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2/27/2020 Populism - Political Science - Oxford Bibliographies

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PopulismLenka Bustikova, Petra Guasti

LAST MODIFIED: 26 FEBRUARY 2020DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199756223-0300

Introduction

Populism is an anti-establishment, anti-elite ideology and political strategy. Populism as an ideology adopts a discursive approach andfocuses on the tensions between the “pure people” and the “corrupt elite.” The “people” can be subsumed into three discursive frames: thenation, the (economic) underdog, and the ordinary people (Canovan 1981, cited under Theoretical Approaches). The narrative of thepeople as a “nation” is hostile to migrants and ethnic minorities. The populist rhetoric of the “underdog’’ expresses anxieties related toeconomic differences. Finally, the language of the “ordinary people” resonates with visions of a simple, everyday life. Populism viewed as apolitical strategy focuses on its agency, or the ability of populist movements to instrumentally appeal to followers, to maintain a directrelationship between the leader and the followers, and to exploit existing institutional weaknesses. Populists target the establishment andthe elites selectively. Populists can become the elite. Yet populist politicians (re)elected to office continue to use anti-elite appeals todelegitimize opponents, even after they have come to represent the very establishment they had attacked in the past. Scholarship onpopulism has grown exponentially in recent years. In Europe, it is rooted in the study of the radical right, which emphasizes exclusionaryidentity-driven politics. The rise of populism is often viewed as a consequence of an economic crisis or socioeconomic changes in general.Populist critique also targets the institutional underpinnings of liberal democracy. Populists seek to strengthen majoritarian elements ofdemocracy and undermine minority protections. Populist leaders seek power, and the presence of populist parties in the electoral arena,parliament, government, or presidency reshapes political agendas. Media is a crucial tool of communication used by populist leaders togain power and to stay in power. Social media, in particular, allows populists to establish and maintain a direct communication channel totheir supporters, and populists accuse traditional media of being “corrupt.” Populists are omnipresent. In the West, populism is mostlyexclusionary. In the Global South, and especially in Latin America, it is often inclusionary, as it broadens the scope of the people to thepreviously politically excluded poor and indigenous communities (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, cited under General Overviews).Regionally, this bibliography focuses on populism in Europe and Latin America, but it also includes the United States and other countries(Stockemer 2019, under General Overviews).

General Overviews

Rovira Kaltwasser, et al. 2017 reviews theoretical approaches toward populism, topical issues, and country-level studies. Anothercomprehensive review is Rydgren 2018, an all-encompassing study at the intersection of populism and radical-right mobilization. Urbinati2019, Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, and Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2018 are analytical review articles that summarize theliterature. Urbinati 2019 and Taggart 2000 discuss the relationship between populism and democracy. Stockemer 2019 offers acomparative view. Team Populism at Brigham Young University assembles an array of scholars and resources on populism.

Mudde, Cas, and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser. “Exclusionary vs. Inclusionary Populism: Comparing Contemporary Europe andLatin America.” Government and Opposition 48.2 (2013): 147–174.

Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser compare contemporary populisms in Europe and Latin America. They identify two regional subtypes:exclusionary populism in Europe, and inclusionary populism in Latin America.

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Mudde, Cas, and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser. “Studying Populism in Comparative Perspective: Reflections on the Contemporaryand Future Research Agenda.” Comparative Political Studies 51.13 (2018): 1667–1693.

Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser discuss advantages of the so-called ideational approach to the comparative study of populism, and outlinefour avenues of future research.

Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal, Paul A. Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Populism.Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2017.

The handbook provides state of the art of the scholarship on populism. It lays out the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also theongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic. It is divided into four sections, covering conceptual approaches, populist forces,interaction between populism and various issues, and normative debates on populism.

Rydgren, Jens, ed. The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018.

The handbook focuses on how the radical right manifests itself as movements rather than parties, and includes a number of case studiesboth in Europe and beyond. The chapters cover concepts and definitions; ideologies and discourses; and a range of contemporary issues,including religion, globalization, gender, activism, and case studies.

Stockemer, Daniel, ed. Populism around the World: A Comparative Perspective. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Nature, 2019.

The edited book provides a global overview of populist actors and strategies around the globe from a comparative perspective. It showshow parties from both the radical left and right use a populist discourse.

Taggart, Paul. Populism: Concepts in the Social Sciences. Philadelphia: Open University Press, 2000.

Taggart focuses on the problems of populism and how it relates to democracy, particularly to representative politics.

Team Populism.

Team Populism brings together renowned scholars from Europe and the Americas to study the causes and consequences of populism.

Urbinati, Nadia. “Political Theory of Populism.” Annual Review of Political Science 22.6 (2019): 111–127.

Urbinati illustrates the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representativegovernment. It reviews contemporary interpretations of populism and sketches the main characteristics of populism in power. It alsoexplains how populism transforms the fundamentals of democracy.

Theoretical Approaches

Canovan 1981 views populism as a redemptive ideology. Urbinati 2014, Wodak 2015, Rosanvallon and Goldhammer 2008, and Müller2016 view populism as a distortion of democratic processes. For Mouffe 2000 and Laclau 2012, populism is a part of democratic politics, anexpression of discontent. Similarly, for Mudde 2007, populism represents a radicalization of ideas neglected by the mainstream. Van Kessel2015 suggests that populism is an opportunity to address discontent. Mény and Surel 2001 embraces the ambiguity of populism as aconstitutive feature of contemporary politics.

https://populism.byu.edu/













Canovan, Margaret. Populism. London: Junction Books, 1981.

The book views populism as a redemptive ideology and not as a pathology of democracy. It offers a typology of populism: agrarianpopulism and political populism.

Laclau, Ernesto. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory: Capitalism, Fascism, Populism. London: Verso, 2012.

The book focuses on political movements and argues for a radical democracy where antagonisms could be expressed. First published in1977.

Mény, Yves, and Yves Surel, eds. Democracies and the Populist Challenge. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.

The volume underlines that populism is an ambiguous but constitutive component of democratic systems, torn between their ideology andtheir actual functioning.

Mouffe, Chantal. The Democratic Paradox. London and New York: Verso, 2000.

The book views populism as part of democratic politics. It brings to the fore the paradoxical nature of modern liberal democracy in whichthe category of the “adversary” plays a central role.

Mudde, Cas. Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

The book is a pan-European study of populist radical-right parties in Europe. It offers insights into three major aspects of European populistradical-right parties: concepts and classifications, themes and issues, and explanations for electoral failures and successes.

Müller, Jan-Werner. What Is Populism? Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016.

The book argues that a rejection of pluralism is at populism’s core. It shows that populists can govern on the basis of their claim to offer anexclusive moral representation of the people.

Rosanvallon, Pierre, and Arthur Goldhammer. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust. Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2008.

The book analyzes the mechanisms used to register a citizen’s expression of confidence or distrust, and then focuses on the role thatdistrust plays in democracy from both a historical and a theoretical perspective.

Urbinati, Nadia. Democracy Disfigured. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014.

