roma evictions and demolition of roma houses · roma families intensifies around local election...
TRANSCRIPT
ROMA EVICTIONS AND DEMOLITION OF ROMA HOUSES:
A Sustainable Solution for Roma Integration or a Problem of Roma Discrimination in Bulgaria?
Analysis of the legislation regulating the demolition of illegal housing
and its implementation in Bulgaria to identify its compliance
with the EU legislation on protection from discrimination on grounds of ethnic origin
EQUALOPPORTUNITIESINITIATIVEASSOCIATION
OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATIONS
SOME RIGHTS RESERVED
Photo credit: © Boryana Katsarova/Cosmos/Redux
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses:
A Sustainable Solution for Roma Integration or a Problem of Roma Discrimination in Bulgaria?
Analysis of the legislation regulating the demolition of illegal housing and its implementation in Bulgaria
to identify its compliance with the EU legislation on protection from discrimination on grounds of ethnic origin
Daniela Mihailova
Alexander Kachamov
Sofia, March 2017
2
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Authors
Daniela Mihailova, Equal Opportunities Initiative Association
Alexander Kachamov, Equal Opportunities Initiative Association
This report was commissioned by the Open Society European Policy Institute, under the coordination and
supervision of Senior Policy Analyst Violeta Naydenova.
The Open Society European Policy Institute and the authors of the report would like to thank local research-
ers Diyan Dankov and Desislava Teneva for their input, as well as the Access to Information Programme for
their assistance in applying the provision of the Access to Information Act in cases of refusal of municipali-
ties to provide requested public information.
Special thanks to Simon Cox from the Open Society Justice Initiative and Mila Mineva from the Centre for
Liberal Strategies for their help, as well as to Alexander Kashamov Junior for the translation of this report
to English.
We would also like to thank Nikolay Kirilov from the Roma Standing Conference for critical reading and
comments to the report, as well as to Mariana Milosheva-Krushe from CREDA consulting for providing
comments, recommendations for improvement of the text and editing work for its finalization.
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101. Research objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2. Research methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
II. THE HOUSING SITUATION OF THE ROMA MINORITY IN BULGARIA – PROBLEMS, POLICIES, AND CHALLENGES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131. Main problems of the Roma housing situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1.1. General problems of segregated Roma neighbourhoods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1.2. Specific problems arising from the lack of legal status of ownership of land or buildings . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2. Main policies for improving the housing situation of the Roma minority – achievements
and challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
III. OVERVIEW OF BULGARIAN LEGISLATION REGULATING THE REMOVAL OF ILLEGAL CONSTRUCTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211. General legal framework concerning the removal of illegal constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.1 Planning and Development of Settlements Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.2 Territorial and Urban Organisation Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.3 Territorial Organisation Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2. Legalization and tolerance of constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.1 Legal framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.2 Authorities empowered to remove illegal constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.3 Protection from issued orders to demolish illegal constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
IV. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK CONCERNING ILLEGAL HOUSING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251. Court practice in cases of illegal construction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2. Overview of the implementation of the Territorial Organisation Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.1 Implementation of TOA by the Directorate for National Construction Control
(until 26 November 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.2 Practices of local authorities (November 2012 – 2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 03. Media coverage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
4
V. CASE STUDIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341. The Gurmen case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
2. The Varna case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
3. Other examples of demolishing Roma families’ sole residences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
VI. COMPLIANCE OF THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ILLEGAL HOUSING WITH BULGARIAN AND EUROPEAN LEGISLATION ON PROTECTION FROM DISCRIMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411. Racial Equality Directive of the Council of the European Union (Directive 2000/43) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
2. Domestic legislation concerning the prohibition of discrimination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3. International legal instruments regarding the elimination of discrimination,
ratified by Bulgaria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
4. Compliance of the established practices for demolition of illegal Roma housing with
the norms for non-discrimination adopted in Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
VII. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 471. General Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2. Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
BHC Bulgarian Helsinki Committee
DNCC Directorate for National Construction Control
EC European Commission
ECtHR European Court of Human Rights
PDSA Planning and Development of Settlements Act
TUOA Territorial and Urban Organisation Act
TOA Territorial Organisation Act
APIA Access to Public Information Act
MRDPW Ministry of Regional Development and Public Works
CoM Council of Ministers
NSI National Statistical Institute
NGO Non-governmental organisation
NCCEII National Council for Cooperation on Ethnic and Integration Issues
NRISRB National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria
OP Operational Programme
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The report presents the results of research about the legislative framework and administrative practices for
demolition of illegal housing in Bulgaria, with a particular focus on segregated Roma neighbourhoods. The
aim is to examine the government’s compliance with the adopted national and international norms and
principles concerning the protection from discrimination. The research was commissioned by the Open
Society European Policy Institute in Brussels and conducted by experts from the Equal Opportunities Ini-
tiative Association and Access to Information Programme from January to May 2016 .
The methodology involved research into the legal aspects of illegal constructions, and the internation-
al and European legal instruments for protection of discrimination adopted by Bulgaria. Furthermore, it
looked into the practices of the demolition of illegal housing by screening the Public registry of the Direc-
torate for National Construction Control (DNCC), launching a survey targeting all municipalities in Bulgaria
to uncover all illegal housing and demolition orders as well as using fieldwork and case studies.
Based on this, the report draws conclusions about five main aspects:
(1) The practices of demolition of the sole residences of Roma families provide evidence for discrimination
on the grounds of ethnic origin and for the violation of the rights of the affected parties:
• The issuing and enforcement of demolition orders concerning illegal housing affects adversely
and disproportionately mainly Roma families. This is in violation of the Race Equality Directive of the
Council of the European Union (Directive 2000/43) with respect to “indirect discrimination” on the
grounds of ethnic origin.
• Evidence for that are the findings of the research about the significant percentage of Roma sole
residences affected by demolition orders. More concretely, 97% or 500 out of the 514 demolition
orders for residential housing issued between 2010 and 2012 by the DNCC concern Roma people’s
sole residences; according to the data gathered from 61% of all municipalities in Bulgaria, from 2012
to the present, 89% or 399 out of the 444 demolition orders for residential housing issued by local
administrations concern once again Roma people’s sole residences.
• The administrative practices applied in demolishing Roma families’ sole residences are in violation
of the international legal instruments for the protection from discrimination adopted by Bulgaria.
There was no discussion with the affected families about the possible alternatives prior to the dem-
olition of their houses nor were they offered adequate alternative accommodation. In fact they were
left homeless – without the opportunity to register at a new permanent address. This hinders the
issuing of new identity documents and, consequently, their access to basic rights and services.
(2) There is no legal framework for the protection of the affected parties when their fundamental rights to
adequate accommodation have been violated, nor is there an opportunity for them to go to court if their
rights have been violated.
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(3) There is a serious increase in anti-Roma sentiments and actions, defined by the European Commission
as “anti-Gypsyism” or “anti-Romanipé”. This often becomes a strong impetus for local authorities to initiate
demolition proceedings in Roma neighbourhoods. In many of the examined cases the practice of evicting
Roma families intensifies around local election time based on pressure from anti-Roma protests and de-
mands by citizens and political formations, who hold negative views about the Roma. A major obstacle to
resolving this problem is the lack of consistent communication on the part of national and local authorities
on the objectives of the National Roma Integration Strategy and the benefit of its implementation. There
is also a lack of legal sanctions for such anti-Roma feelings and actions under the Protection Against Dis-
crimination Act.
(4) There are insufficient implementation policies aimed at fulfilling the objectives to improve the Roma
housing situation, as laid down by the National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria
(NRISRB). Firstly of all, this is due to the lack of clear responsibilities and outcome indicators, concerning
the objective for the necessary legislative amendments with regards to housing. Secondly, it is because of
insufficient financing of the NRISRB and lack of support to capacitate the municipalities to develop and
implement adequate measures and investments, using an integrated approach in order to resolve the
Roma housing problems.
(5) Severe measures such as evictions and demolitions of housing in isolated neighbourhoods not only
prevent authorities from finding a sustainable solution to the problems with the Roma housing situation,
but they also exacerbate it. When an opportunity for alternative accommodation is not provided, the af-
fected families remain in the same segregated neighbourhoods, living with relatives, and later on building
new illegal housing. At the same time, the demolition of Roma houses increases the interethnic tension not
only on a local, but also on a national level, which has resulted in anti-Roma sentiments among the major-
ity of the population and a complete lack of trust in institutions among the Roma. When there is a lack of
clear support and communication from the central authorities, responsible for Roma integration, the neg-
ative sentiments are exacerbated by the predominantly negative media coverage. What is more, the public
space is overshadowed by the anti-Roma voice of the nationalist parties and groups, which subsequently
shapes the public opinion.
In order to overcome this situation, the report provides the following recommendations:
(1) Legislative amendment in the foreseeable future in two directions: 1/ of the legal framework concerning
the legalisation of structurally stable buildings for residential use, which constitute people’s only homes,
and differentiation of the rules for dealing with illegally constructed buildings for residential and non-res-
idential use and 2/ incorporate in the domestic legislation the international framework of protection of
citizens in cases of compulsory demolitions and/or evictions from their only homes.
(2) Limit the problem by:
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
a) adopting a moratorium over the enforcement of the already issued orders to demolish sole residenc-
es, until the proposed legislative amendments, regarding the opportunities for legalization and the legal
framework of protection of the victims, have been developed; and
b) having a stricter control and more proactive actions of municipalities in order to prevent any new illegal
constructions in segregated neighbourhoods; this could be achieved in cooperation with NGOs with a
view to ensuring Roma community awareness and involvement.
(3) Mid-term assessment of the progress of the NRISRB (2015-2020), and especially its policy priority of
improving housing conditions, which should be carried out no later than the beginning of 2018 in con-
sultation with Roma and pro-Roma non-governmental organisations. The assessment should review the
mid-term outcomes with respect to the set of objectives towards the desired results. Based on that the
national and local strategies and action plans should be updated, including through adequate provision of
additional financing and support for their implementation.
(4) Develop an adequate National Communication Strategy for changing the negative stereotypes towards
the Roma, with a detailed action plan for each of the priority policy areas of the NRIS. This should also
include a specific housing policy equipped with financial resources for its implementation and clear mid-
term and long-term indicators to measure progress towards success.
(5) Adopt measures to enforce the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights issued against Bul-
garia, concerning the protection of citizens of Roma ethnic origin in case of a threat to remove their sole
residences.
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I. INTRODUCTION
1. Research objectives
This report presents the results of research conducted by the Equal Opportunities Initiative Association, in
consultation with experts from the Access to Information Programme, in the period January – May 2016,
commissioned and supported by the Open Society European Policy Institute, Brussels. The research aims to
analyse the domestic legislation and the legal and institutional framework concerning illegal construction
in Bulgaria, and to examine the way this is implemented in terms of demolition of illegal housing, with a
particular focus on Roma settlements. The analysis aims to identify:
• to what extent the evictions and the demolition of sole residences which have been deemed illegal
are equally applied to citizens of Roma and non-Roma origin;
• to what degree the existing norms and practices of demolishing sole residences correspond to or
contravene the principle of non-discrimination on the ground of ethnic origin, which is present in
Bulgarian law, as well as in European law ratified by the Republic of Bulgaria;
• to what degree these practices contribute to sustainable solutions of the problems with the hous-
ing situation of the Roma minority and to implementing the long-term Roma integration strategies
and policies adopted by the state.
The analysis, conclusions, and recommendations of the research are directed at:
• the Bulgarian administration and legislators, as well as non-governmental organisations and the
media – in order to facilitate the discussion and the search for sustainable solutions to the problems
with the Roma housing situation without violating international legal provisions ratified by Bulgaria,
as well as the domestic legislation on non-discrimination and the policies for integration of Roma;
• the Bulgarian judiciary – to provide proof of the discriminatory character of the actions taken
against the Roma in the area of housing and the need to amend the existing practices;
• the international institutions which have the authority to influence the improvement of the sit-
uation by means of the law, such as the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), or by means of
administrative sanctions, such as the European Commission (EC).
