476 XIII--DISTRICT ARCHERY 111b-111g

b. When two men contest the victory they will rejoice [in being able] to cultivate their spiritual power 10. The winner and the loser, descending [from the platform on which the archery takes place], honour each other by the ceremonial giving of precedence.

c. Thus the choice of [worthy] officers can be made. [For, though in an archery-contest] the marksman 11 only covers a small distance [with his shot] the regulating power [which is implied] reaches far. And though as a weapon [the arrow is short] it can hurt at long range. Therefore danger can be averted [with it]. It is necessary that by means of archery the yang be aided and [worthy] officers be chosen, in order to support the weak and petty and suppress the forceful, to harmonize the yin and the yang, and to be ready for the unforeseen.

d. How do we know that [by means of archery] danger can be averted? The Shih says: "The four arrows [of his set] come [one after the other] to the same place, [thus showing that he is able] to stop rebellion [in all the four quarters of the state]" 12.

e. By means of archery one practices [the correct use of] rites and music 13. f. Why does archery take place on a platform? To show that regulations

proceed from the high to the low. The Li says: "The guest and the host take the arrow in their hands, and invite each other to ascend [the platform]. They shoot from between the two pillars [of this platform]" 14.

g. The Son of Heaven shoots [his arrow from a distance of] one hundred and twenty paces, a Feudal Lord [from a distance of] ninety paces, a great officer [from a distance of] seventy paces, and a common officer [from a distance of]

10 Cf. Lun yü III. 7, and Li chi, C. II. 679. 11 Lu reads 勝者, Ch'ên (5.31 a) 射者. 12 Ode 106: Mao shih chu shu, 8.31a; L. 162; K. 16.205. 13 See Li chi (C. II. 671 and 677), I li (C. 101ff., 212ff.; St. I. 51ff., 150ff). The important thing is not the actual shooting

but the ceremonial behaviour before, during, and after it (including keeping time with the music). 14 Probably from the I li (chu shu, Hsiang shê li, Chi, 5.63a; C. 169), where the statement is somewhat different. The

target was placed below the platform, the 'stands from where to shoot' wu 物 were between the two pillars on the platform.

477 XIII--DISTRICT ARCHERY 112-113b

fifty paces. It means that the controlling [-power] of the superior reaches far, that of the inferior [only] a short way.

112 --- The District Feasting (II B. 7a).

Why is it that in the tenth month the ritual of the district feasting is performed. 15 To restore the correct relations between superior and inferior, and between old and young. In spring and summer work is pressing: wells have to be dug and the tz'ŭ [-plant] 16 has to be grown on the walls, so that sons are obliged to invite [the help of] their fathers, and younger brothers [that of] their elder brothers. Therefore with [the arrival of] the time of leisure the distinction between seniors and juniors is restored 17.

113 --- The Meaning of Entertaining the Old (II B. 7a-8a).

a. Why is it that the King serves the san-lao 三老 as his father, and the wu-kêng 五更 as his elder brother 18? He wishes his feelings of filial piety and fraternal love to be manifested in all under Heaven. Therefore, though Son of Heaven, he must have one to whom he gives honor, namely a father, and one to whom he yields precedence, namely an elder brother.

b. When the Son of Heaven proceeds to the pi-yung 19 he personally bares his arm to kill the victim, [thus] honoring the san-lao,

15 Ch'ên (5.32a) distinguishes four kinds of district feasting: 1. the feasting of the worthy and able every three years after

the termination of their studies (referred to in I li, ch. Hsiang yin chiu li); 2. the feasting offered by a great officer of a

district to the worthy of the country (referred to in Li chi, ch. Hsiang yin chiu i); 3. the feasting connected with the

archery-game held by the chief of a 'province' chou in spring and autumn (referred to in Chou li, ch. Chou chang); 4. the

feasting connected with the cha-sacrifice in the 12th month (referred to in Chou li, ch. Tang chêng). The feasting here

related seems to be this last one, see also Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the Chou li (chu shu, 12.4a) and Li chi (chu shu,

17.15b). 16 次 (=茨) . A creeping plant, growing on the walls, which cannot be brushed away or removed. Legge (Book of Poetry,

p. 74) and Bretschneider (Botanicon Sinicum, 11.60 and 243) identify it as the Tribulus terrestris. 17 In the Chou li, 12.4a this restoration of the precedence of the seniors is described as 正齒位 chêng ch'ih-wei. 18 San-lao, wu-kêng. 19 See ch. XV.

