌うた

を謠うた

ふて來く

るのが聞きこ

えた350 (I 41)



(182)






Japanese rendition














text


186









piece (91)



(LM [1880] I 92)


piece (I 75)





piece (XI 217)


落お



でhelliphellip354

(I 42)


355 (182)













187





contrasting





piegravece


Valjean







my piece


Valjean









said

Little Gervais sir






piece


Valjean

Petit Gervais sir










188

my money


Valjean

Little Gervais sir



my coin


said





思案しあん


に近ちかづ

き『伯父おぢ

さ


な事こと

を仕し

ては可い

けないよ』

戎ぢやん

は無言むごん


を擧あ

げ

て呉く



42)






357 (182)















189


differences



























pauvres (LM I 172)




poor (93)



190



priest


poor (LM [1880] I 94)




poor (I 77)




priest


poor people (I 106)




poor (XI 221)


戎ぢやん


を差出さしだ

して『何どう

か之これ


に

お施ほどこ

し成な

さツて下くだ



















191













master and servant











(LM I 163)

























192



89)







poor man evidently






100)





poor evidently








は又また

も靜しづか


て『爾さ

う云い

はずに先ま

づ考かんが


第だい

一那あ

の皿さら

は此家このや

の物もの


ま私わた

しが惜をし

んで居ゐ

たの

が惡わる

がツた那あ


に貧まづし

い人ひと

の物もの


の客きやく

は確たしか

に貧まづし

い人ひと


い人ひと

が持もつ

で行ゆ

くのは當あた

り前まへ

だ

との意味いみ

が現あら

はれて居ゐ

る何なん


な心こゝろ

だらう何なん

十

年來ねんらい


の德とく

に服ふく




を吐はい

た事こと

の

無な




だ『盜ぬす


し共ども

は

搆かま


もお搆かま

ひは無な






器到底是誰的







合我們的無異

193


が直すぐ

にお困こま

り成な

さるでは有あ


は何ど

の

器うつは

でお汁つゆ


りに成な


了」362 (180)






い人ひと



















194


Kuroiwa 盜ぬす


し共ども

は搆かま


もお搆かま

ひは無な

いのでせう

365


























of notice




195













戎ぢやん



ど呆あき

れた樣やう

に顏かほ

を上あ

げて呟つぶや

いた

『閣下かくか


とは其それ

では只たゞ

の牧師ぼくし

さんでは無な

い




的職分」368 (181)











の牧師ぼくし

さんでは無な







196



































197


199


























goes as follows



200




(Hugo LM I 238)



















remark









201





LM I 227-28)







84)






house








202


242)
















the translation









203
































204

information






























205































206


へ行ゆ














consideration



















207
































208


examination















Chinese (Hei Shi)

M surM (86 91)












209





















Chinese (Hei Shi)
















210




the inn (123)





the inn (I 96)






Chinese (Hei Shi)























211





[1880] I 122)



bore in her arms














Chinese (Hei Shi)


















212










229)




























Chinese (Hei Shi)


402 (85)



213


































214

rendering















Chinese rendition



















215

































216

































217





137)



















218






























219






























220



Lei






















L

u og a fe






221








同胞康健417

U og a fe


















222

spoke to him






























223










like theirs (130)








(LM [1880] I 128)













theirs (XII 26)




畜類雜處420 (I 16)











224
















[1880] I 153)




shoulders (I 180)





納女頸中422 (I 28)













des Amis de lA B C







225




hommes






of men


















[1880] I 480)







of man




the people (III 66)












226



(XV 158-59)



(I 129)


































227




chaises (LM II 120)














292)









chairs (II 69)







chairs (XIII 160)





69)









228















L

u og a fe

(Hugo LM IV 44)















229


























(LM [1880] I 522-23)














them (XVI 11-12)





記憶語427 (I 136-37)





230









worthy of scrutiny























(LM [1880] I 220-21)


















231































215-16)
















(601)


232


















name (LM [1880] I 531)


















128)


















233

































souvrir (LM I 398)



officer


soon (219)


234




he asked himmdash


[1880] I 205)





(I 248)







(I 48)






























235




















century (IV 5-6)















(II 40)











236

































same district

237

































434 Literally Lark

238































239







them all to Java)






















240


































241

bien


























242





spoke to him




























243

























the chimney (II 69)


chimney (XIII 160)



に在あ


の下した

451 (I 184) 靠著火爐452 (1)





244








our close scrutiny




II 129)



(324)




297)



64)







何なん

だ此こ


は鼠ねずみ

の樣やう

な小ちひさ

い身躰からだ

で

象ざう

の樣やう

な巨でか

い噓うそ

を吐つ

いてさ454 (I 186)



(2)






245



























(XIII 206)



て衣嚢かくし

の中なか

を探さぐ

ッたが探さぐ


に青あを

い其そ



と為な

ッた

457 (I 199)