2. Research methodology
The research is based on the use of mixed methods, which include:
(1) Documentary research of the main laws and legal-administrative frameworks in Bulgaria, regulating the
removal of illegal housing;
(2) Review of the administrative practices of implementation of the Territorial Organisation Act (TOA) with
respect to orders for the demolition of illegal housing. The study compares the total number of demolition
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
orders concerning residential buildings, against the number of orders issued for such buildings which are
located in Roma neighbourhoods. This involved the following methods:
2.1. Study of the Public Registry of the Directorate for National Construction Control (DNCC) - to review its
practice with respect to identified illegal construction in Bulgaria in the period 1998-2012 (when DNCC was
the competent authority dealing with illegal construction, including housing). The DNCC’s public registry
has been active since 2010 and accessible online on the institution’s webpage. The registry contains infor-
mation about the type of illegal construction and its location. Due to lack of data on the ethnic origin of the
affected persons, the research of the public registry was complemented by identification of the location of
the constructions designated for demolition (whether they are predominantly in Roma neighbourhoods),
as well as by local visits and meetings with those affected.
2.2. Review of the local authorities’ administrative practices for the period from November 2012 to the
present (when the power to issue demolition orders for illegal housing was transferred to the mayors of
municipalities, or to district mayors in cities with district division).
• Due to lack of statistical data at national level regarding such administrative actions, the informa-
tion for each locality was gathered by a survey using the provisions of the Access to Information
Act (APIA). The APIA survey was conducted in the period January- end of March 2016 and was sent
electronically to the mayors of all 265 municipalities. The submitted APIA applications contained in-
quiries as to whether the relevant municipality issued orders under the procedure of Art. 224 of the
Territorial Organisation Act (TOA), as well as to whether these orders (if issued) concerned buildings
for residential or non-residential use1.
• By the 31st of March 2016, 162 municipalities, or 61% of the total number of municipalities in the
country, had responded to the APIA survey. The responses contained information concerning the
number of issued demolition orders for illegal constructions by each municipal administration; the
type of construction based on its use –residential or non-residential; and the location of the con-
structions. In most cases the municipal administrations also presented copies of the issued orders to
remove illegal constructions.
• The identification of the ethnic origin of the inhabitants was done by using the information about
the location of the buildings subject to demolition orders (whether they were in ethnically isolat-
ed neighbourhoods), as well as by field visits of the research team in the following municipalities:
Tundzha, Omurtag, Chirpan, Muglizh, Pazardzhik, and Blagoevgrad.
(3) Research on media articles on the problem with illegal constructions in the period 2012-2014, with a
particular focus on cases concerning the sole residences of families of Roma origin. The aim of the media
research was to validate the findings of the study of the DNCC public registry and of the APIA survey con-
ducted in municipalities (by confirming the information through another source – media articles), as well
1 According to APIA, the document with which information is requested is called an application. The interested parties submit the application and choose
the form in which the requested information should be provided, as well as its volume. The authorities are obliged to respond within 14 days. Refusals by the authorities
are subject to appeal under the procedure of the Administrative Procedure Code before the relevant administrative court.
12
as to gain an insight into how the problem was interpreted and how public opinion on it is being shaped.
(4) Research and overview of the effects of removing illegal housing through six case studies and exam-
ples. The cases are significant due to the high level of media coverage which resulted in strong negative
reaction from the public; as well as being cases on which the legal team of Equal Opportunities Initiative
Association has worked or is working by providing representation to the affected persons before Bulgarian
courts and before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).
(5) Documentary review of Bulgarian and European legislation concerning protection from discrimination
and analysis of the extent to which the researched judicial and administrative practices adhere to this leg-
islation.
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
II. THE HOUSING SITUATION OF THE ROMA MINORITY IN BULGARIA – PROBLEMS, POLICIES, AND CHALLENGES
1. Main problems of the Roma housing situation
1.1. General problems of segregated Roma neighbourhoods
According to the National Statistical Institute (NSI) data from the latest population census of 2011, the
Roma population amounts to 325,343 people or 4.9% of the total Bulgarian population; according to unof-
ficial data from studies by NGOs and the Council of Europe, the number of Roma is 700,000-800,000 people,
or more than 10% of the country’s population2. People of Roma origin live in all parts of the country, but
the majority are in the Montana Region – 12.7% and the Sliven Region – 11.8%, followed by the Dobrich
Region – 8.8% and the Yambol Region – 8.5%. According to the census, 55.4% of the Roma live in cities and
the rest live in villages3.
Both in cities and in villages the Roma live in settlements, separated from other neighbourhoods. The
spatial separation of housing and the expanding segregated Roma neighbourhoods are considered an
extremely serious problem in different studies and national documents connected to the integration of
the Roma population4. This growing segregation is both an outcome of the increasing social exclusion of
Roma people, and also a catalyst for the aggravation of this process.
The separated neighbourhoods appear as early as the 19th century and their further development is re-
lated to the policies of resettlement of the Roma in the peripheries of towns and villages during different
periods of the country’s history.
The expansion of the segregated Roma neighbourhoods intensified considerably after 1989. With the re-
structuring of the economy, the Roma were among the first to drop out of the labour market and many
of them who used to live in other residential areas had to leave their homes due to lack of resources and
return to the Roma neighbourhoods. According to existing surveys, while in 1980 49% of the Roma were
living in segregated neighbourhoods, during the first decade of the 21st century three quarters of the
Roma population were living in segregation5. The segregation of neighbourhoods drastically reduces the
2 An EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies up to 2020, Brussels, 5.4.2011 (http://ec.europa.eu/justice/policies/discrimination/docs/
com_2011_173_en.pdf)
3 The NSI data are published in the National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria (2015-2020) http://www.nccedi.government.bg/page.
php?category=125&id=1740
4 UNDP, The Roma in Central and Eastern Europe, Avoiding the Dependency Trap, 2003. Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic.
Equality and Human Rights Commission, Inequalities Experienced by Gypsy and Traveller Communities: A review, 2009; Fundamental Rights Agency, European Union
Minorities and Discrimination Survey, Main Results. Report, 2009; National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria (2015-2020) http://www.nccedi.gov-
ernment.bg/page.php?category=125&id=1740
5 Promoting policies for overcoming the territorial isolation of Roma. January 2016-August 2017. Working paper of a study within a project of CEGA Founda-
tion (Bulgaria) and Union Romani (Spain) with the financial support of Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme of the European Union (JUST/2014/DISC/AG/8155)
14
access to social and health services and lowers the quality of education in Roma schools, which, in turn, is
a cause of unemployment and poverty in the long run.
Over the past 20 years the situation in the segregated Roma neighbourhoods has been steadily deterio-
rating and is characterized by poor or missing infrastructure, poor public transport, insufficient access to
public services (electricity, water supply, sewage, street lighting, and garbage collection), and lack of de-
velopment plans, as well as of opportunities for legal construction. The per capita living space of Roma is
far less than that of the rest of the population – around 10 sq. m for the Roma compared to 25 sq. m for the
rest of the population. Construction in segregated Roma neighbourhoods is of a much higher density, and
the per capita living space is considerably less because Roma tend to have larger families, even though this
tendency has been diminishing in recent years.
Illegal construction and the lack of control or regulation in most Roma neighbourhoods is a serious ob-
stacle to the implementation of policies for improvement of their infrastructure. There are no accurate
statistics concerning the number of illegal houses in Roma neighbourhoods. According to some studies,
they comprise more than one quarter of all housing in Roma neighbourhoods; but according to others, this
assumption falls far below the actual number6.
Over the last decades both the central and local administrations have failed to develop an adequate policy
to address illegal construction in Roma neighbourhoods. The Roma are allowed to build and their con-
structions are only deemed illegal once they have been completed. This usually happens in response to
complaints from citizens, and not because there are regular and timely checks on the part of the local
authority.
The fact that most neighbourhoods are not regulated prevents their inhabitants from acquiring the neces-
sary construction documentation. In addition, unofficial data show that the majority of them do not own
the land on which they build. Without legal regulation it is as if these neighbourhoods do not exist, and
municipalities are not allowed to use their budgets in order to improve public services in them.
1.2. Specific problems arising from the lack of legal status of ownership of land or buildings
On the basis of the fieldwork conducted as part of this research, we found several types of situation regard-
ing the legal status of ownership of land or buildings, which exist in all segregated Roma neighbourhoods.
Due to the lack of accurate official statistics, it is not possible to state what proportion of housing in Roma
neighbourhoods is affected:
• There are only very few cases where the ownership has been legally certified both in terms of the
land and in terms of the building;
(Forthcoming).
6 Ibid.
15
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
• There are many cases where the land has been purchased informally (not via the established legal
route) – the owners do not possess the necessary documents to prove their ownership to other per-
sons or to the local/central authorities;
• There are many owners of legally regulated land who build homes with no regard to legal-admin-
istrative procedures, which renders the constructions illegal and, therefore, subject to demolition;
• There are many cases where the houses have been built on public land or on private land belong-
ing to other persons, which exposes the inhabitants to the risk of being evicted and the building
demolished without any compensation;
• There are many cases where buildings have been built on owned land prior to 31 March 2001,
which makes them eligible to obtain a status of “tolerance” based on the Territorial Organisation Act
(TOA) 7;
• There are a few inhabitants (tenants) of public housing in Roma neighbourhoods – with proper
tenancy agreements and paying rent regularly;
• There are, however, many public housing inhabitants who do not pay their rent regularly and,
therefore, face the risk of having their tenancy agreements annulled by the relevant municipal ad-
ministrations.
The lack of legal status of ownership of land or buildings gives rise to the following problems:
(1) All forms of unspecified legal status of ownership of land or buildings carry a risk that the buildings will
be removed or the residents evicted;
(2) Unspecified legal status is an obstacle to the provision of public services, such as public utilities – elec-
tricity, water supply, sewage. Every company that provides public utilities has legally specified require-
ments that have to be met in order to open a user account. Illegal constructions cannot satisfy these re-
quirements which in turn make it difficult for their inhabitants to acquire access to the utilities.
(3) Unspecified legal status is an obstacle to the registration of ownership with the relevant municipal ter-
ritorial agency and to registration in the territorial registry;
(4) Unspecified legal status is an obstacle to transactions to transfer ownership, as well as to taking out a
mortgage on the property, or to obtaining other loans.
Accumulated years of failure adequately to address the common problems of segregated Roma neigh-
bourhoods and non-compliance with procedures, both by inhabitants and by local authorities, have led to
chaos in the housing situation of these neighbourhoods. At this stage even the limited legislative means to
address the illegal housing problem are not being used by the inhabitants of segregated neighbourhoods
7 According to § 127 of ТОА, constructions built before this date and adhering to construction rules are recognised as tolerable, which means they cannot
be removed, they can be the subject of a legal transaction, and they require compensation in cases of compulsory purchase.
16
due to insufficient legal knowledge and experience of the necessary procedures. The problem is exacer-
bated by the lack of capacity of local authorities to assist the Roma community in legal proceedings and in
finding ways to give the inhabitants stable legal status.
2. Main policies for improving the housing situation of the Roma minority – achievements and challenges
The ‘Framework Programme for Roma Integration’ adopted by the Council of Ministers (CoM) of the Re-
public of Bulgaria in 1998 included the goal of improving the housing situation of the Roma as a priority
for the first time. The ‘National Programme for Improving the Housing Conditions of Roma’ was adopted as
part of the National Housing Strategy in 2004, as a result of Bulgaria’s involvement in the Decade of Roma
Inclusion.
In March 2006 the Council of Ministers adopted the ‘National Programme for Improving the Housing Con-
ditions of Roma in the Republic of Bulgaria’ (2005-2016), which sets specific objectives and indicators re-
garding the construction of new and the reconstruction of already existing Roma housing, as well as the
improvement of the infrastructure of Roma neighbourhoods with financing from state and municipal pub-
lic funds and from the European Structural Funds.