558 XXVIII---THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS 188b-188d

press the utmost of reverence. The Chou instructed by culture, therefore

they combined both uses, so as to express their idea of the climax of

culture 21.

b. Confucius said: "To approach the dead and treat them as dead is against

consideration for others, and should not be done. To approach the dead

and treat them as living is a want of wisdom, and should not be done" 22.

Therefore there should be the way of the dead in order to ensure the heart

of the filial son, and there should [at the same time] be the way of the

living in order that men be not ungrateful.

c. Therefore [at the sacrifice] the vessels of bamboo are not fit for actual use,

the vessels of wood are not well carved, the vessels of earthenware

cannot be used to wash in, the ch'in and the sê [lutes] are strung but not

evenly, the pan-pipes are complete but out of tune, the bells and chiming-

stones are there but they have no stands 23. It means that the things are

[all] complete but not for [ordinary] use.

d. Confucius said: "The invention of Spiritual Vessels is good, but the

invention of human figures [to accompany the dead] is against

consideration for others. The carriages of clay and the figures of straw,

they have been since antiquity" 24 . It means that they obtain for the

present as well as for antiquity.

21 Cf. Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 8.10a; C. 1.168. The 'Spiritual Vessels' ming-ch'i 明器, are there also

called kuei 鬼 ch'i, i.e. things that only represent utensils; the 'Sacrificial Vessels' chi-ch'i 祭器 are also

called jênch'i, i.e. the actual vessels also used by man. The Chou, combining both, used ordinary vessels

that are unfit for use on the occasion of sacrifice, see infra, under c. 22 Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 8.6a; C. 1.163. 23 Cf. ibid. 24 Ibid., 9.23a; C.I. 209.

561 XXIX---THREE MAJOR AND SIX MINOR RELATIONSHIPS 192a-193c

192---The Meaning of Liu-Chi (III B. 6b).

a. The Six Minor Relationships represent the minor counterparts of the Three Major Relationships.

b. [The relation with] the teacher and the elder is the minor counterpart of [the relation between] Lord and subject. They both serve to perfect one's own person.

c. [The relation with] father's brothers and elder and younger brothers is the minor counterpart of [the relation between] father and son. They are connected with [bonds of] love and affection.

d. [The relation with] mother's brothers and friends is the minor counterpart of [the relation between] husband and wife. They all have the same intentions as to the helping of one's [kindred].

193---The Meaning of the Different Names in the System of Relationships (III B. 7a-8b).

a. What do chün 'Lord' and ch'ên 'subject' mean? Chün means ch'ün 'to gather' 10; [the Lord] gathers the feelings of the subjects who turn towards him. Ch'ên means chien 'solid' 11; [the subject] strengthens his will to make himself solid and firm. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "If [you, my] Lord, wish to stay here, [I, your] subject, beg leave to return" 12.

b. What do fu 'father' and tzŭ 'son' mean? Fu means chü 'a square' 13; the father teaches his son the rules and measures. Tzŭ means tzŭ 'to engender'; to engender without end 14. Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "If a father has a son who dares to admonish him he will not be endangered into performing unprincipled deeds" 15.

c. What do fu 'husband' and fu 'wife' mean? Fu 'husband' means fu 'support' 16; [the husband] provides the support by means of

10 君, 羣, cf. Vol 1, p. 305, n. 200. 11 臣, 堅. Ancient pronunciation (Gr. Ser. nos. 377a and 368c): */ and *kien/kien. 12 Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 15, 16. 15b. See ch. XII, n. 21. 13 父, 矩. 14 子, 孶. Cf. Vol. 1, p. 270, n. 33. 15 Hsiao ching chu shu, Chien chêng, 7.4a; L. 484. 16 夫, 扶,; Cf. Vol. 1, p. 262, par. 266c. Sinica Leidensia, VI.

569 XXX---INSTINCT AND EMOTION 196j-m

j. One opinion is: The mouth is the watch of the heart, the ears are the

watch of the kidneys.

k. Another opinion is: The liver is connected with the eyes, the lungs

with the nose, the heart with the mouth, the spleen with the tongue,

the kidneys with the ears.

l. What are the Six Storehouses? They are: the large intestines, the small

intestines, the stomach, the bladder, the gullet, and the gall. The

Storehouses serve as the depositories of the Five Reservoirs.