Urbinati diagnoses the ills that beset the body politic in an age of hyper-partisanship and media monopolies, and offers a spirited defense ofthe messy compromises and contentious outcomes that define democracy.

van Kessel, Stijn. Populist Parties in Europe: Agents of Discontent? Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

The book identifies populist parties in 21st-century Europe and explains their electoral performance. It argues that populist parties are notdangerous pariahs but reflect the crisis of representative democracy.



Wodak, Ruth. The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Los Angeles: SAGE, 2015.

The book traces the trajectories of populist right-wing parties from the margins of the political landscape to its center, to understand andexplain how they are transforming from fringe voices to persuasive political actors who set the agenda and frame media debates.

Populism and Identity

Due to its ideological thinness, populism can co-exist with thicker ideologies, such as nationalism and social conservatism. The mostcommon markers of populism in Europe and the United States are nationalism, nativism, xenophobia, and racism. The ideology ofpopulism is also compatible with religious conservatism, machismo, and anti-intellectualism. Class and gender are important markers ofpopulism as well. Populists also mobilize resentments of working-class males toward economic inequalities, women, and minorities, as wellas toward a system that facilitates the advancement of minority groups.

Populism and Identity: General

Ionescu and Gellner 1969 reintroduced populism to the social sciences. Ignazi 1992 argues that the extreme right emerged as a backlashto cultural changes. Norris and Inglehart 2019 applies Ignazi’s argument to the current wave of socially conservative populism. Betz 1994highlights economic conditions behind the surge of the extreme right. Arzheimer 2009 points to the complexity of economic and culturalfactors, such as immigration, when explaining support for the extreme right. Ivarsflaten 2008 derives extreme-right mobilization fromimmigration. Kitschelt and McGann 1997 argues that the extreme right originates both in economic shifts as well as in the convergence ofmainstream parties toward the median position. Meguid 2008 brings attention to the behavior of nonproximal parties in explaining theelectoral fortunes of “niche” parties. Mequid also unveils the consequences of electoral competition between the mainstream parties andinsurgent extreme-right wing parties. Bustikova 2014 argues that extreme-right parties mobilize against ascendant minorities. Art 2011zooms in on party organization structures to show that competent party cadres are needed for extreme parties to succeed.

Art, David. Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe. Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2011.

The book explains the variation in the radical right’s electoral success over the last several decades. It analyzes the dynamics of partybuilding and explores the attitudes, skills and experiences of radical-right activists in eleven different countries. The book links the quality ofradical-right activists to broader patterns of success and failure.

Arzheimer, Kai. “Contextual Factors and the Extreme Right Vote in Western Europe, 1980–2002.” American Journal of PoliticalScience 53.2 (2009): 259–275.

Arzheimer explores the sources of unstable electoral support for extremist parties. While immigration and unemployment rates areimportant, their interaction with other political factors is much more complex than suggested by previous research.

Betz, Hans Georg. Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe. Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1994.

Betz studies the new Western European parties of the radical populist right. The book argues that, in distancing themselves from thereactionary politics of the traditional extremist right, these parties have become a significant challenge to the established structure andpolitics of Western European democracies.

Bustikova, Lenka. “Revenge of the Radical Right.” Comparative Political Studies 47.12 (2014): 1738–1765.

Bustikova presents a theory of the radical right that emphasizes its reactive nature and views it as a backlash against the politicalsuccesses of minorities and concessions extracted on their behalf. It focuses on Eastern Europe.













Ignazi, Piero. “The Silent Counter-Revolution: Hypotheses on the Emergence of Extreme Right-Wing Parties in Europe.”European Journal of Political Research 22.1 (1992): 3–34.

Ignazi defines the “extreme Right” political family and explains their rise. He argues that new extreme right-wing parties emerged due to thechanges in the cultural domain and in mass beliefs that have favored radicalization and system polarization, and also due to the emergenceof attitudes and demands not treated by the established conservative parties.

Ionescu, Ghita, and Ernest Gellner, eds. Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson,1969.

Ionescu and Gellner provide a comprehensive collection of works on populism. The book highlights the importance of the phenomenonboth as a doctrine and a movement.

Ivarsflaten, Elisabeth. “What Unites Right-Wing Populists in Western Europe? Re-examining Grievance Mobilization Models inSeven Successful Cases.” Comparative Political Studies 41.1 (2008): 3–23.

Ivarsflaten discusses three grievance mobilization models arising from economic changes, political elitism, and corruption. The study findsthat no populist right-wing party performed well in elections around 2002 without mobilizing grievances over immigration.

Kitschelt, Herbert, and Anthony J. McGann. The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. Ann Arbor: Universityof Michigan Press, 1997.

The book explains the emergence of radical right-wing parties. It focuses on the competitive struggles among parties, their internalorganizational patterns, and their long-term ideological traditions. Radical-right authoritarian parties tend to emerge when moderate partiesconverge toward the median voter. But the success of these parties depends on the strategy employed by right-wing political actors.

Meguid, Bonnie M. Party Competition between Unequals. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

Meguid examines variations in the electoral trajectories of the new set of single-issue (niche) parties: green, radical-right, and ethno-territorial parties. The book advances a theory of party competition in which mainstream parties facing unequal competitors have access toa wider and more effective set of strategies than posited by standard spatial models.

Norris, Pippa, and Ronald Inglehart. Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism. Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2019.

The book advances a general theory explaining why the silent revolution in values triggered a backlash fueling support for authoritarian-populist parties and leaders in the United States and Europe. The conclusion highlights the dangers of this development and what could bedone to mitigate the risks to liberal democracy.

Populism and Identity: Race and Immigration

Abrajano and Hajnal 2015, Kaufmann 2018, and Rydgren 2008 investigate the impact of demographic changes on populist mobilization.Soule 1992 and Vieten and Poynting 2016 look at the historical roots of interracial tensions. Sniderman, et al. 2004 and Sniderman andHagendoorn 2007 are studies of a cultural conflict zone in Western Europe. Hogan and Haltinner 2015 is a cross-national study of anti-immigration narratives. Rydgren 2003 adopts a top-down approach and highlights the ability of radical-right parties to increase xenophobia.Akkerman 2012 investigates the direct influence of radical-right parties on immigration policies.













Abrajano, Marisa, and Zoltan L. Hajnal. White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics. Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press, 2015.

Abrajano and Hajnal show how immigration reshapes core political identities in the United States. Fears about immigration causedefections of whites from the Democratic to the Republican Party.

Akkerman, Tjitske. “Comparing Radical Right Parties in Government: Immigration and Integration Policies in Nine Countries(1996–2010).” West European Politics 35.3 (2012): 511–529.

Akkerman investigates the direct influence of radical-right parties on immigration and integration policies by comparing the output of twenty-seven cabinets in nine countries in the period between 1996 and 2010.

Hogan, Jackie, and Kristin Haltinner. “Floods, Invaders, and Parasites: Immigration Threat Narratives and Right-Wing Populism inthe USA, UK and Australia.” Journal of Intercultural Studies 36.5 (2015): 520–543.