Currently, the main document that defines the strategic framework and the guidelines for implementation
of the policy for social integration of Roma is the ‘National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of
Bulgaria’ (NRISRB) (2015-2020), adopted by Parliament in 20128. Developed in extensive consultation with
different stakeholders, including non-governmental organisations, the NRISRB is a much more systematic
document which sets new approaches regarding the integration of Roma:
• The strategy applies an integrated targeted approach to vulnerable citizens of Roma background
which is developed within the framework of the general strategy for combating and eliminating
poverty, but does not exclude the provision of support to disadvantaged persons of other ethnic
groups.
• The strategy adheres to international standards relating to human rights and the rights of persons
belonging to ethnic minorities adopted by Bulgaria; it is guided by the European Union political
framework principles for non-discrimination on different grounds, including ethnic origin, and fits
into the context of the development of European policies relating to Roma integration;
• The strategy is guided by the ‘Ten Common Basic Principles of Roma Inclusion’, adopted by the
Council of the European Union on 8 June 2009, based on which it aims to promote: the development
of constructive, pragmatic, and non-discriminatory policies; affirmative measures and an intercultur-
al approach;
8 National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria (2015-2020) http://www.nccedi.government.bg/page.php?category=125&id=1740
17
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
• The horizontal aspects of implementation are aimed at integrated management of sector policies,
based on good inter-sectoral collaboration, as well as mainstreaming the rights, obligations, needs,
and problems of Roma in general government and sector policies. There is also a particular emphasis
on the promotion of affirmative action to overcome different forms of inequality in all public sectors,
as well as on promoting positive public attitudes towards the Roma community.
Improving conditions of housing and technical infrastructure is among the main policy priorities of NRISRB
and of the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Works (MRDPW) as the leading institution respon-
sible for its implementation. The ‘Housing Conditions’ priority accommodates ten objectives/tasks aimed at
resolving different aspects of the problems with housing and infrastructure in Roma neighbourhoods. The
most important of them, connected with the subject of the present study, include:
• Dispersion of the over-crowded and segregated Roma neighbourhoods by providing new plots for
housing construction;
• Regulation of Roma neighbourhoods by developing cadastral maps and cadastral registries, where
these do not exist, and by updating or creating detailed spatial development plans for existing and
newly-designated zones for housing constructions;
• Improving the technical infrastructure – water supply, sewage systems, street network, public
works, etc.;
• Building and providing social housing;
• Provision of appropriate alternative accommodation in cases of eviction of Roma families from
homes that they inhabit illegally or in cases when the construction is poor and presents a threat to
their health and safety;
• Improving the legislation concerning housing conditions.
Measures for improving social infrastructure for cultural and educational purposes are also envisaged, as
well as work with the Roma community in cooperation with NGOs to develop modern behaviour patterns
of responsibility and diligence in exercising the right of ownership of real estate.
The approaches to fulfilling the objectives of NRISRB are outlined in the National Action Plans on NRIS-
RB’s implementation which are divided in two periods (2012-2014 and 2015-2020). All municipalities are
obliged to and are developing local strategies and implementation plans in accordance with the national
strategy and the National Plans for its implementation. This is a precondition for eligibility of the munic-
ipalities to participate in Operational Programmes of the Structural Funds related to the priorities of the
strategy. The Secretariat of the National Council for Cooperation on Ethnic and Integration Issues (NCCEII)
produces annual administrative monitoring reports regarding the implementation of NRISRB based on the
progress reports submitted by sectorial institutions responsible for implementing the measures envisaged
in the National Action Plan for implementation.
18
The strategy also envisages the development of a common communication plan to inform the public about
the implementation of integration policies. The communication plan has to be implemented by NCCEII,
sectorial departments, and civil society organisations.
The adoption of NRISRB and the relevant implementation plans on national and local level is undoubtedly
an achievement, which creates a good general strategic framework for overcoming the problems with the
housing situation in segregated Roma neighbourhoods. Some positive results have also been achieved,
especially through pilot programmes supported with resources from EC’s Structure Funds.
Nevertheless, the monitoring reports on the implementation of the national Roma integration strategy
have found a lack of serious progress and slow implementation of the set objectives, especially with re-
gards to the third priority – improving housing conditions. This has been noted both in evaluation reports
of the European Commission9 and in alternative monitoring reports produced by non-governmental or-
ganisations, according to which the progress on this priority of NRISRB has been the most insignificant10.
Based on the administrative monitoring reports on the implementation of the national action plans for the
strategy implementation, produced by the Secretariat of NCCEII, noticeable actions and visible results can
mainly be registered on pilot projects for construction of public housing in several municipalities, as well as
with regards to the social infrastructure objectives relating to education and culture. There are no data for
activities associated with other important objectives relating to the improvement in housing conditions,
nor is there any explanation concerning delays or difficulties connected with their implementation. This
renders the overall implementation of the otherwise good strategic framework of NRISRB fragmented,
thus negating one of its strengths –simultaneous optimization of the different measures in their entirety in
order to ensure results aimed at long-term and sustained impact.
Some of the main challenges to the implementation of the adopted Roma integration policies relating to
the priority of improving housing conditions include:
• There is no practical prioritization of the necessary measures and no clear plan as to the intercon-
nectedness between different interventions, or no vision of how the delay in the implementation of
some objectives can reflect on the overall impact of policies concerning this priority. For instance, it
is certainly positive that there are pilot programmes mostly for the construction of social housing,
and also testing an integrated approach, linking social housing with access to employment and edu-
cation. However, the technological implementation of such programmes takes time, including time
for analysis of their impact and effectiveness – what works and what needs to be changed and why.
There is no clear policy on the illegal housing in Roma neighbourhoods or what will be done with
illegal houses during the period before these pilot programmes yield results. There is also no clear
9 Assessing the implementation of the EU Framework for NRIS and the Council Recommendation on Effective Rom integration measures in the Member
States. (COM (2016) 424, 27 June 2016) http://ec.europa.eu/justice/discrimination/files/roma-report-2016_en.pdf
10 Public Assessment of the Implementation of the National Roma Integration Strategy 2012-2014 http://amalipe.com/files/publications/Grajdanska%20
ocenka.pdf; Assessment of the Implementation of the National Roma Integration Strategy in 2015 http://amalipe.com/files/publications/amalipe-NRIS-assess-
ment_2015_bg.pdf
19
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
vision as to how and when these programmes will be extended beyond the pilot municipalities in
order to ensure public housing wherever it is needed countrywide.
• There is an objective to amend legislation in order to legalize well-constructed houses, but there
are no clearly defined responsibilities and no time frame for this to be achieved. It is noteworthy that
the National Plans for implementation of NRISRB for both periods suggest that non-governmental
organizations should be responsible for the implementation of this objective and that the necessary
resources should come from funds of donor programmes, procured by the NGOs11. Consequently,
the relevant monitoring indicator measures the number of activities carried out (the number of NGO
studies) instead of the results of these activities (the number of relevant legislative amendments).
There is no reference to any responsibility of state authorities for the fulfilment of this objective.
Non-governmental organisations can contribute with their expertise and can participate in working
groups, but they are not empowered to amend legislation.
• There are some positive activities undertaken to amend legislation, but with no follow up which
in practice led to no progress towards the objective of synchronizing the legal framework with the
needs of the NRISRB. An inter-institutional working group with a temporary mandate was created
in July 2012 on the initiative of the chair of the NCCEII following the planned changes in the legal
framework in chapter four of the National Action Plan for the implementation of the strategy. Its aim
was to develop and propose changes in the legal and methodological framework on the priority
policy sectors of the NRISRB. The working group has been established in a frame of the initiative led
by the NCCEII. The participating experts from both state institutions and NGOs have been divided
into priority sub-groups. The sub-group on housing prepared proposals for amendments within the
TOA to secure opportunities for legalization of only homes. However, none of the proposals from the
sub-group work have been proposed to Parliament.
• Another important objective set out in the strategy is ensuring appropriate alternative accommo-
dation in cases of eviction of Roma families from homes which are inhabited illegally or which pose
a threat to their health and safety. It is not clear how to proceed in cases where the relevant munici-
palities do not have available social housing or how resources to repair and ensure provision of such
housing will be identified. It is also not specified who should exercise control over the adequacy of
the offered alternative accommodation, how this control will be exercised, and what the sanctions
will be in cases of non-compliance with this objective.
• There are no designated funds for most of the NRIS objectives. The National Plans for the strategy
implementation refer to “indicative budgets” of municipalities for most of the objectives. Consider-
ing the situation of municipal finance, especially in small and poor municipalities, the main sources
of funds for these budgets could come only from EU funded programmes and projects. Howev-
er, procuring these funds is uncertain and depends on the willingness of municipalities to develop
Roma integration programmes, as well as on their capacity to apply successfully for projects. It is un-
clear whether and how the strategy will be implemented at local level in cases where it is impossible
11 http://www.nccedi.government.bg/page.php?category=125&id=1740; http://www.strategy.bg/StrategicDocuments/View.aspx?lang=bg-BG&Id=726
20
to procure external programme resources.
• There is no adequate communication strategy on the part of national and local institutions – nei-
ther for raising awareness of the issues of housing policy and decisions within the Roma communi-
ties, nor for informing the majority Bulgarian population about the possible solutions and the ben-
efits of resolving the housing problems to the entire society. The envisaged communication plan in
support of the implementation of the Roma integration policies, including the housing conditions
priority, has not been developed systematically and has not been provided with the resources nec-
essary for its implementation. The lack of consistent communication regarding the housing policy in
Roma neighbourhoods exacerbates negative public opinion, increases the possibilities for its manip-
ulation by nationalist groups, especially prior to elections, and promotes the growing opposition of
the public at large to housing integration policies. In consequence, this makes the implementation
of the NRISRB much more difficult at local, as well as at national level.
Some of these challenges have been clearly identified in the EC’s latest report12 of 2016 concerning NRIS-
RB. The report notes the worrying increase in Roma evictions in Bulgaria in 2015, especially prior to local
elections. The Commission recommends that the Bulgarian authorities should avoid evictions altogether
or that if they do evict it should be “on the basis of a judicial or administrative decision which would also
include due guarantees for the evicted persons (offer of adequate alternative accommodation)”. Further-
more, the municipalities should be additionally guided and supported by the national authorities in adopt-
ing adequate housing measures aimed at the social inclusion of Roma. The Commission also stresses that
the financing and development of detailed spatial planning should be promoted.
12 Report of EC “Effective Roma Integration Measures in the Member States 2016”: http://ec.europa.eu/justice/discrimination/files/roma-report-2016_en.pdf
21
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
III. OVERVIEW OF BULGARIAN LEGISLATION REGULATING THE REMOVAL OF ILLEGAL CONSTRUCTIONS
1. General legal framework concerning the removal of illegal constructions
The legal framework concerning the removal of illegal constructions is part of the legal provisions connect-
ed with the planning, organisation, and development of settlements. Over the last 65 years the matter has
been regulated consecutively by provisions of the Planning and Development of Settlements Act (PDSA),
the Territorial and Urban Organisation Act (TUOA), and the Territorial Organisation Act (TOA), with each
subsequent act repealing the preceding one.
1.1 Planning and Development of Settlements Act
The Planning and Development of Settlements Act (PDSA) entered into force in 1950 and repealed a large
number of preceding acts and provisions, created in the early years following 9 September 1944. According
to Art. 66 of PDSA, constructions built without permission and without the requisite construction papers
had to be demolished if they were inadmissible based on the operating provisions. Constructions built
with low-quality or inappropriate materials, or in violation of technical rules and requirements, had to be
demolished if they were deemed dangerous to use and could not be reinforced.
Constructions in non-regulated areas were subject to demolition, and upon a second violation the land
would be confiscated as well, and the executive committees of the People’s Councils could deprive offend-
ers of residence and order their eviction. These draconian measures were complemented by the power to
impose a fine of up to 2000 lv in cases of violation of any of the provisions of that act.
This act provided neither legalization nor tolerance procedures for illegally constructed buildings. Never-
theless, the act did not consider the demolition of illegally constructed buildings to be the only available
sanction; demolition of the construction was undertaken upon examination of each individual case to
establish whether in addition to lacking or having an irregular construction permit, the nature of the con-
struction was also inadmissible under the existing provisions in force. This means that the administration
did not proceed to demolish the illegal construction if, despite the lack or irregularity of construction per-
mit, the actual structure of the building proved admissible under the legal provisions in force.