Therefore the Li yün chi says: "The Six Emotions serve as a

complement for the Five Instincts" 29.

m. The stomach 30 is the storehouse of the spleen; the spleen directs the

spending of the fluid; the stomach is the accumulation-place for the

food, therefore the spleen provides it with fluid. The bladder 31 is the

storehouse of the kidneys; the kidneys direct the drainage; as the

bladder can always develop heat it forestalls difficulty 32. The gullet 33

is a storehouse which is wrapped up, it is the canal for food and drink,

[the place] where the breath stops and begins; therefore the upper part

is like an orifice, the middle part is twisted,

29 Not in the present Li chi. 30 胃 wei.

31 膀胱 p'ang-kuang. Instead of this sentence Lu (Pu i, 8b) suggests the reading: "The bladder is the

storehouse of the lungs; the lungs settle and decide; as the bladder, etc." 32 Probably the meaning is that the bladder gives the warning that the time for 'drainage' has come. 33 三焦 san-chiao. Cf. Hübotter, Die Chinesische Medizin, p. 55. Instead of this sentence Lu (l. c.)

suggests the reading: "The gullet is the storehouse of the kidneys; the kidneys direct the drainage; thus

it is that the gullet also ejects the collected fluid; the upper part, etc."

580 XXXIII---CLAN-NAMES AND PERSONAL NAMES 204b-c

tion is taken as a surname, sometimes one's profession. Hearing the surname one's spiritual power can be known. Thereby man is encouraged to practice what is good.

b. Why is sometimes the 'style' 5 of the grandfather taken as a surname? To distinguish between the descendants of the Feudal Lords, to revive an extinguished state, or to continue a cut-off generation. The son of the King is called 'King's son' wang-tzŭ 6, the grand-son of a King is called 'King's grandson' wang-sun 7. The son of a Feudal Lord is called 'Duke's son' kung-tzŭ 8, the son of a Duke's son is called 'Duke's grandson' kung-sun 9 . The sons of a Duke's grandson each take the style of their grandfather as their surname. Therefore we have in the Ch'un ch'iu Wang-tzŭ Hsia 10, in the Lun-yü we have Wang-sun Chia 11, Wei kung-tzŭ Ching 12, and [Wei] kung-sun Ch'ao 13. In Lu we have [the surnames] Chung-sun, Shu-sun, and Chi-sun. 14 In Ch'u we have [the surnames] Chao, Ch'ü and Ching 昭, 屈, 景 15; In Ch'i we have Kao, Kuo, and Ts'ui. 16 Thus we know that they were descendants [bearing the style of their grandfathers as surnames].

c. The descendants of the Kings [of the previous Dynasties] are also called 'King's son' because all of them, elder and younger brothers, are established as fief-holders.

5 字 tzŭ. 6 王子. 7 王孫. 8 公子. 9 公孫. 10 王子瑕, see under Hsiang 30. 11 王孫賈, see ch. III. 13 and XIV. 20. 12 [衛] 公孫朝, ch. XIII. 8. 13 ch. XIX. 22. 14 仲孫, 叔 丨, 季 丨, cf. M. H. IV. 111. n. 4. 15 高, 國, 崔 For people of Ch'u with the surnames of Ch'ü and Ching, see M. H. IV. 382. 397. 16 For people of Ch'i with the surnames of Kao and Kuo see ibid. 47.

581 XXXIII---CLAN-NAMES AND PERSONAL NAMES 204d-205a

d. Another opinion says: the descendants of the Kings [of the previous Dynasties] are also called 'King's grandson'.

e. The Hsing tê fang 17 says: "When Yao knew his end was coming he distinguished Chi and Hsieh 18 by conferring upon them the clan-names of Tzŭ and Chi 19, [but] Kao Yao, who had regulated the punishments, was not distinguished by a clan-name". This means that Heaven employs spiritual power, and avoids punishments.

f. The clan-name of Yü was Ssŭ20; [it was based on the fact that his] ancestor Ch'ang-i was born through [the mediation of] the i-i [plant] 21. The clan-name of the Yin was Tzŭ; [it was based on the fact that their] ancestor [Hsieh] was born through [the mediation of] a black bird 22. The clan-name of the Chou was Chi; [it was based on the fact that their] ancestor [Hou-chi] was born through [his mother] having trodden on the footprint of a giant 23.