Hogan and Haltinner examine anti-immigration narratives of the British National Party (UK), the One Nation Party (Australia), the Tea PartyPatriots (USA), and the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps (USA). Significant similarities in narratives suggest the emergence of atransnational exchange and a populist “playbook.”

Kaufmann, Eric. Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities. London: Allen Lane, 2018.

Kaufmann explores the decline of white majorities in Western Europe and North America, and shows how these demographic changes ledto a populist disruption.

Rydgren, Jens. “Meso-level Reasons for Racism and Xenophobia: Some Converging and Diverging Effects of Radical RightPopulism in France and Sweden.” European Journal of Social Theory 6.1 (2003): 45–68.

Rydgren identifies meso-level reasons for the increase of popular xenophobia and racism. The presence of a xenophobic radical-rightpopulist party may cause increases in racism and xenophobia.

Rydgren, Jens. “Immigration Sceptics, Xenophobes or Racists? Radical Right-Wing Voting in Six West European Countries.”European Journal of Political Research 47.6 (2008): 737–765.

Using data from six Western European countries, Rydgren provides key distinctions between immigration skepticism and xenophobicattitudes. The analysis indicates limited support for ethnic competition theory and shows that frames linking immigration to criminality andsocial unrest are particularly effective for mobilizing voter support for the radical right.

Sniderman, Paul M., and Louk Hagendoorn. When Ways of Life Collide: Multiculturalism and Its Discontents in the Netherlands.Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.

Sniderman and Hagendoorn study the deep conflicts of values in the Netherlands between Muslims immigrants and Western Europeans.

Sniderman, Paul, Louk Hagendoorn, and Markus Prior. “Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactionsto Immigrant Minorities.” American Political Science Review 98.1 (2004): 35–49.

The paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on the Netherlands. Considerations ofnational identity dominate those of economic advantage in evoking exclusionary reactions to immigrant minorities.



Soule, Sarah A. “Populism and Black Lynching in Georgia, 1890–1900.” Social Forces 71.2 (1992): 431–449.

Soule tests general claims of how political and economic competition affected county-level variation of black lynching rates in Georgia inthe 1890s. It shows that rates of racial violence rose when interracial competition increased.

Vieten, Ulrike M., and Scott Poynting. “Contemporary Far-Right Racist Populism in Europe.” Journal of Intercultural Studies 37.6(2016): 533–540.

Vieten and Poynting focus on the role of ideology in the rise of far-right populism in Europe. They show that the “othering” and blaming ofout-groups is an ideological maneuver that can be traced to fascist tropes of the 1920s and 1930s.

Populism and Identity: Gender

Givens 2004 and Ford and Goodwin 2010 demonstrate the existence of a gender gap in voting for populist nationalistic parties, while deLange and Mügge 2015 shows that views on gender vary across populist parties. Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2015 points to differencesbetween status-quo-oriented populism in Western Europe and progressive populism in Latin America. Kampwirth 2010 analyzes politicalfigures from gender perspectives.

de Lange, Sarah L., and Liza M. Mügge. “Gender and Right-Wing Populism in the Low Countries: Ideological Variations acrossParties and Time.” Patterns of Prejudice 49.1–2 (2015): 61–80.

The article compares gender ideologies and concrete policy proposals of national and neoliberal populist parties in the Netherlands andFlanders from the 1980s to 2010s. Some parties adhere to a modern or modern-traditional view, while others espouse neo-traditionalviews.

Ford, Robert, and Matthew Goodwin. “Angry White Men: Individual and Contextual Prediction of the Support for the BritishNational Party.” Political Studies 58.1 (2010): 1–25.

The article shows that the support base of the British National Party is middle-aged working-class white men who are anxious aboutimmigration and feel threatened by local Muslim communities.

Givens, Terri E. “The Radical Right Gender Gap.” Comparative Political Studies 37.1 (2004): 30–54.

Givens examines a gender gap in the vote for the radical right. Attitudes toward immigration have a disproportionate impact on theprobability of voting for radical-right candidates, but not on the gender gap specifically.

Kampwirth, Karen. Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. University Park: Pennsylvania State UniversityPress, 2010.

The essays analyze the role of masculinity and femininity in the political careers of figures ranging from Evita Perón to Hugo Chávez, anddiscuss a relationship between populism and authoritarianism in Latin America.

Mudde, Cas, and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser. “Vox Populi or Vox Masculini? Populism and Gender in Northern Europe and SouthAmerica.” Patterns of Prejudice 49.1–2 (2015): 16–36.

The article compares populist gender ideologies in northern Europe and South America. North American populism defends the status quo,while the left-wing populism in South America is relatively progressive.








Populism and Identity: Class

McCall 2013, Gest 2016, and Lamont 2000 investigate the political consequences of perceived wealth and status inequalities among theworking class. Changes in societal structure due to globalization have led to a significant reduction of opportunities for large segments ofthe traditional working class and radicalized workers. Oxhorn 1998 links class heterogeneity to populist mobilization. In a non-Westerncontext, Jaffrelot 2013 explores the high-tech populism of the middle classes in India.

Gest, Justin. The New Minority: White Working Class Politics in an Age of Immigration and Inequality. New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 2016.

The book shows that tension between the vestiges of white working-class power and its perceived loss have produced the uniquephenomenon of white working-class radicalization.

Jaffrelot, Christophe. “Gujarat Elections: The Sub-Text of Modi’s ‘Hattrick’—High Tech Populism and the ‘Neo-middle Class.’”Studies in Indian Politics 1.1 (2013): 79–95.

Jaffrelot scrutinizes the mainstays of Narendra Modi’s election campaign, with special references to high-tech populism.

Lamont, Michèle. The Dignity of Working Men. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000.

Lamont analyzes the ways in which black and white working-class men construct their identity and self-worth. Rigid class and raceboundaries play an important role in the construction of dignity, with each group constructing a different moral structure.

McCall, Leslie. The Undeserving Rich: American Beliefs about Inequality, Opportunity, and Redistribution. Cambridge, UK:Cambridge University Press, 2013.

This book resolves the paradox of how Americans can express little enthusiasm for welfare state policies and still yearn for a moreequitable society. It puts forward a new model of preferences about income inequality rooted in labor market opportunities.

Oxhorn, Philip. “The Social Foundations of Latin America’s Recurrent Populism: Problems of Popular Sector Class Formationand Collective Action.” Journal of Historical Sociology 11.2 (1998): 212–246.

Oxhorn argues that the heterogeneous class structure characterizing the popular sectors in Latin America creates collective-actionproblems that historically have resulted in popular sector mobilization by populist elites.