1.2 Territorial and Urban Organisation Act
The next act – the Territorial and Urban Organisation Act (TUOA) of 1973 – provides for a procedure for
legalization or recognition of tolerance of illegally built constructions. According to TUOA, constructions
are illegal when built in violation of operating organisation plans and without approved blueprints and
building permits, or in violation of the construction requirements in areas with special territorial protec-
22
tion. According to TUOA, constructions included within construction borders can be legalized if deemed
admissible under the new spatial plans and operating provisions. Constructions which are proclaimed tol-
erable are:
• buildings and installations associated with the use of agricultural land, including agricultural, ware-
house, subsidiary, and irrigation installations and hangars;
• residential buildings for temporary or permanent use by land owners who produce agricultural
products, or intended for temporary occupation by persons who have been granted the right to
build on forest fund terrains.
The orders to remove illegal constructions or parts of constructions are issued by the Head of the Director-
ate for National Construction Control or by an official authorized by the latter13 .
1.3 Territorial Organisation Act
In 2001 the Territorial Organisation Act (TOA) was adopted in order to update the legal framework asso-
ciated with the planning and organisation of settlements, in accordance with the principles of the new
Constitution. Along with topics connected with the adoption and development of the so-called general
and detailed spatial plans, TOA also establishes the requirements to be satisfied by constructions, as well as
the procedures for issuing a building permit.
The act divides constructions into six categories, of which mainly the third, fourth, and fifth relate to build-
ings for residential use:
• The third category comprises residential and mixed high-rise buildings, public service buildings
and facilities with a total floor area exceeding 5000 sq. m or with a capacity to accommodate be-
tween 200 and 1000 visitors.
• The fourth category of constructions comprises both residential and mixed medium high-rise
buildings, public service buildings and facilities with a gross floor area between 1000 and 5000 sq. m
or with a capacity to accommodate between 100 and 200 visitors.
• The fifth category comprises residential and mixed low-rise buildings, summer houses, public ser-
vice buildings and facilities with a gross floor area not exceeding 1000 sq. m or with a capacity to
accommodate up to 100 visitors.
2. Legalization and tolerance of constructions
2.1 Legal framework
The opportunities for legalization of illegal constructions provided by law, have always been limited to a
defined period. At present, the Bulgarian legislation does not provide for an opportunity to legalise a con-
struction which has been built in violation of the law. It only provides for the opportunity to grant tolerance
13 According to Art. 158 and Art. 160 of TUOA
23
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
status to constructions built without building permits.
Constructions are considered tolerable if they were built before 31 March 2001, do not have construction
papers, but were admissible under the provisions operating at the time of their erection or under the TOA
provisions. Once deemed tolerable, the constructions cannot be subjected to removal or to prohibition of
use. They can be the object of a transaction when issued with a certificate from the empowered authorities
stating their tolerance status. The time of building of the illegal construction can be ascertained using all
kinds of evidence, admissible under the Civil Procedure Code, including declarations.
Although the legal provision for tolerance recognition does not provide a legal means to invalidate tol-
erance certificates after they have been issued, such cases exist. An example of this is the Gurmen case,
described in more detail in the next chapter of this report, where the mayor issued tolerance certificates for
144 houses, most of which were invalidated after a follow-up check performed by DNCC and, eventually,
demolished.
The legalization of constructions (in the short time frames when this is possible14) can be achieved follow-
ing an approval of an investment project via the relevant legal route and after a legalization act has been
issued. Neither the proclamation of tolerance, nor the possibility of legalizing illegal constructions is in any
way connected with the type of construction or the manner of its use – for residential or non-residential
purposes.
2.2 Authorities empowered to remove illegal constructions
Until 2012 the Directorate for National Construction Control (DNCC) was the authority empowered to ex-
ercise control over the observance of the Territorial Organisation Act (TOA) and the provisions of its imple-
mentation with a view to ensuring safety, security, accessibility, and the other normative requirements per-
taining to constructions. DNCC exercised control over the legality of the erection and use of constructions
by verifying the legality of the issued building permits for all categories of constructions.
The TOA amendments of November 2012 shifted some of the abovementioned powers from the DNCC
bodies to the mayors of municipalities. DNCC lost the powers associated with the issuing of orders to de-
molish housing for residential use /4-5 category/ and these powers were conferred in their entirety on local
authorities.
2.3 Protection from issued orders to demolish illegal constructions
In accordance with Art. 120(2) of the Constitution of Bulgaria every administrative provision is subject to
appeal before a court, unless there is an exception. The exceptions from the right to appeal must be clearly
14 With the adoption of TOA in 2001 a one year term was provided during which it was possible to legalize constructions. An amendment of TOA on 26
October 2012 provided a new one year term for initiating legalization proceedings.
24
and accurately specified in the law.
According to the TOA provisions, the affected parties have the right to file a complaint against the relevant
order to demolish illegal construction. The appeal is lodged with the relevant administrative court based
on the location of the property within a 14-day period counting from the moment when the claimant was
presented with the order to remove. The decisions of the administrative courts are subject to appeal in the
Supreme Administrative Court whose decisions are final.
Access to court is not expensive, insofar as the court fee to file a complaint to the first-instance court is 10
lv and to the Supreme Court is 5 lv. In these cases, however, the affected parties are not allowed to use free
legal aid under the terms of the Legal Aid Act. Professional representation is not compulsory, but the lack
thereof considerably diminishes the claimant’s chances for success, given that the administrative body is
usually represented by legal experts.
If the demolition order is not appealed or is left in force by the courts with a final decision, the only mea-
sure of protection against potential illegal enforcement proceedings, initiated in accordance with the pro-
cedure prescribed in the Administrative Procedure Code (APC), is a complaint to the administrative court,
which should be submitted within a 7-day period counting from the receipt of the notification about the
enforcement proceedings by the claimant. In such cases the complaint does not preclude the enforcement
proceedings, but upon request of the claimant the court may impose an injunction within a 7-day period
from the notification.
In conclusion to the presented overview of Bulgarian legislation, the current legal order regarding the
treatment of illegal construction suffers from the following problems:
• First, it does not envisage any procedure for legalization of already built illegal constructions (with
the exception of two time periods of one year after 2001 and after 2012);
• Second, illegal construction is treated in the same way regardless of the type of use of the building,
i.e. without differentiating between housing/residential buildings, extensions and superstructures
of existing constructions, outbuildings, fences, cable installations, or other secondary and subsidiary
constructions.
• The measures of state compulsion in cases of buildings constructed without building permits and
construction papers – preventive or sanctioning – do not account for the manner of use of the ille-
gally constructed buildings and for whether they are the sole residences of those affected. The dem-
olition of houses has serious consequences, especially in the absence of alternative accommodation
for the evicted families, which in practice leads to homelessness and violation of the basic human
rights of those affected.
25
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
IV. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK CONCERNING ILLEGAL HOUSING
1. Court practice in cases of illegal construction
Based on review of relevant data there have been no more than 1000 complaints submitted to courts
against demolition orders and against their enforcement proceedings and they do not concern the subject
of this research. In accordance with court practice, the status of tolerance of illegal constructions is subject
to official examination by the administrative authority responsible for the demolition proceedings, as it
constitutes a legally specified obstacle to issuing a demolition order15.
The main facts examined in this category of cases are connected with the date of construction of the build-
ing or with the stability of the construction. There is also an investigation to determine whether the person
responsible for building the construction is the owner of the land on which the construction has been
built. The date of construction is identified by means of all admissible evidence, including declarations and
witness testimonies. To establish the stability of the construction, the judge panels of administrative courts
usually commission an independent expert assessment. However, there are many cases where the admin-
istrative courts do not commission an expert assessment and other cases where they do so in spite of the
fact that given the date of its construction, the building cannot be deemed tolerable or legalized.
Regardless of whether the expert assessment is commissioned on the initiative of the court or upon re-
quest from the claimant, the costs for preparing a report are assigned to the claimant. In many cases this
creates an insurmountable obstacle, particularly for applicants with low income, which is the case for the
majority of the Roma population, as the costs of an expert’s report exceeds the minimum monthly salary
in the country.
Research on court practices related to illegal construction shows that courts do not differentiate in their
treatment of the demolition of buildings which are their occupants’ only home and the demolition of other
illegally built constructions.
In many cases no appeal at all is made against multiple demolition orders for illegal housing in Roma seg-
regated neighbourhoods. The main reason for this is that the majority of Roma do not have the knowledge
and resources to procure legal representation to appeal the orders. Legal representation is needed because
the procedure is too complicated for lay people and requires legal knowledge. Examples can be found
in the case studies in the next chapter of this report. (For instance, in the case studies of Varna and Stara
Zagora there were no appeals at all; in the case study of Gurmen there were several appeals which only
15 The status of tolerance arises by law if the substantial legal conditions of §127(1) of ПЗР ЗИД ЗУТ, State Gazette Issue 82/2012 are satisfied.
26
happened due to the help of the then mayor.)
Moreover, the research established that, especially in the case of Varna, the demolition orders may not have
been duly delivered to their addressees. Given the fact that 46 homes were demolished, where families
with children and people with disabilities lived, the alleged failure to notify the affected families would
constitute illegal action resulting in severe consequences for the affected families.
Unfortunately, access to this information was refused by the mayor of Varna Municipality. The reason given
for the refusal was the claim by the municipality that the requested information is not public.16 The fact
that the requested information has still not been provided suggests that the administration of the Mladost
District in Varna is being obstructive and does not want the public to know whether the abovementioned
affected families were notified in advance about the issued orders to demolish their houses.
The law provides an appeal procedure against enforcement proceedings of illegal construction demolition
orders. However, the research found that such appeals are usually not an effective protection measure. The
appeal procedure does not apply to all steps of the enforcement process (for example it is inapplicable to
the formal invitation for voluntary enforcement, which precedes the forced execution measures) as accord-
ing to the predominant practice of the courts some of them are subject to appeal and others are not. There
are also cases in which compulsory enforcement has been ordered by the administrative authority, which
by itself is an action that can be appealed.
2. Overview of the implementation of the Territorial Organisation Act
The implementation of the Territorial Organisation Act (TOA) is here reviewed in two parts, each analysing
the practices of the relevant competent authorities in different periods:
• The first part of the overview examines the actions of the Directorate for National Construction
Control (DNCC) which had the power to issue demolition orders for all types of illegal constructions
until November 2012.
• The second part analyses the actions of municipal administrations which after November 2012
were empowered to issue demolition orders to remove constructions of the third, fourth, fifth, and
sixth categories, which included residential buildings.
The overview of TOA implementation focuses on neighbourhoods and regions that are known to be inha-
bited by Roma population. The research compares the total number of houses which were subject to de-
molition orders for reasons of illegality, with the number of such houses located in Roma neighbourhoods.
16 In August 2015 Equal Opportunities Initiative Association submitted a request under the APIA procedure to the mayor of Varna Municipality. The refusal,
signed by the mayor of Mladost District in Varna, was appealed before the Varna Administrative Court with the assistance of Access to Information Programme. The
refusal was quashed in part by the court and a cassation appeal was submitted. The case is still ongoing.
27
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
2.1 Implementation of TOA by the Directorate for National Construction Control (until 26 November
2012)
DNCC maintains a public registry containing the orders to remove illegal constructions since 2010. It is
accessible online on the webpage of the institution and is updated on a monthly basis. The public registry
lists the issue number of the order, the type of construction, its location, the actions taken with respect to
the enforcement of the order to date, and the date of demolition of the construction (if it has been demol-
ished).
The registry does not contain information concerning the ethnic origin of the affected parties. However, we
could determine this accurately based on the registered location of the illegal houses and on our knowl-
edge based on years of legal work in Roma localities. For the purposes of the research, the ethnicity of the
affected parties for some of the illegal houses has been also verified by means of local visits.