205---Personal Names (III B. 16b-19a).

a. Why must a man have a [personal] name? To reveal his emotions, and in the reverential service of others to present himself. The Lun yü says: "if the names are not correct the words will not conform [with the facts]" 24.

17 An Apocryphal Book of History. 18 Chi or Hou-chi后稷 was the ancestor of the Chou; Hsieh契 was the ancestor of the Yin, cf. M. H. I. 79, n. 5 and 6. 19 姒 I. e., Hsieh received the clan-name Tzŭ子, and (Hou-) Chi the clan-name Chi姬, see M. H. I. 94. 20 姒, cf. M. H. I. 94. 21 This is apparently against the current tradition, according to which it was Yü himself who was born after his mother Hsiu-chi修己 had eaten of the i-i意苡 plant (see Ssŭ-ma Chêng's So yin on Shih chi 1. 30a; for i-i cf. Botanicon Sinicum, III. 382); Ch'ang-i昌意 was Yu's great-great-grandfather (M. H. 1. 98). Lu (Pu i, 9b) suggests omitting 'Ch'ang-i'. 22 Cf. M. H. 1. 173. Hsieh's mother, Chien-ti簡狄, became pregnant after having swallowed the egg of a black bird. 23 Cf. M. H. 1. 210, and ch. VIII, n. 6. Hou-chi's mother was Chiang-yüan姜原. The three clan-names Ssŭ, Tzŭ, and Chi are somehow related to the circumstances of the birth of their first bearers (see Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, San tai kai chih, 7. 15b-16b; cf. also Tso chuan chu shu, Yin 8, 3. 13b): so Tzŭ means tzŭ茲 'to engender', Chi means pên本 'origin' (cf. M. H. III. 9-10). I have not found the explanation of Ssŭ. 24 Ch. XIII. 3, Lun yü chu shu, 13. 2a; L. 263.

607 XXXIX---THE FIVE CANONS 229-230

its regulating norms, the yin and the yang and the ten thousand things, abandoning their nature, went wrong. [Confucius] established the words of strict admonition, and, collecting them, he composed the Shu in three thousand p'ien 6 , and out of the songs of resentment the Shih in three hundred p'ien.

229---The Hsiao Ching and the Lun Yü (IV A. 8a).

Since the Ch'un ch'iu had already been composed, why was again the Hsiao ching produced? [Confucius] wished especially [by this book] to establish the correct [norms]. Why [should he wish to do so] by means of the Hsiao ching? Filial piety is shared by superior and inferior alike, from the Son of Heaven down to the common man. The Hsiao ching …… 7 The fashioning of rites and the creation of music are the basis of consideration for others; the Sage's spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the Way is completed thereby. Why did his disciples note down again his 'selected conversations' 8? To show how the precepts issued by the Master when he met with difficulties and extraordinary events rose to the correct standards.

230---King Wên Extended the I (IV A. 8a).

Why did King Wên extend [the meaning of] the I? King Shou 9 of the Shang [Dynasty] did not follow the Way of consideration for others and sense of the right principles, and had lost all norms in his treatment of men. When he came to an end there was only little left of the harmony between the yin and the yang. Therefore [King Wên] extended [the meaning of] the I 10, and caused our [Chou Dynasty] to obtain the supremacy, finally reaching general peace and the brilliance of the sun and the moon. It means that [under the Chou] for the rules the I was followed.

6 The usual tradition gives 100 or 102 p'ien, see Legge's Prolegomena to the Book of History, p. 7, and Lun hêng, Forke, I. 447. 7 Some passage is missing here. 8 論語 Lun-yü. 9 受, i.e. 紂 Chou; cf. M. H. I. 242, n. 4. 10 i.e., out of the eight trigrams he made the sixty-four hexagrams, see M. H. I. 221, and Han shu, Wu hsing chih, 27A. 2a. Cf. also Wang Hsien-ch'ien's comm. on the section of the I in the I wên chih (Han shu, 30.4b).