Populism and Economic Crisis

Populism can emerge as a response to economic crisis or bad governance. When voters suffer economic losses, they lose trust in politicalelites and political institutions. A significant portion of the literature focuses on the rise of populism as a reaction to major economicbreakdowns. Kriesi and Pappas 2015 is an edited volume, which argues that the Great Recession facilitated populism. Edwards 2010demonstrates that globalization has contributed to the rise of populism in Latin America. Dornbusch and Edwards 2007 ties macroeconomiccyclicity to the politics of discontent in Latin America. Roberts 1995 links social dislocation to the rise of populism in Peru, and Hawkins2010 views populism as a reaction to corruption and economic crisis in Venezuela. Pirro and Taggart 2018 explores the effect of crisis onEuroskepticism. Ramiro and Gomez 2017 links globalization losers to populism in Spain. Vasilopoulou, et al. 2014 argues that economiccrisis led to populist mobilization in Greece. Moffitt 2015 shows that populists can also trigger crisis to benefit from it. Stavrakakis, et al.2017 is a study of populist discourse affected by a crisis.


















Dornbusch, Rudiger, and Sebastian Edwards, eds. The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America. Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 2007.

The book offers a distinctive macroeconomic perspective on the dynamics of populism in Latin America. It argues that populistgovernments attempt to revive the economy through massive spending and mostly fail.

Edwards, Sebastian. Left Behind: Latin America and the False Promise of Populism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.

Edwards explains why the nations of Latin America have failed to share in the fruits of globalization, and highlights the dangers of therecent turn to economic populism in the region.

Hawkins, Kirk A. Venezuela’s Chavismo and Populism in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,2010.

The book is a study of the movement of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. It argues that populist movements can be understood as responses towidespread corruption and economic crisis.

Kriesi, Hanspeter, and Takis S. Pappas, eds. European Populism in the Shadow of the Great Recession. Colchester, UK: ECPRPress, 2015.

The book is a comparative study of the impact of the Great Recession on populism. It focuses on the interplay between economic andpolitical crises and how it facilitates the rise of populism.

Moffitt, Benjamin. “How to Perform Crisis: A Model for Understanding the Key Role of Crisis in Contemporary Populism.”Government and Opposition 50.2 (2015): 189–217.

This article argues that not only does crisis trigger populism, but also that populism can act as a trigger for crisis. Drawing on empiricalexamples from Europe, Latin America, North America, and the Asia-Pacific region, Moffitt shows how performance of crisis enablespopulists to demand strong leadership.

Pirro, Andrea L. P., and Paul Taggart. “The Populist Politics of Euroscepticism in Times of Crisis: Comparative Conclusions.”Politics 38.3 (2018): 253–262.

This article offers comparative findings about the nature of populist Euroskepticism in political parties in contemporary Europe in the face ofthe Great Recession, migrant crisis, and Brexit.

Ramiro, Luis, and Raul Gomez. “Radical-Left Populism during the Great Recession: Podemos and its Competition with theEstablished Radical Left.” Political Studies 65.1S (2017): 108–126.

This article analyzes factors behind the support for the new radical-left populist party Podemos in Spain. The party’s supporters are thelosers of globalization as well as the economic crisis.

Roberts, Kenneth M. “Neoliberalism and the Transformation of Populism in Latin America: The Peruvian Case.” World Politics48.1 (1995): 82–116.

The study of Alberto Fujimori in Peru suggests that a new variant of populism thrives in a context where economic crisis and socialdislocation undermine traditional representative institutions.


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Stavrakakis, Yannis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Alexandros Kioupkiolis, Nikolaos Nikisianis, and Thomas Siomos. “Populism, Anti-populism and Crisis.” Contemporary Political Theory 17.1 (2017): 4–27.

The article explores how crisis shapes the articulation of populist discourse and the antagonistic narratives developed around populistrepresentations.

Vasilopoulou, Sofia, Daphne Halikiopoulou, and Theofanis Exadaktylos. “Greece in Crisis: Austerity, Populism and the Politics ofBlame.” Journal of Common Market Studies 52.2 (2014): 388–402.

This article studies the effect of the Greek crisis on populism. It builds on the theory of democratic populism, providing a distinction betweenmainstream and fringe populism.

Populism and Democracy

Democracy and populism can be in tension. Populists often espouse a majoritarian view of democracy that is in tension with the pluralismof the proponents of liberal democracies, who argue that minority protection is a fundamental cornerstone of democracy. However,populists also bring neglected topics into mainstream political discourse. A crisis of democracy and its institutions can be studied both as acause and as a consequence of populism.

Populism and Democracy: General

Abts and Rummens 2007 and Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2012 explore tensions between populism and liberal pluralism. Akkerman, etal. 2014 measures populist attitudes and their relationship to party preferences. Levitsky and Loxton 2013 and Ruth 2018 explore the roleof populism in the erosion of democracy in Latin America and in the rise of competitive authoritarianism. Berezin 2009 and March 2017attribute the emergence of populism to sweeping changes in cultural and economic conditions in Europe. De la Torre 2016 views the rise ofpopulism in the context of institutional changes in Latin America.

Abts, Koen, and Stefan Rummens. “Populism versus Democracy.” Political Studies 55.2 (2007): 405–424.

The article provides a comparative conceptual analysis of the logic of populism and the logic of constitutional democracy.

Akkerman, Agnes, Cas Mudde, and Andrej Zaslove. “How Populist Are the People? Measuring Populist Attitudes in Voters.”Comparative Political Studies 47.9 (2014): 1324–1353.

The article measures populist attitudes and investigates whether these attitudes can be linked to specific party preferences.

Berezin, Mabel. Illiberal Politics in Neoliberal Times: Culture, Security and Populism in the New Europe. Cambridge, UK:Cambridge University Press, 2009.

The book links right-wing populism to cultural and economic Europeanization. It argues that the emergence of the movement in the 1990swas a historical surprise.

de la Torre, Carlos. “Left-Wing Populism: Inclusion and Authoritarianism in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador.” Brown Journal ofWorld Affairs 23.1 (2016): 61–76.

The article disentangles the democratizing promises that left-wing populists make while seeking office from their autocratic practices oncein power.











Levitsky, Steven, and James Loxton. “Populism and Competitive Authoritarianism in the Andes.” Democratization 20.1 (2013):107–136.

The article explains the emergence of competitive authoritarianism in the Andes and links it to populism. The argument is demonstratedthrough a comparative analysis of all fourteen elected presidents in Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela between 1990 and 2010.

March, Luke. “Left and Right Populism Compared: The British Case.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19.2(2017): 282–303.

The article explores populism in Britain. It untangles left- and right-wing populism, the notion of a populist zeitgeist, and the distinctcharacteristics of populism.

Mudde, Cas, and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, eds. Populism in Europe and the Americas: Threat or Corrective for Democracy?Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

The book offers a cross-regional perspective on populism and its impact on democracy—both as a threat and as a potential corrective.

Ruth, Saskia Pauline. “Populism and the Erosion of Horizontal Accountability in Latin America.” Political Studies 66.2 (2018):356–375.

The article explores factors that enable or hinder populist presidents in Latin America to pursue a radical strategy of institutional changeand to erode horizontal checks and balances.