The first records of DNCC bodies removing illegal constructions date back to 1999. For the period until the
end of 2010, data were registered for 900 demolition orders to remove illegal constructions17.
A statement by the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Works (MRDPW)18 makes it clear that
the total number of demolition orders issued by DNCC is 6080, of which 4530 have been enforced and the
illegal constructions demolished, and 1550 have not been enforced yet.
The results of the study of the data from the public registry, conducted as part of this research, are summa-
rized in Table 1.
As seen from the table, the public registry provides detailed descriptions of the different types of construc-
tions, indicating the status of the enforcement, i.e. how many orders have been enforced (demolished
constructions) and how many are “in process” (the order has been issued, but not yet enforced). The registry
does not contain separate categories for constructions for residential use or houses. This type of construc-
tions is registered under the “Other” category, which contains construction falling outside of the above-list-
ed categories. Since the existing search filter on the registry website does not provide the option to search
by buildings for residential use, the research team identified those buildings by manually reviewing the
individual records of issued demolition orders.
17 Pp. 1-60 of DNCC’s Public Registry
18 Published in Statement of the MRDPW concerning the situation in “Kremikovtzi” neighbourhood, Gurmen Municipality, from 11.08.2015
http://www.mrrb.government.bg/stanoviste-na-mrrb-otnosno-obstanovkata-v-kv-kremikovci-obstina-gurmen/
28
TABLE № 1 Issued orders to remove different types of constructions
CONSTRUCTION TYPE TOTAL IN PROCESS DEMOLISHED
Fence 611 72 539
Balcony 66 15 51
Cables 533 30 503
Platform 70 6 64
Garage 202 22 180
Pool 67 11 56
Warehouses 152 9 143
Office 39 7 32
Shop 87 9 78
Summer kitchen 80 6 74
Hotel 19 3 16
Reorganisation 230 46 184
Reconstruction 50 5 45
Outbuildings
(cowsheds, agricultural,
barbecues, etc.) 591 82 509
Extension
(to an apartment,
to a residential building,
for a bathroom) 561 100 461
Superstructures of
apartments, garages 226 76 150
Stairs 69 6 63
Incorporated new
construction to
existing building 52 0 52
Shed 305 43 262
Other 2070 1002 1068
Total 6080 1550 4530
Source: DNCC’s Public Registry19
19 http://www.dnsk.mrrb.government.bg/UI/RegisterDestruction.aspx
29
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
The data from the examination of the information concerning the demolition orders, issued only with re-
spect to buildings for residential use, are summarized in Graph 1.
Graph 1
As can be seen from the graph, 514 residential buildings were designated for demolition by the DNCC
in the period 1999-2012. Of those, 201 have been demolished and 313 are in proceedings. These orders
have no expiration date and can be enforced at any time. This creates fear and feelings of insecurity for the
people affected, as it has been observed that such orders have sometimes been enforced even years later.
For instance, some of the buildings destroyed in Gurmen in 2015 had their demolition orders issued by the
DNCC in the period May-June 2011.
The research team identified the ownership of the houses designated for demolition, through identifica-
tion of the location and fieldwork to meet with the affected parties in some of the municipalities. As a result
of this examination, it was found that more than 500 out of the total of 514 buildings for residential use,
against which demolition orders had been issued, are located in areas with Roma population. As a result,
we can conclude that more than 97% of the demolition orders for residential buildings, issued by DNCC in
the period 1999-2012, concern Roma houses.
This shows an inaccuracy in MRDPW’s statement that the issuing of demolition orders for illegal construc-
tions does not involve discrimination on ethnic grounds and that “a relatively small proportion of the
removed illegal constructions fall within segregated Roma neighbourhoods.” The Ministry supported its
statement with the fact that out of 6080 orders to remove “only 530 concern illegal constructions built by
citizens of Roma origin” 20, but did not take into account the fact that these 530 are precisely the construc-
tions used for residential purposes. This means that in the cases where the constructions designated for
20 Statement of the MRDPW concerning the situation in “Kremikovtzi” neighbourhood, Gurmen Municipality, from 11.08.2015 http://www.mrrb.government.
bg/stanoviste-na-mrrb-otnosno-obstanovkata-v-kv-kremikovci-obstina-gurmen/
0 100 200 300 400 500 600
Total 514
Number of DNCC demolitions orders for illegal houses
Demolished - 201 In proceedings - 313
Number of DNCC demolitions orders for illegal houses
30
demolition do not belong to Roma, they are also not constructions designed for residential use.
It should be noted that although in the period 1999-2010 900 demolition orders were issued, in just two
years (2011-2012) their number rose dramatically: more than five times. This demonstrates the change in
state policy to a stricter and less tolerant approach towards illegal constructions and the research found
that this approach has a disproportionate effect on the Roma minority in terms of the demolition of illegal
houses.
2.2 Practices of local authorities (November 2012 – 2016)
Following November 2012 the power to issue demolition orders concerning illegal constructions was
transferred to mayors of municipalities or to district mayors in cities with district division. Information con-
cerning these orders can only be obtained from the relevant municipal administrations, as there are no
records or statistics collected at national level in respect of this administrative action.
The survey was carried out by using the Access to Information Act (APIA) in order to retrieve the relevant
information for every location. In January-February 2016, requests were filed electronically to the mayors of
all municipalities, i.e. a total of 265 bodies of local government. The submitted requests inquired whether
the respective municipal administration had issued demolition orders under the procedure of Art. 224 of
TOA, and whether these orders (if issued) concerned housing or non-residential buildings.
The legally prescribed period for response according to APIA is 14 calendar days. By the 31st of March 2016,
162 municipalities, or 61% of the total number of municipalities, had responded to the filed applications.
48 of the municipalities stated that they had not issued orders to demolish illegal constructions, including
houses. The responses of the remaining 114 municipalities, which had issued demolition orders, state the
number of illegal construction demolition orders issued by each municipal administration; the type of
construction based on its use; and the location of the constructions. In most cases the municipal adminis-
trations also presented copies of the issued demolition orders.
Some of the responses contained information regarding the location of the properties, on the basis of
which it is possible to draw conclusions concerning the ethnicity of the owners. In cases where such infor-
mation was not provided, the research team verified the housing owners’ ethnicity by local visits.
The representative character of the survey (162 municipalities or 61% of all municipalities in the country)
make it possible to sketch an overall picture based on the answers of participating municipalities:
• Out of 162 municipalities, 114 stated that they had issued demolition orders for illegal construc-
tions. They had issued a total of 2000 such orders in the period December 2012 – March 2016. Most
of the targets of the demolition orders issued by local administrations were cable installations, agri-
cultural facilities, garages, fences, pavilions, sheds, and building extensions.
31
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
• Many of the municipalities had issued orders to remove “aerial cable network” whose owner was
unidentified; the affected people living in the vicinity had been warned.
• The number of orders concerning housing was smaller. Out of 2000 orders, 1556 concerned
non-residential buildings, and 444 concerned housing.
• The research team identified that out of the 444 orders concerning housing, 399 demolition orders
(or 89% of all orders concerning housing) affect Roma families’ sole residences. The identification of
the residents’ ethnicity was carried out on the basis of the houses location (in cases where the hous-
es designated for demolition were located in Roma segregated neighbourhoods), and verified by
means of local visits in some of the municipalities.
• The review of the obtained information shows that many of the demolition orders for illegal houses
were issued in response to complaints from citizens and following a check by the municipal admin-
istration, after which a document was issued and delivered to the affected parties in accordance
with the legally prescribed procedure. This means that the initiative to demolish illegally constructed
houses did not come from the municipal administration, but of individual citizens. The local author-
ity did not act proactively, but reactively in these cases.
• The dates of enforcement of the mass orders concerning Roma housing show that the demolition
and eviction of Roma families from their homes coincides in time with election campaigns or their
preparation. Usually the demolitions are carried out in response to anti-Roma protests organized by
nationalist parties and political groups, which exploit everyday scandals and conflicts and escalate
them to mobilize anti-Roma sentiments among the majority population, leading to demands for
Roma to be banished from neighbourhoods and cities.
• The demolition orders which were appealed in court make up an insignificant proportion of the
total number of issued orders. The main reason for this is that the Roma do not have the knowledge
or resources to procure legal representation in order to appeal the orders. Representation is needed
because the procedure is complicated and requires legal expertise.
3. Media coverage
The research team analysed media articles from the period 2014-2016 on the topic of illegal construction
and the effect of the abovementioned administrative practices on the Roma minority. Through the media
analysis, information was generated concerning issued orders to demolish illegal constructions, including
those which were already executed, which concerned citizens of Roma ethnic origin. This helped confirm
the findings acquired by other research methods.
The analysis shows that print and electronic media operating on local and national level have published
information regarding the demolition of houses in 21 neighbourhoods in total, located in fifteen munici-
palities in the country. In the case of five of the municipalities, the articles only note that there have been
enforced demolition orders, but they do not specify how many. These five municipalities are Sliven, Kazan-
32
luk, Pazardzhik, Peshtera, and Dupnitza.
In the remaining ten municipalities the media report a total of 696 orders to demolish illegal Roma housing.
The data concerning the distribution of these orders across the ten municipalities are presented in Graph 2.
Graph 2
As seen from the graph, the highest number of issued orders to demolish illegal houses is in Sofia (156),
followed by Stara Zagora (144), Plovdiv (130), and Gurmen (102). The number is lower in Burgas (50) and
Yambol (36), and in Samokov and Haskovo there are only reports of single cases. All 696 orders to demolish
illegally constructed houses owned by Roma (including the enforced ones) that have been reported by the
media are part of the total of 900 demolition orders to remove illegal housing issued by DNCC or by local
authorities.
The analysis of the information available in the media once again confirms the conclusions of this research
that the majority of orders to demolish illegal housing concern Roma houses. On the other hand, it also
shows that the media are particularly interested in reporting cases concerning the issuing of orders to de-
molish illegal houses built by Roma, as out of 899 such cases identified by the research, 699 or 77.7% have
been reported.
It should be noted that the information is usually presented in negative light by the media. The articles and
media reports use generalisations which lead to the conclusion that Roma build without complying with
construction rules or the country’s legislation, thus usually causing a negative reaction from the public and
exacerbating the already existing discriminatory attitudes of the majority. Usually Roma are depicted as
people who do not respect the public order and the established rules.
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180
Gurmen - 102
Stara Zagora - 144
Samokov - 3
Varna - 71
So�a - 156
Burgas - 50
Haskovo - 3
Plovdiv - 130
Yambol - 36
Number of enforced demolition orders for Roma housing reported in the media
Number of enforced demolition orders for Roma housing reported in the media
33
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
It is rare to find media publications which attempt a more serious analysis of the housing problems result-
ing from years and years of unsuccessful policies and practices or the lack thereof. The affected parties’
opinions are seldom presented accurately. The media tend to show emotional outbursts of those directly
affected by the demolition, rather than the constructive opinions for example of non-governmental organ-
isations, which can present the issues in more depth.
Comments from individual citizens in all media articles, as well as debates in social media concerning the
housing problems in Roma neighbourhoods are extremely negative and usually written in the language of
hate and ethnic intolerance.
The analysis of media articles shows that media interest and the negative reporting of Roma housing prob-
lems increase prior to and during election campaigns, as this is the time when the number of orders to
demolish Roma houses also increases. As has already been noted, the growing anti-Roma sentiments and
actions become the main drive for local authorities to initiate demolition of houses in Roma neighbour-
hoods. In many of the examined cases the practice of evicting Roma families intensifies during local elec-
tions in response to pressure from anti-Roma protests and requests from citizens and political groups with
extremely negative attitudes towards the Roma.
This is also confirmed by in-depth studies on anti-Roma sentiments and media reporting21, which examine
the evictions of Roma families in the context of the overall increase of conflicts and anti-Roma speech and
hate, especially in recent years. The predominantly negative media coverage is among the leading factors
for the rapid growth of already existing anti-Roma prejudice of the general public.