615 XLI---KNEE-COVERS AND CAPS 271e-g

ten thousand things, pushing them out. Therefore [the cap is] called shou 33.

e. The inclining and the tilting-up [of the yang] are not the same; therefore the front and the back [of the mien cap] form an irregularity; in the period [of the eleventh month] the things also [show irregularities 34; the yang] expands; therefore [the hsü cap] greatly 'sprouts out' mêng 萌 35; in the period [of the twelfth month] the things also obtain large 'sprouts' mêng-ya 36. [The yang] gathers and drives out; therefore [the shou cap] gathers together 37 at the front and is large at the back; in the period [of the thirteenth month] the things also first gather together [in order to produce their later fruits] 38.

f. The mien [cap] is made of hemp because [hemp] represents the first of woman's handicrafts. It indicates that one should not forget the origin. If this be so, why is not skin used? Skin is the apparel used in the highest antiquity when rites and refinement were still lacking. Therefore the Lun yü says: "[The wearing of] the hempen cap is according to the rites" 39. The Shang shu says: "The King put on his hempen cap" 40.

g. Why is it that with the mien [cap] from the front and from the back long pendants are suspended from the rectangular level on

33 The thirteenth month is the first month of the year under the Hsia. 34 時物亦…也…, some such Passage should be inserted acc. to Liu (74.4b). 35 . 36 萌芽 instead of ya-mêng (Liu, ibid.). 37 總 tsung instead of 蔥 (ibid.). 38 The meaning of this paragraph is not very clear. Acc. to the Tu tuan (下. 12a-b) the cap used by the Chou, which was called chüeh-pien (see infra, par. 273), was black-and-red colored, small at the front and large at the back; that used by the Yin (the hsü) was black with a little white, large at the front and small at the back; that used by the Hsia (the shou) was black, small at the front and large at the back. Thus we may understand the large front of the hsü as indicating the 'large sprouts', and the small front of the shou as indicating the 'gathering together'. 39 Ch. IX. 3, Lun yü chu shu, 9.2a; L. 217. The meaning probably is that the wearing of the hempen cap was already old in Confucius' days so that he, in the same Lun yü passage, also mentioned the new fashion of wearing silk ones. 40 Shang shu chu shu, Ku ming, 17.29b; L. 557. By the King is meant King K'ang of the Chou (1078-1053).

618 XLI---KNEE-COVERS AND CAPS 273c

c. Why is it that before 53 the Hsia and the Yin the [cotton] caps of the

common officer were indifferently [used for all occasions]? It is because

[the custom in the highest] antiquity was primitive. We know it from the

Shih kuan li 54.

53 Insertion suggested by Ch'ên (10.34a). 54 The meaning of this statement, when we compare it with the commentaries on a passage in the I li (chu

shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.44b, corresponding with a passage in ch. Chiao t'e shêng, Li chi chu shu, 26.17a),

probably is the following: In the highest antiquity, in the time of Yao and Shun and earlier, the cap used

was of white cloth, which was dyed black during a time of fasting and abstinence; there were, however, no

different caps for celebrations and mourning. Under the Three Dynasties three caps were given to a youth

at the capping ceremony: first a black cap of cloth, then the p'i-pien, lastly the chüeh-pien. The first cap

now was 'to honor antiquity', it need not further be worn after the ceremony; during mourning, however, a

white cap of cloth was used.

622 XLII---MOURNING GARMENTS 277b-278b

months] approaches the fluid of the third year17. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The mourning term of three calendrical years is in reality twenty-five months" 18.

b. Why is it that in the three years' mourning period the intercalary month is not counted? Because of the use of the term chi 'round year'. Chi means covering the [full] time 19.

c. The mourning periods of nine months and less is counted by months, therefore the intercalary month is subtracted 20. The Li shih yü ching says: "After one round year the Small Auspicious Sacrifice is performed, after two round years the Great Auspicious Sacrifice" 21.

278---Sackcloth and Hempen Fillets (IV B. 5a-b).

a. Why is it that for the mourning rites the wearing of sackcloth is prescribed? It is to bring it into accordance with one's feelings. Clothes are the adornments of one's emotions. Emotion and appearance should match each other, the interior and the exterior should correspond with each other. Therefore the clothes are not alike for joy and for grief, the voice is not alike in singing and in wailing. [Each is] the expression of one's inner sincerity.

b. The coat and shirt of sackcloth, the hempen fillets, the bamboo hairpin, the hat-strings of cord, and the coarse staff are [all] indications of a reverting to the origin 22. The fillets indicate that there has been a disaster