Populism and Democracy: Quality of Democracy

Huber and Schimpf 2017 and Huber and Ruth 2017 explore how populist parties relate to the key features of democracy: representationand participation. Guasti and Rezende 2019 explores the extent to which populists delineate contemporary policies, politics, and policy asmisrepresentation of “the people.” Enyedi 2016 and Hanley and Vachudova 2018 discuss the quality of democracy and the rise of populismin Central and Eastern Europe.

Enyedi, Zsolt. “Paternalist Populism and Illiberal Elitism in Central Europe.” Journal of Political Ideologies 21.1 (2016): 9–25.

The paper explores the ideologies of two Hungarian parties typically considered as populist: Fidesz and Jobbik.

Guasti, Petra, and Debora Rezende. “Claims of Misrepresentation: A Comparison of Germany and Brazil.” Politics andGovernance 7.3 (2019): 52–164.

This article explores populist claims of misrepresentation, used to appeal to an enemy/antagonist (strategy); identify causes ofmisrepresentation related to policies, politics, and polity (persuasion); and claim to create a new linkage to “the people” (reframing).

Hanley, Sean, and Milada Anna Vachudova. “Understanding the Illiberal Turn: Democratic Backsliding in the Czech Republic.”East European Politics 34.3 (2018): 276–296.

The article explores democratic backsliding in Eastern Europe and the rise of the new Czech populist movement ANO.








Huber, Robert A., and Saskia P. Ruth. “Mind the Gap! Populism, Participation and Representation in Europe.” Swiss PoliticalScience Review 23.4 (2017): 462–484.

The article assesses the influence of populist parties on two central aspects of democracy, participation and representation, using data fromthirty-one European countries from 1990 until 2014.

Huber, Robert A., and Christian H. Schimpf. “On the Distinct Effects of Left-Wing and Right-Wing Populism on DemocraticQuality.” Politics and Governance 5.4 (2017): 146–165.

The study examines the differences and commonalities in how populist parties of the left and right relate to democracy.

Populism and Democracy: Electoral Mobilization

Pop-Eleches 2010, Knight 1998, Jansen 2011, and Kenny 2017 explore the dynamics of populist electoral mobilization and success inEastern Europe and Latin America. The rise of populism stems from the deteriorating relationship between established parties and theirvoters. Parker and Barreto 2013 highlights the reactionary character of past and present reactionary movements in American politics, andthe role of fear in populist mobilization. Fritzsche 1990 is a historical study of the rise of populism in Germany in the 1920s.

Fritzsche, Peter. Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1990.

The book examines the grassroots transformation of the bourgeois politics in Weimar Germany before the Nazi breakthrough in 1930.Fritzsche shows how the traditional bourgeois parties were eclipsed by a new breed of populist politicians who not only resisted the left butalso embraced public activism and attacked big business, German conservatism, and the Weimar state itself.

Jansen, Robert S. “Populist Mobilization: A New Theoretical Approach to Populism.” Sociological Theory 29.2 (2011): 75–96.

Jansen proposes a new, practice-based approach to populism. He conceptualizes populism as a mode of a political practice, as a populistmobilization. Its utility is demonstrated through an application to mid-20th-century Latin American politics.

Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage: Why Populists Win Elections in India, Asia, and Beyond. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2017.

The book focuses on the particular vulnerability of patronage-based party systems to populism. It shows that populists win elections whenthe institutionalized ties between nonpopulist parties and voters decay.

Knight, Alan. “Populism and Neo-populism in Latin America, Especially Mexico.” Journal of Latin American Studies 30.2 (1998):223–248.

Knight critically assesses the literature on Latin American populism to delineate the key features of the populist political style, Manicheanworldview, and the notion of a crisis.

Parker, Christopher S., and Matt A. Barreto. Change They Can’t Believe In: The Tea Party and Reactionary Politics in America.Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013.

Parker and Barreto link past and present reactionary movements in American politics to explore the motivations of Tea Party supporters.The book shows that while Barack Obama’s election was a trigger, neither ideology or racism alone explain the reemergence of this









reactionary movement. Tea Party supporters are mobilized by fear and the perception of America being stolen from “real Americans.”

Pop-Eleches, Grigore. “Throwing Out the Bums: Protest Voting and Unorthodox Parties after Communism.” World Politics 62.2(2010): 221–260.

The article explores the electoral rise of unorthodox parties in Eastern European elections. It shows that these electoral dynamics can beexplained by focusing on the interaction between protest voting and election sequence.

Populism and Democracy: Technocracy

Caramani 2017 and Bickerton and Accetti 2017 theoretically assess how populism and technocracy challenge the principles ofrepresentative democracy and interact with each other. Bertsou and Pastorella 2017 analyzes the relationship between attitudes towardtechnocracy and democracy. Pastorella 2016 examines the extent to which technocratic governments weaken party democracy. Bustikovaand Guasti 2019 and Manucci and Amsler 2018 (cited under Populism and Media: General) explore the rise of new populist movements inthe Czech Republic and Italy, respectively, and the appeal of technocratic populism. Like Silva 1991, Bustikova and Guasti 2019 links thecontemporary technocratic populism to the previous authoritarian regime. Mietzner 2015 and Thompson 2010 focus on electoralcompetition between various forms of populism in Asia, including technocratic populism.

Bertsou, Eli, and Giulia Pastorella. “Technocratic Attitudes: A Citizens’ Perspective of Expert Decision-Making.” West EuropeanPolitics 40.2 (2017): 430–458.

Bertsou and Pastorella analyze citizens’ attitudes toward technocracy and the idea of governance by unelected experts. They find thatindividual beliefs about the merits of democracy influence technocratic attitudes, along with trust in current representative politicalinstitutions and historical legacies.

Bickerton, Christopher, and Carlo Invernizzi Accetti. “Populism and Technocracy: Opposites or Complements?” Critical Reviewof International Social and Political Philosophy 20.2 (2017): 186–206.

The article explores complementarity between populism and technocracy. The complementarity consists in the fact that both populism andtechnocracy critique “party democracy.”

Bustikova, Lenka, and Petra Guasti. “The State as a Firm: Understanding the Autocratic Roots of Technocratic Populism.” EastEuropean Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33.2 (2019): 302–330.

The article investigates the political logic and ideological appeal of technocratic populism in the Czech Republic. It highlights the adaptivecharacter of technocratic populism across political regimes.

Caramani, Daniele. “Will vs. Reason: The Populist and Technocratic Forms of Political Representation and Their Critique to PartyGovernment.” American Political Science Review 111.1 (2017): 54–67.

The article analytically compares populism and technocracy as alternative forms of political representation to party government. It arguesthat populist and technocratic principles of representation challenge fundamental features of party democracy.

Manucci, Luca, and Michi Amsler. “Where the Wind blows: Five Star Movement’s Populism, Direct Democracy and IdeologicalFlexibility.” Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48.1 (2018): 109–132.