However, an even more serious problem is the lack of consistent communication on the part of the state
regarding the objectives and benefits of Roma integration. In the majority of cases, central institutions
and local authorities avoid taking measures which would put them in opposition to the anti-Roma views
of the electorate. The lack of a clearly-communicated state policy concerning Roma integration (including
about the problems and available solutions to housing policy in Roma neighbourhoods) helps confirm the
negative image presented in the media. Public opinion is therefore shaped negatively by the voice of the
nationalist parties and groups which dominate the media.
21 Anti Roma Threats. Study report Bulgaria, CEGA foundation/ Roma Initiatives Office, Open Society Foundations, February 2016.
34
V. CASE STUDIES
The research team also researched six cases – in the Gurmen, Varna, Burgas, Stara Zagora, Sofia, and Mug-
lizh municipalities – where local governments authorized the enforcement of demolition orders to remove
illegal houses in different parts of the country which were Roma families’ only homes. All of these cases are
illustrative of the effect of practices concerning illegal housing in Roma neighbourhoods. The media usual-
ly cover the demolitions in a way which provokes strong anti-Roma public reaction.
The six cases relate to decisions of the abovementioned municipalities to issue orders to demolish a total
of 475 sole residences of Roma families during the period 2011-2016. Of those, 162 demolition orders have
been enforced, the houses have been demolished and the evicted people, more than half of whom are
children, have not been offered alternative accommodation and have been left homeless.
Some of these cases have been studied in depth in the course of previous work by the legal team of Equal
Opportunities Initiative Association to ensure representation for the affected parties before Bulgarian
courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Others have been referred to as additional ex-
amples which illustrate the effect of demolition practices and evictions of Roma families from their homes.
1. The Gurmen case
The Roma neighbourhood is located in the Marchevo village, Kremikovtzi, in Gurmen Municipality. The
neighbourhood accommodates 134 identifiable houses, and the families altogether amount to 850 peo-
ple, all of them of Roma origin. No less than 350 are children under eighteen, of whom 210 children are en-
rolled in two of the local schools and 140, aged up to six years old, go to the local kindergarten. All Roma in
the neighbourhood are registered as residents of the Gurmen Municipality. Most of them have lived there
for more than 20 years, and many were born there.
The land on which the neighbourhood is built is agricultural. In 2013-2014, the management of the Gur-
men Municipality decided to organize public tenders for the sale of this land. In the pre-election period
the municipality promised the Roma that they would organize three such tenders, but ended up orga-
nizing just one. Around ten Roma families, who managed to get their documentation ready for the first
tender, took part in it and signed sale agreements with the municipality. They therefore possess written
documents stating their ownership of the land. Other families have documents stating that a 15 lv fee for
acquiring the requisite documentation for the tender has been paid, but no more tenders were organized.
Seventeen such documents were presented to the research team.
Between 14 December 2010 and 15 February 2012 the Gurmen Municipality issued 144 certificates, ac-
35
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
cording to which the Roma houses were awarded tolerance status within the meaning of TOA. These docu-
ments mean that the houses cannot be demolished; they can be the object of transfer transactions and in
case of compulsory purchase initiated by the state, their owners have to be compensated.
However, between 22 March 2011 and 23 November 2012 the DNCC revoked 104 of the certificates. In
practice, such revocation of the decision of the local authority is in conflict with the legal framework for
tolerance of constructions. In 2011, DNCC performed a check, declared 124 of the houses to be illegally
built and issued orders for their demolition. Some of the orders were appealed before the Blagoevgrad
Administrative Court, but they were upheld. At that moment all demolition orders were final and subject
to enforcement.
During the next four years (2011-2015) no actions were initiated with respect to the Roma houses against
which the demolition orders had been issued, in spite of the fact that the latter were final. In May 2015,
following an everyday accident involving Roma and Bulgarians from Gurmen, the two groups engaged in
fight and some people were injured. After the accident, some Bulgarians from the village organized them-
selves into the so-called Initiative Committee and demanded that the municipal authorities demolish the
illegally built Roma houses and banish the Roma from the territory of the municipality. Anti-Roma protests
were organized on a daily basis in front of the municipality headquarters and, in the context of upcoming
elections, the municipality authorities and DNCC initiated actions for the demolition of the illegal construc-
tions, which were reported by almost all leading media.
On 30 June 2015 DNCC demolished 4 houses; the affected people were not offered alternative accom-
modation and were rendered homeless. Among them there were at least fifteen children who were left
without shelter. The municipality offered to accommodate them in an empty school building in the Osiko-
vo village, but the Osikovo inhabitants organized a protest against this decision in front of the Gurmen
Municipality headquarters, which was also thoroughly reported by the media.
On the 13 July 2015 the demolition of another two houses was planned. The two affected families were in
a desperate situation, as they did not possess any other accommodation; one family was made up of two
parents and six children, one of whom was severely disabled; the other family had two small children, one
of whom was again severely disabled, and the mother was in the eighth month of pregnancy. Both families
were destitute.
Equal Opportunities Initiative Association filed a request to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR)
to impose interim measures on grounds of Rule 39 of the Rules of Court. This means that the Court orders
an injunction with respect to the enforcement proceedings associated with the demolition of housing. The
ECtHR addressed the Bulgarian government with a letter, insisting on the suspension of the demolition of
the houses and on the provision of information as to whether the affected families had been offered alter-
36
native accommodation. The government responded by delaying the procedures. On 11 August 2015 the
Ministry of Regional Development and Public Works published a statement on the case, according to which
DNCC should extend the term for the enforcement of the demolition orders until 31 August 2015, as the
affected people had not been provided with shelter.
On 26 August 2015 Gurmen Municipality officials visited the Kremikovtzi neighbourhood and asked the
Roma families to sign a declaration relating to their need for alternative accommodation. The text of the
declaration was approved by the Gurmen Municipality on 27 July 2015. When the Roma families inquired
about the nature of this alternative accommodation, the officials responded that “they do not have the in-
formation yet and this will be decided later.” The Roma families stated that they could not accept an offer for
alternative accommodation that does not exist yet. As a result, however, the officials prepared memoranda
stating that the Roma had refused to be provided with alternative accommodation. This false information
was repeatedly reported by the media, which encouraged the Bulgarian institutions to argue before the
European Commission and the ECtHR that they had offered alternative accommodation, but the Roma had
refused it.
Immediately after this, the mayor of Gurmen called upon the citizens of Gurmen to shelter the Roma fami-
lies in their own homes for free, as the municipality could not guarantee them alternative accommodation.
The citizens responded to this call by breaking the windows of the municipality headquarters and declar-
ing that they did not want Roma people in their village and the mayor was making them shelter the Roma
in their homes. At the beginning of September 2015, the administration proceeded with the demolition of
another 5 houses.
Due to the failure to provide adequate alternative accommodation, the families evicted from a total of 9
houses in 2015 continue to live in the neighbourhood, at first sheltered by relatives, and later in small hous-
es that they constructed illegally anew in order to have a place to live.
The Roma families living in the remaining 115 houses, against which were issued demolition orders, live in
constant threat of being evicted from their homes without being offered alternative accommodation and
of their homes being demolished.
2. The Varna case
The Roma neighbourhood Maksuda in Varna has a population of over 25 000 people and is composed of
several parts, one of which is called “Dereto.” This part of the neighbourhood is inhabited predominantly
by Roma families which moved from the adjacent villages during the 1990s, looking for employment and
ways to make a living. The houses are built illegally on land that has been restituted to its previous owners
who fought in court to this effect for many years. There are no accurate statistics concerning the number of
37
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
houses in “Dereto”, but it is estimated that 1000 people of Roma ethnic origin live there under severe living
conditions and in constant fear of their houses being demolished.
As early as 2008, the municipality demolished 4 Roma houses in this part of the neighbourhood and left
the families on the street without providing alternative accommodation. The ECtHR is reviewing an ap-
plication on behalf of the affected families, which has, at present, been communicated to the Bulgarian
government22.
The Roma neighbourhood is, in fact, located in close proximity to the city centre and there is a strong in-
terest in investment in the land. In 2014, in connection with a planned construction of a street, the mayor
of Mladost District in Varna issued 61 orders to remove illegal housing that constituted only homes of the
Roma families inhabiting “Dereto” in Maksuda neighbourhood. None of these orders was appealed before
a court.
On 5 August 2015 the Varna Municipal Council adjourned its 42nd session which discussed the draft of the
Local Strategy for Roma Integration. Representatives of patriotic political groups interrupted the session
with force and even engaged in a fight with the municipal councillors who proposed the Roma strategy.
During the campaigning for the 2015 local elections, the so-called patriots categorically proclaimed their
opposition to any Roma integration policies and to the adoption of the integration strategy. Based on a
proposition of the mayor, the municipal council postponed the strategy’s adoption. In order to appease the
citizens, the mayor of the city promised to the municipal council and to the anti-Roma groups present that
the municipality would take action for immediate enforcement of the 61 orders issued in 2014 to demolish
the sole residences of Roma families in the “Dereto” part of Maksuda neighbourhood.
In March 2016, the mayor of Varna, who was elected for a second term, stated in front of the media that
another 154 illegal houses in the Roma neighbourhood Maksuda would be designated for demolition in
order to realize his vision for restoring the appearance and spirit of the city centre23.
In August 2016, the municipality proceeded to enforce the issued 61 demolition orders. The Roma fami-
lies were not even notified of the designated date for demolition of their only homes, which constitutes a
violation of the Administrative Procedure Code. Immediately after the demolition was initiated, the Equal
Opportunities Initiative Association addressed the ECtHR with a request to impose interim measures on
grounds of Rule 39 of the Rules of Court. The ECtHR addressed the Bulgarian government with a letter,
insisting that it suspend the demolition proceedings and provide information on whether alternative ac-
commodation had been provided to the affected families. By the time the ECtHR letter was delivered, 46
houses had already been demolished.
22 European Court of Human Rights, Application no. 39084/10, Dimitrova and Others v Bulgaria
23 http://www.chernomore.bg/obshtina-varna/2016-03-10/v-maksuda-shte-saboryat-oshte-154-nezakonni-kashti
38
The Bulgarian government responded to the ECtHR’s request by postponing the proceedings with the
demolition of the remaining houses. The Roma who were evicted from the already demolished houses
were left with no options for alternative accommodation. Several days later, the municipality sheltered
some of the families in municipal shelters. This was a temporary shelter and the Roma were warned that
they would have to leave within three months.
According to the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee (BHC), “the 20th August campaign constituted one of the
most massive compulsory evictions carried out by Bulgarian authorities since the transition to democracy
in the country.” BHC also cited official data, according to which in all houses designated for demolition, 520
people were registered with a temporary address (233 of whom were children) and 490 people were reg-
istered with a permanent address (211 of which were children). If the habitation density in the demolished
houses was the same as the average for all houses designated for demolition, then on 20 August more than
400 people were rendered homeless, of which at least 150 were children24.
All affected Roma people were born in the Maksuda neighbourhood and had their address registration
with the Varna Municipality. The houses, in which they live, were built more than 20 years ago by their fam-
ilies either on public land, or on land abandoned by its owners. These are their only homes and they have
lived in these houses with the knowledge of the municipality for many years. The affected Roma people are
on good terms with their neighbours, amongst whom they have lived for their entire lives. Their children go
to school in Varna together with other children from the neighbourhood who are their friends.
The district mayor informed the Roma families on several occasions that the municipality will proceed with
the enforcement of the demolition orders and that it had no opportunity to guarantee them alternative
accommodation, as there was no available social housing, and there was already a waiting list with at least
700 candidates (all of Bulgarian origin). In front of the media, the mayor openly stated that he has no inten-
tion to provide accommodation to the Roma whose sole residences will be demolished.
For the purposes of this report, the Varna Municipality reported that between 2012 and 2016 it has issued
2018 demolition orders, 92 of which concern residential buildings – all 92 are the sole residences of people
of Roma origin. Varna is also one of the few municipalities in the country which did not adopt a local strat-
egy for Roma integration due to strong pressure from “patriotic” citizen groups who organized anti-Roma
protests and categorically proclaimed themselves in opposition to projects for social housing, as they do
not want Roma people in their city25. As a result, the Varna Municipality was dismissed as a pilot munici-
pality in a project for social housing construction which, if it had taken place, could have helped to resolve
some of the problems with illegal housing in the city.