246


















(LM II 169)










[1880] I 317)





France (II 81)











247

(XIII 221)












II 170)


(347)


F)


[1880] I 317)


(II 81)



101)


(XIII 222)



(7)




248



























249

































250



































251



































252



































253

overemphasized


Period






























254


































255























1903

1904

Su Manshu

蘇曼殊


Miseacuterables





Wilbour)









256



Miseacuterables


宗




盟心 1918

Xue Sheng






















two examples






257





English passage







victims



to life

(Mizu Mei Hen 122)












余よ

の意い

に従したが

ひて述の

べ行ゆ

く者もの


と云い


に聞き

き

たる話はなし

をば我われ

が知し

れる話はなし

として人ひと

に話はな


し此これ

を讀よ

み


に引ひき

合あわ

せ以もっ



するを欲ほっ

する人ひと


す可べ

し


258

斯か

かる人ひと

に対たい

しては余よ

は切せつ




す
































259

































260



























One 1 Tianmin Lei


3

Guxing Lei


seven books





261

4 Tian Liu Er

5 Aichen Yifan

6 Yifan

7 Yifan

8

Two 1

2

3 Guai Ke

4minus8

Three 1minus8

Four 1minus15

Five 1minus9

Vol Two Book One

Vol Two Book Six

Vol Two Book Seven

Vol Three Book One


Vol Four Book Seven

Vol Five Book Two






















262



































263



































264






265

Works Consulted

Primary Sources


[Zhejiang Tide] 5 (1903) 165-169















83-94










蝠池 2006 498 510 522 546 558 570 582 594

266



蝠池 2006 14 26 42 (=47) 59 71 83 95 107 119 131














1887















York Donohue [1900]

267



Johnston 1863


1887





Boston Heath 1892




Boston Ginn 1897













大空社 1998 60-96






268



















Company 1894 257-95



Nichols 1895 189-221











269







1988 43-55

Secondary Sources















論叢 31 (March 2010) 41-68







270








大學學報（哲學社會科學版） 302 (2004) 27-28 33










科學版） 32-3 (2009) 96-98














271
























254-55








272






大空社 1996






















1990




273










133-147



















店 1985 130-231


274



















(1959) 240-246



2005










275


231 (2002) 66-69








店 1985



1929









(201041) 1-8







雄松堂 1988 1-12


276

Routledge 1995




Monthly 魯迅研究月刊 200912 (2009) 4-18





2006









8447-8451













277





2010 348-70




1981




















2008 83-86


278
















版社 1989 217-19



仁書局 1982 47-51








279









報界耆宿文壇


韓）其人其事



報人作家陳景

韓及其小說研

究







慘社會與慘世





280





陳獨秀年譜一



Duxiu 1879-1942



從本世紀初西

歐文學的譯介

看當時的中日

文學交流



從康雪到阿


譯天鷚兒與周

作人作孤兒記

的文本關係



281




翻譯意識形態

與話語中國

1895mdash1911 年

文學翻譯研究



分水嶺上余光

中評論文集




Guangzhou 廣州


關於周作人早






ユゴーの漢

訳名囂俄に

ついて（下）



ユゴーの漢

訳名囂俄に


282



ついて（上）









記陳仲甫先生

關於蘇曼殊的

談話




進呈日本明治


Jingjin 鏡今





283




林紓翻譯作品

全目


林紓翻譯作品



林紓翻譯作品







鲁迅全集中的

人和事鲁迅佚

文佚事考釋



魯迅的靑年時



魯迅小說裡的




魯迅早期三部


His Three Earliest

284



圖 Translations



論學日本文之






明治翻訳文

学全集新聞




明治翻訳文

学全集新聞




明治時代の

ヴィクトル

ユゴー森

田思軒の邦

訳をめぐっ

て



民國珍稀專刊

特刊增刊紀念

號匯編






285






請廣譯日本書

派遊學折



請開局譯日本

書折



清末民初漢譯

法國文學硏究



286




清末小說か







Su Manshu 蘇曼殊


蘇曼殊大師新



蘇曼殊年譜及






蘇曼殊研究的




談雨果悲慘世

界最早的中譯

本



287



Tianjin 天津





晚清文學叢

鈔小說四卷






現代漢語詞匯

的形成十九世

紀漢語外來詞

研究







288





西學東漸與晚



學校生活的一





飲冰室文集點



影響中國近代

社會的一百種

譯作




雨果在中國譯

介研究及其


文化名人雨果

誕辰 200 週年



289



Boundaries





知堂集外文




與書的往事



中國近代文學

大系

（1840-1919）

第十一集翻譯

文學集



中國近現代女



中國現代自傳



中國小說敘事



中華全國圖書

館文獻縮微複

製中心


290




周氏兄弟早期

著譯與漢語現

代書寫語言



周作人年譜



周作人自編文



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