Manucci and Amsler analyze the post-ideological approach and strategic adaptability of the Five Star Movement’s online discourse overtime. While the importance of direct democracy is constant, different salient topics and policies are raised depending on political and social













context.

Mietzner, Marcus. Reinventing Asian Populism: Jokowi's Rise, Democracy, and Political Contestation in Indonesia. Honolulu, HI:East-West Center, 2015.

The book analyzes the dynamics of the 2014 electoral competition between two populist contenders in Indonesia. In the absence of anacute crisis, radical right exclusive populism (Prabowo) was defeated by inclusive, technocratic populism (Jokowi) promising improvementin public service delivery.

Pastorella, Giulia. “Technocratic Governments in Europe: Getting the Critique Right.” Political Studies 64.4 (2016): 948–965.

Pastorella analyzes technocratic governments in Europe. The research indicates that technocratic governments increase pressure ondomestic political actors, weaken partisan ideology-based politics, and loosen accountability ties between the voters, parties, and cabinets.

Silva, Patricio. “Technocrats and Politics in Chile: From the Chicago Boys to the CIEPLAN Monks.” Journal of Latin AmericanStudies 23.2 (1991): 385–410.

Silva highlights how technocratic character of the opposition to the authoritarian rule in Chile fostered the rise of young neoliberaltechnocrats the so-called 'Chicago boys' and contributed to a lasting technocratization of Chilean politics.

Thompson, Mark R. “Reformism vs. Populism in the Philippines.” Journal of Democracy 21.4 (2010): 154–168.

Thomson analyzes the competition between populist and reformist narratives in the Philipines. Unlike in Thailand, this competition is lesspolarizing in the Philippines due to the organizational weakness of the Philippine populism and shared anger among the opponents towardthe Arroyo administration and its abuses.

Populism and Power

This section discusses the implications of populists obtaining political power. When populists govern, anti-establishment appeals can bedelegitimized. Conversely, power enhances populist agendas as populism becomes a (more) mainstream ideology. This section alsodiscusses whether populists govern well and their interactions with coalition partners.

Populism and Power: General

Rydgren 2005 explores the emergence of radical-right populist parties in Western Europe. Heinisch and Mazzoleni 2016 examines theinternal dynamics and organization of radical-right parties in Western Europe. Arzheimer 2015 analyzes the rise of the far-right partyAlternative for Germany. Conniff, et al. 2012 examines populism and populist parties in Latin America. Akkerman and de Lange 2012scrutinizes the electoral effects of government participation of radical-right parties, while Aslanidis and Rovira Kaltwasser 2016 investigatesreactions of domestic and international actors to the governing alliance of left-wing and right-wing populist parties. Rooduijn, et al. 2014shows that the success of populist niche parties does not necessarily lead to mainstream parties becoming more populist. Froio, et al. 2017investigates the complex processes of party platforms’ adaptation to new issues. Pappas 2019 argues that the goal of contemporarypopulists is the establishment of an illiberal, but democratic, order.

Akkerman, Tjitske, and Sarah L. de Lange. “Radical Right Parties in Office: Incumbency Records and the Electoral Cost ofGoverning.” Government and Opposition 47.4 (2012): 574–596.

The article focuses on the electoral effects of government participation of radical-right parties in national governments.












Arzheimer, Kai. “The AfD: Finally a Successful Right-Wing Populist Eurosceptic Party for Germany?” West European Politics 38.3(2015): 535–556.

The article analyzes the ascent of the far-right Euroskeptic Alternative for Germany (AfD). It shows that the AfD is currently neither populistnor belongs to the family of radical-right parties.

Aslanidis, Paris, and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser. “Dealing with Populists in Government: The SYRIZA-ANEL Coalition inGreece.” Democratization 23.6 (2016): 1077–1091.

The article investigates reactions of domestic and international actors to the first-ever governing alliance of left-wing and right-wing populistparties in Europe—the Greek SYRIZA-ANEL government.

Conniff, Michael L., Kenneth Roberts, Jorge Basurto, Paul W. Drake, and Steve Ellner. Populism in Latin America. Tuscaloosa:University of Alabama Press, 2012.

The book examines the notion of populism in the political and social culture of Latin American countries, including Argentina, Brazil,Mexico, Chile, Ecuador, Panama, Peru, and Venezuela.

Froio, Caterina, Shaun Bevan, and Will Jennings. “Party Mandates and the Politics of Attention: Party Platforms, Public Prioritiesand the Policy Agenda in Britain.” Party Politics 23.6 (2017): 692–703.

The article investigates how the policy content of the governmental legislative program responds to governing and opposition partyplatforms, the executive agenda, and issue priorities of the public and mass media in Britain.

Heinisch, Reinhard, and Oscar Mazzoleni. Understanding Populist Party Organisation: The Radical Right in Western Europe.London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

The volume explores a range of populist political parties in Western Europe. It examines their internal dynamics and questions whether it ispossible to discern or construct a general “populist” party typology of organization and representation.

Pappas, Takis. “Populists in Power.” Journal of Democracy 30.2 (2019): 70–84.

The article argues that, once in power, modern populists seeks to establish an order that is democratic but not liberal.

Rooduijn, Matthijs, Sarah L. de Lange, and Wouter van der Brug. “A Populist Zeitgeist? Programmatic Contagion by PopulistParties in Western Europe.” Party Politics 20.4 (2014): 563–575.

The article examines whether populism is contagious and, in particular, programmatic reactions of the mainstream parties to the rise ofpopulist parties. When populists succeed, mainstream parties adapt, but they do not change their programs. Successful populist parties,however, tone down their populism.

Rydgren, Jens. “Is Extreme Right-Wing Populism Contagious? Explaining the Emergence of a New Party Family.” EuropeanJournal of Political Research 44.3 (2005): 413–437.

The article explains the emergence of extreme right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. Successful radical-right parties combineethnonationalist xenophobia with anti-political-establishment populism.



Populism and Power: Leadership

Hawkins 2009 explores elite-level populist discourse in more than forty governments around the world. Roberts 2006 shows that patterns ofpopulist mobilization are influenced by underlying structural and institutional conditions. Shogan 2007 explores populist anti-intellectualismas a strategic response to plebiscitary demands. Similarly, Bonikowski and Gidron 2015 shows that populism is primarily a strategic tool ofpolitical challengers. Oliver and Rahn 2016 studies populist appeal as a mechanism of political mobilization. Stavrakakis, et al. 2016analyzes Chavismo as a leadership form and social movement. Meret 2015 analyzes a female populist leadership style, and Phongpaichitand Baker 2008 looks at the evolution of Thaksin populism in Thailand.

Bonikowski, Bartek, and Noam Gidron. “The Populist Style in American Politics: Presidential Campaign Discourse, 1952–1996.”Social Forces 94.4 (2015): 1593–1621.

The paper examines populist claim-making in U.S. presidential elections between 1952 and 1996. It shows that populism is primarily astrategic tool of political challengers, particularly those who have legitimate claims to an outsider status.