24 http://offnews.bg/news/Obshtestvo_4/BHK-S-rusheneto-na-zhilishta-v-kvartal-Maksuda-Varna-gazi-mezhd_550520.html
25 http://www.marica.bg/%EE%F9%E5-%E5%E4%E8%ED-%E2%E0%F0%ED%E5%ED%F1%EA%E8-%EA%E2%E0%F0%F2%E0%EB-%ED%E0-
%EF%F0%EE%F2%E5%F1%F2-%F1%F0%E5%F9%F3-%E4%EE%EC-%E7%E0-%F0%EE%EC%E8-news462268.html
39
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
3. Other examples of demolishing Roma families’ sole residences
The Burgas caseAround 20,795 people live in the three segregated neighbourhoods of Burgas – Pobeda, Gorno Ezerovo,
and Meden Rudnik; 62% of them speak Turkish and do not identify themselves as Roma.
In 2009, 18 houses of Roma families in Gorno Ezerovo neighbourhood of Burgas were demolished. The
families, including children and vulnerable people, were rendered homeless. They were neither offered, nor
provided with alternative accommodation. Another 17 Roma families in Gorno Ezerovo and more than 21
Roma families in Meden Rudnik were under threat of their houses being demolished, as DNCC had issued
demolition orders to this effect against them.
After 2012, the municipality took over the responsibility for dealing with the cases of illegal construction.
Based on the information collected for this report, between 2012 and March 2016 the Burgas Municipality
issued 200 demolition orders. 111 of these orders concern residential buildings, 105 of which are Roma
houses. To date, there are no data regarding the enforcement of these orders which concern Roma families’
sole residences. The remaining 6 houses are owned by Bulgarians and represent villas or summer houses,
i.e., they are not the only homes of the owners.
One of the serious effects associated with the demolition of illegal houses, is that the Roma are not only left
without a home, but also without an address. Consequently, they are also left without identity cards, since
their old addresses do not exist anymore and they cannot be registered to new ones, as address registra-
tion is a necessary requirement for issuing identity documents. Without an identity card, it is as if citizens
do not exist – they cannot vote, go to a doctor, or gain access to other social services. Those with identity
cards registered with their previous address can keep them, as they are valid until the date of expiry. After
that, they will be denied the issuing of a new card, as the address no longer exists, and will be left without
one. Based on data of BHC, more than 200 people are living without address registration in the “Meden
Rudnik” neighbourhood alone.26
Due to failure to provide alternative accommodation, the people evicted from the demolished houses stay
in the neighbourhood, as they have nowhere else to go. When possible, they register at a relative’s address
and later on build new illegal houses. Details can be found in BHC’s publications concerning the families
living in the illegal houses which were demolished in 200827.
26 http://www.bghelsinki.org/bg/publikacii/obektiv/khristo-khristov/2014-01/stotici-romi-ot-burgas-ne-sshestvuvat-po-dokumenti/
27 Ibid.
40
The Sofia caseIn Sofia, there are several segregated Roma neighbourhoods, some of which, such as “Fakulteta”, have more
than 30 000 inhabitants and can be considered “a town within the city.”
The Sofia Municipality did not provide the information requested by the survey carried out as part of this
research. However, there are many publicly known cases of Roma families whose only homes have become
the object of demolition orders. Based on the research of media publications concerning illegal construc-
tion in Roma neighbourhoods, the Sofia Municipality has issued 156 orders to demolish sole residences of
Roma people.
Based on data collected for the purposes of this research through reviewing requests for legal aid, sub-
mitted by citizens to Equal Opportunities Initiative Association, 65 orders to demolish Roma families’ sole
residences were issued and enforced in the period 2013-2014. The legal team of Equal Opportunities Ini-
tiative Association is currently representing 13 Roma families on cases filed against orders to remove sole
residences, issued by the municipality.
The Muglizh caseMuglizh is a small municipality located in the Stara Zagora Region. The municipality refused to provide
information concerning issued demolition orders to remove illegal houses upon the official request sub-
mitted with the survey for the purposes of the present report.
An interview was carried out with the mayor of Muglizh on 16 March 2016, in which he stated that the
municipality issued 34 demolition orders in 2012 against Roma families, which were enforced immediately.
The affected families, among which there were children and disadvantaged people, were not provided
with alternative accommodation. To the present moment, they live in various temporary shelters and many
of them do not possess identity papers, as they do not have a permanent address.
The Stara Zagora caseIn response to the submitted request for information under APIA survey for the purposes of this research,
the Stara Zagora municipality reported that in the period 2012 – 2016, 110 demolition orders were issued,
55 of the demolition orders were for houses in the Roma neighbourhood Lozenetz and concerned only
homes of Roma families. These 55 orders were enforced and the people were rendered homeless with no
offer of alternative accommodation; even the children and the disadvantaged were left without shelter.
41
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
VI. COMPLIANCE OF THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ILLEGAL HOUSING WITH BULGARIAN AND EUROPEAN LEGISLATION ON PROTECTION FROM DISCRIMINATION
1. Racial Equality Directive of the Council of the European Union(Directive 2000/43)
The Racial Equality Directive of the Council of the European Union (Directive 2000/43) prohibits direct and
indirect discrimination on grounds of race and/or ethnic origin. The Directive contains definitions of the
terms “direct discrimination” and “indirect discrimination”, as well as of the term “harassment” as one pro-
hibited form of discrimination. According to the Directive:
• “direct discrimination shall be taken to occur where one person is treated less favourably than an-
other is, has been or would be treated in a comparable situation on grounds of racial or ethnic origin.”
(Art. 2(a));
• “indirect discrimination shall be taken to occur where an apparently neutral provision, criterion or
practice would put persons of a racial or ethnic origin at a particular disadvantage compared with
other persons, unless that provision, criterion or practice is objectively justified by a legitimate aim
and the means of achieving that aim are appropriate and necessary” (Art. 2(b))
• “harassment shall be deemed to be discrimination within the meaning of paragraph 1, when an
unwanted conduct related to racial or ethnic origin takes place with the purpose or effect of violating
the dignity of a person and of creating an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive
environment.”
The scope of the Directive explicitly includes the protection of the right to housing: “Within the limits of the
powers conferred upon the Community, this Directive shall apply to all persons, as regards both the public
and private sectors, including public bodies, in relation to:… access to and supply of goods and services
which are available to the public, including housing” (Art. 3(1)(h))
2. Domestic legislation concerning the prohibition of discrimination
In accordance with Art.6(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, all citizens are born free and
equal in rights and dignity. Paragraph 2 of the same article provides that all citizens are equal before the
law and no privileges or limitations of rights should be allowed on grounds of, inter alia, ethnic origin. De-
spite the fact that the Constitution is directly applicable, there is no constitutional procedure for protection
against violations of citizen rights protected in the Constitution.
42
For the purposes of the present report it should also be noted that the Bulgarian Constitution protects
the private life of citizens. According to the Constitution, everyone should be protected from illegal inter-
ference with his/her private and family life. The Constitution also declares the home of every person invi-
olable. It should be noted, however, that this protection only constitutes a prohibition to enter the home
without the permission of the owner.
The Protection Against Discrimination Act was adopted in Bulgaria in 2004 and amended multiple times in
the period 2004-201628. The act provides a legal definition of the terms direct and indirect discrimination
and prohibits every form of discrimination; it envisages the creation of a Commission for Protection Against
Discrimination. The act prohibits discrimination on any grounds (including ethnicity) with respect to edu-
cation, employment, and “other rights”, including “access to products and services”, although the right to
housing is not included, which is in violation of the requirements of Directive 2000/43. According to this
act, natural and legal persons can complain of discrimination to the specifically created Commission, as
well as to courts.
The Bulgarian legislation on protection from discrimination also provides for the opportunity for collective
appeals, which can also be initiated by non-governmental organisations, registered as working for the ben-
efit of the public, in cases where there has been an alleged violation of the rights of a group of people. The
Commission may enact decisions which ascertain discrimination, prohibit discriminatory practices, and
impose fines if the perpetrators broke the law. The Commission has the power to review legal provisions
which contravene the prohibition against discrimination encoded in the law and its amendments. The
Commission can also initiate investigations on its own initiative.
At the present moment, the Commission for Protection Against Discrimination has not looked at cases of
discrimination against Roma with regards to housing policies – either in response to complaints from the
public or on its own initiative. Administrative courts have looked at appeals against administrative orders
to remove Roma houses, but there have been no judgements so far which declare the demolition proceed-
ings illegal for reasons of discrimination. Courts either reject such arguments or deem them irrelevant to
the cases.
28 In force from 01.01.2004, amended in Issue 86 of the State Gazette (SG) of 30 September 2003, amended SG issue 70 of 10 August 2004, am. SG issue 105
of 29 December 2005, am. SG issue 30 of 11 April 2006, am. SG issue 68 of 22 August 2006, am. SG issue 59 of 20 July 2007, am. SG issue 100 of 30 November 2007, am.
SG issue 69 of 5 August 2008, am. SG issue 108 of 19 December 2008, am. SG issue 42 of 5 June 2009, am. SG issue 74 of 15 September 2009, am. SG issue 103 of 29
December 2009, am. SG issue 97 of 10 December 2010, am. SG issue 23 of 22 March 2011, am. SG issue 39 of 20 May 2011, am. SG issue 38 of 18 May 2012, am. SG issue
58 of 31 July 2012, am. SG issue 15 of 15 February 2013, am. SG issue 68 of 2 August 2013, am. SG issue 26 of 7 April 2015, am. SG issue 33 of 26 April 2016, amended in
State Gazette, issue 105 of 30 December 2016.
43
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
3. International legal instruments regarding the elimination of discrimination, ratified by Bulgaria
According to the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, all international legal instruments, ratified in ac-
cordance with the constitutional procedure and officially published in the State Gazette, are incorporated
into domestic law and take precedence over domestic provisions that contradict them.
In accordance with the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
(ICEAFRD), Bulgaria has the obligation to adopt active measures to prohibit and eliminate discrimination
on grounds of (among other things) ethnic origin and to guarantee equality of everyone before the law.
Bulgaria has also signed and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Free-
doms (ECHR) along with its Protocols No 1, 4, 6, and 7. However, it should be noted that Bulgaria has not
ratified Protocol 12 (general prohibition against discrimination) of the Convention yet. With the ratification
of ECHR Bulgaria accepted the obligation to guarantee the rights, protected by the Convention, without
any discrimination on grounds of (among other things) ethnic origin. According to the Court’s jurispru-
dence, including cases against Bulgaria (Yordanova and others v. Bulgaria), the scope of Art. 8 involves the
protection of the right to housing, as part of the right to non-interference with private and family life.
In respect of the state obligations to recognize and protect the rights of minorities, Bulgaria has also ratified
the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCPNM). FCPNM
includes the obligation for signatories to ensure equality before the law and equal legal protection to mi-
nority groups within the respective state-signatory. The Convention prohibits discrimination on grounds
of national minority status.
Other important UN documents for ensuring equal rights are the International Covenant on Economic, So-
cial, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), both
ratified by Bulgaria and published in the State Gazette on 20 May 1976.
Other important international documents, ratified by Bulgaria, are: the European Convention for the Pre-
vention of Torture (ECPT), the European Social Charter (ESC), the European Social Charter (Revised) (ESC
– R), the Convention against Torture (CaT), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).
As already stated in the beginning of this report, the principles and norms contained in these ratified doc-
uments have been adopted in the National Roma Integration Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria (NRIS-
RB), which defines the approach and all actions associated with integration policies with respect to Roma.
The entire introduction to the strategy focuses on enumerating the ratified international legal documents
whose norms and principles should be adhered to in the process of its implementation.
It also envisages amendments to the existing legislation concerning illegal construction which would in-
44
tegrate these norms, especially with respect to illegal constructions that constitute the only homes of the
affected parties. However, as outlined in previous sections of this report, despite the creation in 2012 of
an inter-institutional group to work on these amendments, there has been no practical outcome and the
proposals developed by experts have not been presented to Parliament.