17 17. 漸三年之氣 . Ho Hsiu's comm. on Min 2 (see n. 18) lacks the last two characters, thus: "approaches three years. " 18 Kung yang chu shu, Min 2, 9. 19b. Cf. par. 220b. 19 See n. 14. The same rule applies to the one year's mourning (cf. the sub-comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ai 5, see n. 20). 20 . i. e. the 大功 ta-kung (9 months), the 小功 hsiao-kung (5 months), and the 緦麻 ssŭ-ma (3 months). This statement corresponds with Ho Hsiu's comm. on Ai 5, Kung yang chu shu, 27. 12b. 21 小祥 hsiao-hsiang and 大丨 ta-hsiang. I li chu shu, Shih yü li, Chi, 14. 35b; C. 540 (also in Li chi chu shu, Chien chuan, 57. 11a; C. II. 572). Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on the I li says that these sacrifices take place in the thirteenth and twenty-fifth months after the death, i. e., no account is taken of an intercalary month. Cf. also n. 38. 22 反本 instead of 及丨 (Sun I-jang, Cha i, 10. 6a).

623 XLII---MOURNING GARMENTS 278c-279d

23, and used together [with the other things] they indicate that it is a case of death.

c. The waist-fillet replaces the large girdle with sashes. Why is it tied in a knot? [The son] thinks with reverential [affection of the deceased], and his feelings are such that they seem to be tied in a knot. Why must there be two knots? It means that the affection is never-ending.

279---The Staff (IV B. 5b).

a. Why must [the chief-mourner] carry a staff? The filial son, having lost his parent, was so afflicted with grief that during three days he could not eat but only weep; his body [consequently] became emaciated and ill. Therefore he carries a staff to support himself, meaning that he should not on behalf of the dead endanger his life.

b. According to the rites neither a young boy nor a wife are required to carry a staff because they cannot [bear the hardships of extreme] suffering 24. The Li says: "He who wears the three years' mourning in unhemmed sackcloth does not take food for three days; he who wears the three years' mourning in hemmed sackcloth does not take food for two days; he who wears the nine month's mourning does not take food for one day; he who wears the five months' mourning or the three months' mourning does not take two meals in one day, such being a sufficient [abstinence]" 25.

c. Why is the staff made of bamboo or of the [wood of the] t'ung [tree]? The names [of these plants] are taken [as symbols]. 'Bamboo' chu means ts'u 'to stamp the feet" 26. T'ung means t'ung 'grieved' 27.

d. Why is a staff of bamboo used for [the death of] the father, and a staff of the t'ung wood for [that of] the mother? Bamboo is

23 示故也 instead of 亦示也故 (Liu, 74. 5a). 24 Cf. I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11. 3a; C. 386. 25 Li chi chu shu, Chien chuan, 57. 10b; C. II. 571, where the text, for the nine months' mourning, says: "does not take three meals in a day". This applies to the one year's mourning as well (ch. Sang ta chi of the Li chi, C. II. 224). 26 竹, 蹙. 27 桐, 痛 For the t'ung tree, see vol. I, p. 343, n. 367.

652 FRAGMENTS OF THE PO HU T'UNG

The Suburb Sacrifice (Lu, 1a-b; Ch'ên, 12. 1a-4b).

The King sacrifices to Heaven according to the same principle as he served

his father. At the sacrifice the first ancestor must be associated with Heaven. The Five Emperors and the Three Kings all used the first month of the Hsia

calendar for the sacrifice to Heaven (Ch' ien tso tu). The sacrifice to Heaven must take place in the 'suburb' chiao郊. 1 The day for the sacrifice is either a ting 丁-day or a hsin 辛-day (Ch'un ch'iu

chuan; Shang shu). The sacrifice takes place once a year--so as not to be too intimate with

Heaven--at a time when the yang-fluid begins to reassert itself. At the sacrifice music is performed. The Queen is not allowed to take part in the sacrifice (Chou kuan).

The Ancestral Temple (Lu, 1b-3b; Ch'ên, 12. 5a-13b).

The King erects an 'Ancestral Temple' tsung-miao 宗廟 2 where he can

serve the dead according to the same principle as he served the living; thus his filial piety is expressed and continued.

The tsung-miao 尊貌 represents the 'venerable appearance' tsun-mao 3 of the ancestors.

The temple has 'apartments' shih 室 4. The sacrifice in the Ancestral Temple consists of the ti and the hsia

sacrifices. The ti sacrifice emphasizes the 'ranging' ti of the shrines of fathers and sons 禘, 諦 5; the hsia sacrifice emphasizes the 'collective' ho offering to the ancestral tablets in the general shrine 6 祫, 合.

1 2 3 4 5 6