Hawkins, Kirk. “Is Chávez Populist? Measuring Populist Discourse in Comparative Perspective.” Comparative Political Studies42.8 (2009): 1040–1067.

The article explores populism as discourse. It explores elite-level populist discourse in more than forty current and past governments from avariety of countries across the world, with a special focus on Latin America.

Meret, Susi. “Charismatic Female Leadership and Gender: Pia Kjærsgaard and the Danish People’s Party.” Patterns of Prejudice49.1–2 (2015): 81–102.

The article examines the role of gender in style, rhetoric, and discursive strategies of Pia Kjærsgaard, as well as her gendered portrayal bythe Danish mainstream media. It highlights the specifics of a Nordic female leadership framework.

Oliver, J. Eric, and Wendy W. Rahn. “Rise of the Trumpenvolk: Populism in the 2016 Election.” ANNALS of the American Academyof Political and Social Science 667.1 (2016): 189–206.

The article studies populist appeals as a mechanism of political mobilization in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. It shows that Trump’ssupporters are distinctive as they uniquely combine anti-expertise, anti-elitism, and pronationalist sentiments.

Phongpaichit, Pasuk, and Chris Baker. “Thaksin’s Populism.” Journal of Contemporary Asia 38.1 (2008): 62–83.

The article analyzes the rise and fall of Thaksin Shinawatra’s populism in Thailand. It shows that it emerged as a response to the demandsand insecurities of the large informal mass created by an outward-orientated strategy of development, and in the absence of massorganization.

Roberts, Kenneth M. “Populism, Political Conflict, and Grass-Roots Organization in Latin America.” Comparative Politics 38.2(2006): 127–148.

Roberts examines different patterns of populist mobilization in Latin America. He shows that patterns of populist mobilization are influencedbut not directly determined by underlying structural and institutional conditions. Electoral competition alone is not a sufficient condition toproduce extensive grassroots organization, especially where mass media appeals have diminished the labor-intensive character ofelectoral mobilization.











Shogan, Colleen J. “Anti-intellectualism in the Modern Presidency: A Republican Populism.” Perspectives on Politics 5.2 (2007):295–303.

Shogan explores how Republican presidents have adopted anti-intellectualism as a conservative form of populism as a strategic responseto the plebiscitary demands of presidential politics.

Stavrakakis, Yannis, Alexandros Kioupkiolis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Nikos Nikisianis, and Thomas Siomos. “Contemporary Left-Wing Populism in Latin America: Leadership, Horizontalism, and Postdemocracy in Chávez’s Venezuela.” Latin American Politicsand Society 58.3 (2016): 51–76.

The article employs ethnographic field research on social movements to analyze Chavismo in Venezuela. The article shows that Chavista“caesaro-plebeian” populism is construed as a site of tension and contention, which entails both promises and dangers for democracy.

Populism and Power: Radicalization of the Mainstream

Pytlas 2015, Pirro 2015, de Lange 2012, Snow and Moffitt 2012, and Rooduijn and Akkerman 2017 examine the interaction betweenmainstream and populist parties, and the ways in which the electoral success of populist parties leads to the radicalization of themainstream parties. Bustikova 2019 links radicalization to the volatile nature of minority accommodation. Zulianello 2019 provides with atypology of 66 populist parties.

Bustikova, L. Extreme Reactions: Radical Right Mobilization in Eastern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019.

Focusing on the rising support for the populist right in Eastern Europe, Bustikova examines how anger and resentment toward minorities isbeing utilized in politics. It argues that radical right parties mobilize against politically ascendant ethnic minorities, rather than in response toeconomic crises or widespread xenophobia.

de Lange, Sarah L. “New Alliances: Why Mainstream Parties Govern with Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties.” Political Studies60.4 (2012): 899–918.

The article investigates the recent government participation of a number of radical right-wing populist parties in Western Europeandemocracies.

Pirro, Andrea L. The Populist Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe: Ideology, Impact, and Electoral Performance. London:Routledge, 2015.

The book focuses on the ideology, impact, and electoral performance of the populist radical right in Eastern Europe.

Pytlas, Bartek. Radical Right Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: Mainstream Party Competition and Electoral Fortune.London: Routledge, 2015.

The book is a study of the interaction between discursive influence, party competition, and the electoral fortunes of radical-right parties inCentral and Eastern Europe.

Rooduijn, Matthijs, and Tjitske Akkerman. “Flank Attacks: Populism and Left-Right Radicalism in Western Europe.” Party Politics23.3 (2017): 193–204.










The article analyzes thirty-two parties in five Western European countries between 1989 and 2008 to show that radical parties on both theleft and the right are inclined to employ a populist discourse.

Snow, Dave, and Benjamin Moffitt. “Straddling the Divide: Mainstream Populism and Conservatism in Howard’s Australia andHarper’s Canada.” Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 50.3 (2012): 271–292.

The article explores mainstream populist discourses and their function: to satisfy rival wings of the respective parties, neoliberals and socialconservatives, that do not always share the same policy priorities.

Zulianello, M. 2019. Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a NovelClassification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries. Government and Opposition, 1–21.

Zulianello analyzes 66 contemporary parties across Europe to provide a comprehensive typology of populist parties.

Populism and Power: Niche Parties in Office

Heinisch 2003 examines the performance of populist parties in office and highlights structural weaknesses that hamper their success.Dunphy and Bale 2011 and Minkenberg 2013 explore mechanisms of taming of the radical right in the European context. For the radicalleft, the presence in governing coalition represents important pitfalls. Otjes and Louwerse 2015 and De Giorgi and Cancela 2019 illustratechallenges of governing, as populist parties need to balance government oversight and policy. Similarly, Albertazzi and McDonnell 2005and Katsambekis 2016 illustrate challenges faced by anti-establishment populists in government. Stanley, et al. 2019 analyzes thedeterminants of a volatile support for niche parties.

Albertazzi, Daniele, and Duncan McDonnell. “The Lega Nord in the Second Berlusconi Government: In a League of its Own.” WestEuropean Politics 28.5 (2005): 952–972.

The article highlights the balancing act of regionalist populists between being a party of government and a movement of opposition. This“one foot in and one foot out” of government approach transformed the Lega Nord into an “institutionalized” populist movement.

De Giorgi, Elisabetta, and João Cancela. “The Portuguese Radical Left Parties Supporting Government: From Policy-Takers toPolicymakers?” Government and Opposition (Online First, 11 September 2019).

The article underlines the importance of conducting a thorough negotiation of policy goals and the timing of their implementation beforejoining the government.

Dunphy, Richard, and Tim Bale. “The Radical Left in Coalition Government: Towards a Comparative Measurement of Success andFailure.” Party Politics 17.4 (2011): 488–504.

The article assesses the performance of radical-left parties participating in coalition governments. The experience of coalition governmentfor radical-left parties presents many pitfalls.

Heinisch, Reinhard. “Success in Opposition—Failure in Government: Explaining the Performance of Right-Wing Populist Partiesin Public Office.” West European Politics 26.3 (2003): 91–130.