4. Compliance of the established practices for demolition of illegal Roma housing with the norms for non-discrimination adopted in Bulgaria
The facts, analysed in this report, show that the Bulgarian administration ignores the requirements of in-
ternational law, which should be applied in cases of demolition of residential buildings and compulsory
eviction of their inhabitants, and which are also incorporated as basic principles in the NRISRB.
According to the international legal norms for protection of human rights, demolition should only be initi-
ated in “extreme circumstances”, after “all available alternatives” have been exhausted. Even then, interna-
tional legal norms require that certain conditions be satisfied:
• the government should guarantee, before engaging in any planned demolition, that all reasonable
alternatives have been exhausted (such as seeking and discussing ways of stabilising the status of
those affected) in consultation with the affected parties, in order to avoid, or at least minimise, the
need to use force.
• the compulsory demolition should not render people homeless or violate human rights. The cen-
tral and local governments should guarantee alternative accommodation to the affected people.
• in the rare cases when the demolition is justified (such as when the constructions endanger the life
of their inhabitants), it should be performed in accordance with the international provisions on hu-
man rights and in concert with the principles of rationality and proportionality. This involves, among
other things: consultations with the affected parties; adequate and timely notification of the affected
parties about the date of demolition; provision of information concerning the proposed demolition
and, if applicable, of information concerning the manner of future use of the land used by the affect-
ed parties.
• especially in the cases where those affected constitute entire groups of people, representatives of
the public authorities should be present at the demolition; all officials taking part in the enforcement
of the order should be identified; the demolition should not happen in bad weather, nor at night,
unless this has been agreed with the affected parties; legal solutions should be provided; legal aid
should be provided to people who are in need of it, so that they can address the court.
Based on the analysis of the administrative practices concerning the demolition of illegal housing in segre-
gated Roma neighbourhoods, the following conclusions can be drawn:
(1) the orders to demolish illegal houses predominantly concern Roma people’s sole residences.
45
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
• In the period 2010-2012, DNCC issued 6080 demolition orders, 514 of which concerned residential
buildings. Around 97% or 500 of these orders concerned Roma people’s sole residences.
• Based on a representative sample of 61% of all municipalities in Bulgaria (162 out of 265 municipal-
ities), 2000 demolition orders were issued in total in the period November 2012 – March 2016; 444
out of them concerned residential buildings and 89% or 399 of the demolition orders for residential
buildings concerned Roma people’s sole residences.
(2) There is no consultation with the affected families and no discussion of reasonable alternatives, in or-
der to avoid the use of force. In many cases the buildings are demolished without notifying the affected
families about the date of demolition. Consequently, the Roma do not even have the chance to save their
furniture and belongings; there are cases where people did not even manage to take their documents. All
of the above is in violation of the international provisions on protection in case of eviction.
(3) The enforcement of the orders to demolish the illegal sole residences of the affected Roma families
renders them homeless and without alternative shelter guaranteed by the administrative authorities, not
even for the children and the disadvantaged. In most of the examples presented in this report, alternative
accommodation was not provided, and in some cases the local administrations explicitly stated that they
will not provide it. The municipalities usually do not have available social housing or shelters to offer. In
rare cases, the municipalities provide temporary shelter to the evicted families (usually for 2-3 months) and
then the latter become homeless.
(4) The failure to provide alternative accommodation to the evicted Roma families has serious repercus-
sions for them, including the impossibility of obtaining identity papers, due to lack of address registra-
tion. In order to be registered at a permanent address and obtain a certificate, the Citizen Registration Act
requires a document stating ownership, a tenancy agreement, or at least a proof of opened accounts for
utility services. The certificate for permanent registration, in turn, is necessary for the issuing of a personal
identity document. Without identity documents, these people are treated as if they do not exist and they
cannot have access to basic rights and services.
(5) Currently, in Bulgaria there are only rules regulating the demolition of illegal housing, but no rules
concerning the protection of the affected parties. These rules are needed to protect them from violation
of their fundamental rights to adequate housing, as specified in international and European law, and to
provide them with the right to go to court if their rights have been violated. This legal vacuum leads to the
identified practices of rights violations in the area of housing.
(6) The issuing and enforcement of the demolition orders is in violation of the requirements of the Eu-
ropean Directive 2000/43 with respect to “indirect discrimination”: the Bulgarian administration uses the
TOA provisions when they concern Roma families in a most unfavourable manner, as it is precisely the
46
Roma who are disproportionately affected by the demolition of houses. The enforcement of demolition or-
ders is in conflict with the prohibition of discrimination on ethnic grounds, specified in European Directive
2000/43, insofar as the Roma become the object of unfavourable treatment based on their ethnic origin,
which aims to violate or does violate human dignity and creates an offensive, hostile, disparaging, and
humiliating environment.
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Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
VII. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
1. General Conclusions
As a result of this research, the following main conclusions can be drawn:
(1) A large portion of the Roma population is faced with a constant risk of becoming homeless.
The Roma population in Bulgaria amounts to more than 10% of the total population of the country and
most Roma live in segregated neighbourhoods, which are unregulated and chaotically built without re-
spect for any procedural rules. There are no accurate statistics regarding the number of illegal houses in
the Roma segregated neighbourhoods, but it is estimated that they constitute at least one quarter of all
houses in these neighbourhoods. This places a considerable part of the Roma population under constant
risk of becoming homeless, as their sole residences are under the threat of demolition.
(2) In many cases, due to the magnitude of the problem and the need for serious investments, local author-
ities are unable to come up with an adequate solution to the problem.
There are no adequate opportunities for alternative accommodation for the affected families, due to insuf-
ficiency or lack of municipal social housing. For this reason, demolition orders affecting illegal housing in
Roma neighbourhoods, issued in response to requests from citizens, are not enforced for years as the mu-
nicipalities cannot provide adequate alternatives for accommodation. However, once issued, these orders
have no expiration date and can be activated during election campaigns or when there is an increasing
interest to invest in the relevant land.
(3) The reviewed administrative practices of demolition of illegal houses in Roma neighbourhoods are in
violation of the international legal provisions for non-discrimination, adopted by Bulgaria.
In the period 2010-2016, the orders to demolish illegal housing primarily concerned Roma people’s sole
residences. Their enforcement was not preceded by discussion of possible reasonable alternatives and the
affected families were not offered adequate alternative accommodation. This leads to serious repercussion
for the affected families. They are unable to register at a new permanent address, as they are homeless; and
if they lack a permanent address, they cannot obtain identity papers, which in turn deprives them of access
to basic rights and services.
(4) The existing practices for demolition of illegal Roma houses in segregated Roma neighbourhoods do
not contribute for finding a sustainable solution to the Roma housing situation and are in conflict with the
long-term Roma integration strategy, adopted by the country.
Due to the fact that the affected families do not settle elsewhere and remain homeless, by default they
remain in the same neighbourhoods. At first, they stay with relatives and a few weeks or months later they
build new illegal houses on the place where the previous ones stood, or within close proximity. Therefore,
the state and/or local municipalities spend tax money on the demolitions in vain, and the housing situa-
48
tion remains disastrous. Moreover, the manner in which the evictions of Roma families are conducted, is in
violation of the principles and norms adopted by the NRISRB.
(5) A serious obstacle to resolving the problem with illegal housing in segregated Roma neighbourhoods
is the delay in the implementation of most of the objectives under the third policy priority of NRISRB : im-
provement of living conditions.
A major problem is the lack of visible outcomes under the objective for improvement and amendment of
legislation concerning housing conditions, both for creating opportunities for the legalization of sound
constructions, and for synchronizing the existing legislation regulating illegal construction with the adopt-
ed international legal norms and principles for non-discrimination, ratified by Bulgaria.
(6) Another major problem is the failure to implement the envisaged objective to adopt a systematic com-
munication plan for informing the public regarding Roma integration policies.
The lack of systematic communication on the part of central and local administrations, both with the affect-
ed parties and with the majority of the population, exacerbates interethnic tension. It confirms anti-Roma
sentiments among the majority population and the complete lack of faith in institutions among the Roma
community. Most of the orders for mass demolition of Roma houses were enforced in the period 2012-
2016 when there was a clear increase in anti-Roma actions and conflicts, especially during 2014-2015. The
passivity of the responsible central administration institutions and their failure to take a stand in relation
to the growing number of conflicts and anti-Roma actions, as well as the lack of awareness-raising and
information campaigns about the necessity for Roma integration and its benefit to society as a whole, in
practice hamper the effective implementation of the NRISRB.
2. Recommendations
In order to overcome this situation, we recommend the following:
(1) Creating an expert working group within the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Works, which
should propose adequate legislative amendment within a clear timeframe, allowing for a/ the legalization
of soundly constructed buildings for residential use, which constitute only homes, and b/ for differentiation
between residential and non-residential buildings in the rules concerning the treatment of illegally con-
structed buildings. This group should use and further develop the proposals already made by the previous
sub-group on housing within the former inter-institutional group for legislative amendments created on
the initiative of the NCEDII in 2012. There needs to be a clear commitment by the responsible institutions
to finalize the suggestions for needed amendments and propose them to Parliament.
(2) Taking measures to incorporate into Bulgarian legislation the international legal framework for protec-
tion of citizens in cases of compulsory demolitions and/or evictions from only homes.
49
Roma Evictions and Demolition of Roma Houses
(3) Imposing a moratorium on the enforcement of issued orders to demolish sole residences until the pro-
posed legislative amendments for legalization and international legal protection have been developed
and adopted.
(4) Stricter control and proactive behaviour on the part of municipalities in order to prevent new illegal
construction in segregated neighbourhoods. For this purpose, with the assistance of Roma and pro-Roma
non-governmental organisations, it is necessary to develop an approach that would ensure the awareness
and involvement of the Roma community (for instance, by creating initiative committees in Roma neigh-
bourhoods).
(5) Mid-term assessment of the progress of implementation of the NRISRB’s priority of improving housing
conditions, which should be carried out no later than the beginning of 2018 in consultation with non-gov-
ernmental organisations.
The purpose of this assessment is to review what has been achieved with respect to the different objectives
in the first two years of implementation of the 2015-2020 strategy: to see what worked well and what did
not and why, where there have been delays and what are the reasons for that, to what extent the lack of
resources blocks the implementation of the set objectives, and what additional resources can be provided
to help with advancement of envisaged measures. It is also important to analyse whether there is a need to
develop mid-term and long-term outcome indicators, which will help to develop a system of results-based
monitoring of achieved outcomes, rather than only monitoring of completed activities.
In this respect, the following aspects of the NRIS and the corresponding National Implementation Plan are
especially important for the mid-term assessment:
• Detailed mapping of the areas with building constructions in Roma neighbourhoods.
• Identification of the buildings, designed for residential use, which are stable in their construction.
• Capacity of local authorities to take measures to raise funds for the regulation of neighbourhoods
with concentrated Roma population which should take into consideration existing construction as
far as possible.
• Designation of public land for residential use, which the Roma families will be able to purchase, and
provision of support for the families with respect to the construction of buildings in accordance with
construction rules and norms.
• Taking measures to construct social housing for families that do not have the resources to purchase
land and/or a home and to settle them in.
(6) Development of an adequate National Communication Strategy to change the negative perceptions of
the Roma, with a focussed action plan addressing key political aspects, including housing policy, provision
of financial resources for its implementation and clear mid-term and long-term success indicators.
(7) Adoption of measures to enforce the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights issued against
50
Bulgaria and concerning the protection of citizens of Roma ethnic origin in cases of threats to remove their
sole residences.
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Development of initiatives aimed to strengthen the equal opportunities for the Roma community through implementation
of programs for legal aid and legal education; as well as to securing equal opportunities in diverse spheres of public life – education,
employment, health care and housing; Development of initiatives for local development of the Roma
community; Encouragement of mutual cooperation and tolerant relationships
between the Roma community and the macro-society.
www.equalopportunities.eu