The article draws a conceptual distinction between traditional right-wing extremist and right-wing populist parties, and examines theperformance of the latter in public office.











Katsambekis, Giorgos. “Radical Left Populism in Contemporary Greece: Syriza’s Trajectory from Minoritarian Opposition toPower.” Constellations 23.3 (2016): 391–403.

This article is an in-depth exploration of Syriza’s discourse, covering the period from its emergence as a loose coalition of parties andgroups in 2004 up to the campaign that led to its accession to power in 2015.

Minkenberg, Michael. “From Pariah to Policy-Maker? The Radical Right in Europe, West and East: Between Margin andMainstream.” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 21.1 (2013): 5–24.

The article examines the role of the radical right in the political process and the porosity of borders between the radical and the mainstreamright in the European context.

Otjes, Simon, and Tom Louwerse. “Populists in Parliament: Comparing Left-Wing and Right-Wing Populism in the Netherlands.”Political Studies 63.1 (2015): 60–79.

The article compares the parliamentary voting behavior of the left-wing and right-wing populist parties. Shared populism is manifested inopposition to supranational institutions, but on all other issues, the left/right position is more important for voting behavior.

Stanley, Ben, Radosław Markowski, and Mikołaj Cześnik. “Marginalization, Not Mainstreaming: Explaining the Failure of FringeParties in Poland.” Party Politics (Online First, 5 August 2019).

The article explains fringe party failure by electoral “squeeze” by mainstream parties, and the high propensity of the fringe party electoratefor volatility in electoral mobilization.

Populism and Media

Access to new media greatly enhances the ability of populist leaders to directly communicate their message. This section explores therelationship between revolutionary changes in mass communication and populism.

Populism and Media: General

Bimber 1998, Ellinas 2010, and Rooduijn 2014 examine how the transformation and fragmentation of the media landscape fosters the riseof populism. Caiani and della Porta 2011, Moffitt 2016, Moffitt and Tormey 2014, Manucci and Amsler 2018, and Elgenius and Rydgren2019 explore the populist style of communication as well as populist narratives and discourses. Akkerman and Rooduijn 2015 examinestrategies of mainstream parties toward their populist competitors.

Akkerman, Tjitske, and Matthijs Rooduijn. “Pariahs or Partners? Inclusion and Exclusion of Radical Right Parties and the Effectson their Policy Positions.” Political Studies 63.5 (2015): 1140–1157.

The article investigates the effects of inclusion and exclusion on the policy agendas of radical-right parties. It shows that non-ostracizedradical-right parties have become just as radical as their ostracized cousins, and that cordons sanitaires do not have a freezing effect.

Bimber, Bruce. “The Internet and Political Transformation: Populism, Community, and Accelerated Pluralism.” Polity 31.1 (1998):133–160.

The article analyzes the rise of an “accelerated pluralism” in which the Internet contributes to the ongoing fragmentation of the presentsystem of interest-based group politics and a shift toward a more fluid, issue-based group politics with less institutional coherence.












Caiani, Manuela, and Donatella della Porta. “The Elitist Populism of the Extreme Right: A Frame Analysis of Extreme Right-WingDiscourses in Italy and Germany.” Acta Politica 46.2 (2011): 180–202.

The article investigates the presence and forms of populist frames in the discourse of the extreme right by looking at different types ofextreme-right organizations in Italy and Germany.

Elgenius, Gabriella, and Jens Rydgren. “Frames of Nostalgia and Belonging: The Resurgence of Ethno-Nationalism in Sweden.”European Societies 21.4 (2019): 583–602.

The article explores an ethno-nationalist nostalgic rhetoric promoted by radical right-wing parties in Europe, and shows how parties useperceived threats against national identity for political purposes.

Ellinas, Antonis A. The Media and the Far Right in Western Europe: Playing the Nationalist Card. Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2010.

The book presents an original interpretation of identity politics and media behavior in Austria, Germany, Greece, and France since the1980s.

Manucci, Luca, and Michi Amsler. “Where the Wind Blows: Five Star Movement’s Populism, Direct Democracy and IdeologicalFlexibility.” Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana Di Scienza Politica 48.1 (2018): 109–132.

The article analyzes the online political discourse of the Five Star Movement (5SM) in Italy and its strategic adaptability. It shows that 5SM’spost-ideological, flexible, and adaptable approach, and its emphasis on direct-democratic tools, constitutes a successful electoral appeal.

Moffitt, Benjamin. The Global Rise of Populism: Performance, Political Style, and Representation. Stanford, CA: StanfordUniversity Press, 2016.

Moffitt contends that populism is not one entity, but rather a political style that is performed, embodied, and enacted across different politicaland cultural contexts.

Moffitt, Benjamin, and Simon Tormey. “Rethinking Populism: Politics, Mediatisation and Political Style.” Political Studies 62.2(2014): 381–397.

The article introduces the concept of “political style” as a new way of thinking about populism. It argues that populism as a political styleenables deeper understanding of how populism appears across the political spectrum.

Rooduijn, Matthijs. “The Mesmerising Message: The Diffusion of Populism in Public Debates in Western European Media.”Political Studies 62.4 (2014): 726–744.

The article analyzes populism in public debates in the media. It shows that political debates have become more populist over the years,and that the degree of populism is strongly related to the success of populist parties. It highlights the role of tabloid media in the spread ofpopulism.

Populism and Media: Conspiracy Theories

Barkun 2013 and Moore 2018 show how conspiracy theories move from societal margins to the mainstream contemporary politics, andanalyze how this affects partisanship and populism. Castanho Silva, et al. 2017 and Oliver and Wood 2014 explore a relationship between







conspirational beliefs and populist attitudes.

Barkun, Michael. A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America. Comparative Studies in Religion andSociety 15. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013.

The book explores a transformation of a subculture of conspiracy into a mainstream cultural phenomenon in America.

Castanho Silva, Bruno, Federico Vegetti, and Levente Littvay. “The Elite Is Up to Something: Exploring the Relation betweenPopulism and Belief in Conspiracy Theories.” Swiss Political Science Review 23.4 (2017): 423–443.

The article explores the relationship between populist attitudes and conspiratorial beliefs at the individual level. It shows that belief inconspiracies among greedy, but not necessarily purely evil, elites are associated with populism.

Moore, Alfred. “Conspiracies, Conspiracy Theories and Democracy.” Political Studies Review 16.1 (2018): 2–12.

The article provides a review of three books on conspiracy theories. It places the problem of conspiracy theories firmly in the context ofdemocratic politics, opening important empirical and conceptual questions about partisanship, populism, publicity, and secrecy.

Oliver, J. Eric, and Thomas J. Wood. “Conspiracy Theories and the Paranoid Style(s) of Mass Opinion.” American Journal ofPolitical Science 58.4 (2014): 952–966.

The article examines the nature of support for conspiracy theories among the public. The support for conspiracy theories is stronglypredicted by a willingness to believe in other unseen, intentional forces and an attraction to Manichean narratives.

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