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Victory of AarakshanAssaulting the Upper-Caste Heaven

The Pitfallsof Copying

PAGE 45

PAGE 20

PAGE 42

Muslim Quota:Keep it Simple, Silly!

S !

PAGE 37

PAGE 50

Cover & Graphics: Mitra T

WesternAutumn AfterArab Spring?

--

HINDISTANUUU

PAGE 31

Progress-Prone and Progress-Resistant Societies

11

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Interview WithRajendra Yadav

OBC Literature:A Marxist Perspective

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Goodnight.Sleep andproblems withsleep

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PAGE 57

PAGE 48PAGE 6

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We the (Bahujan) PeopleRespond

The Fall

of a Filmmaker

The SaasBahuDramas in OurLiving Rooms

PAGE 25

PAGE 17

PART I

I


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Vol. III

Dr Silvia FernandesChair, Aspire Prakashan Pvt. Ltd.

Prabhu GuptaraPatron and Chief Advisor

Sunil SardarPatron and Advisor

Satyaveer ChakrapaniDirector and Advisor

Ivan KostkaEditor-in-Chief

Ashish AlexanderEditor

Pramod RanjanEditor (Hindi)

CONTRIBUTING EDITORS

Prabhu Guptara (Europe)Dilip Mandal (New Delhi)Vishal Mangalwadi (USA)Gail Omvedt (New Delhi)Thom Wolf (New Delhi)

Mitra T.Chief Designer

Office:FORWARD Press

803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place

New Delhi 110019

Tel. (011) 46538687 Fax: (011) 46538664

Email: [email protected]

Printed, published and owned by

Ivan Anthony Kostka and printed at

M.P. Printers, B-220, Phase-II,

Noida, UP - 201301 and published from

803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place

New Delhi 110019

FORWARD Press logo designed by Etienne

Coutinho; assisted by Amogh Pant

Disclaimer: The views expressed in the

articles are those of the writers. The magazine will

not bear any responsibility for them.

SEPTEMBER 2011No. 9 Bilingual

India has recentlywitnessed demagoguery and

propaganda on a scale unprecedented since the Emergency

and Mrs Gandhis India is Indira and Indira is India

election campaigns. The difference is then you had the

elected leader of the majority Congress Party and the

machinery of the state marshalled to bring into submission

or beat into silence the print media, the government having

a monopoly of broadcast media at that time.

The irony is that today, with the mushrooming of

independent private media including the 24X7 news

channels TRiPing over one another to grab middle-class eyeballs and advertising megabucks, a

nave Gandhian demagogue with his Brahmanic Chanakyas have managed to co-opt almost all

the electronic and most of the print media to their cause. Social media was also extensively used

to bring out the mainly middle-class upper-caste supporters many sporting the Gandhi topi

and/or T-shirt claiming I am Anna making for thehazaroHazare effect.

Finally the real majority Bahujan came out in Delhi to save the Constitution and campaign

for a more representative Bahujan Lokpal Bill. To the credit of many Delhi English dailies this

Dalitbahujan rally made it to the front pages with a photograph or two, if only because traffic had

been halted in congested Connaught Place. We have an exclusive Photofeature byVidya Bhusan

Rawat if only to compensate for the expectedly poor coverage of this significant rally. Of course,

if you were to watch the news channels that night, you would have thought that Annas was the

only show in town, if not in the country and the world!

The good news is that media including social media contributed to the success of the

movement that resulted in the 18 August Supreme Court verdict which is the subject of our

Cover Story Victory of AARAKSHAN.Dilip Mandalhas masterfully analyzed the significance

of the historic though partial victory and the movement that led to this development. He uses it asa case study of how the silenced majority can effectively use RTI, minimal media and maximize

the more democratic social media. Prof. Hany Babu of Delhi Universitys Academic Forum for

Social Justice once again has contributed a lucid analysis of the Supreme Courts verdict.

Social media especially Blackberrys free encrypted texting service was abused by Englands

rioters even as earlier they contributed to the democratic organization of parts of the Arab

Spring.Vishal Mangalwadihas contributed a thought-provoking essay on both phenomena

and draws lessons for India.

Thom Wolflaunches a new series on progress-prone and progress-resistant societies putting

India and successful Indians under the scanner. Here again, by examining world trends and

historical examples he draws lessons for India to move forward on all fronts.And the debate on OBC Literature initiated byFORWARDPress recently continues. Hans Ed-

itorsRajendra Yadav andSanjeevare yet to be convinced of even its very existence.Prof. Lallan

Singhgives us a challenging Marxist perspective on OBC Literature.

P.S. If you are reading this issue before 1 Septemberplease come toDelhis Ramlila Maidan

from11 amonwards for a national mass rally on the subject of the Betrayal of Caste-based OBC

Census. Prominent national Dalitbahujan/Mulnivasi political leaders will address the rally. This is

your chance to show the Anna brigade who the majority we the people really are.

P.P.S. I am NOT Anna!

ORWARDT H I N K I N G F


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FEATURE

WE THE (BAHUJAN) PEOPLERESPOND

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Save the Constitution rally in Delhi saw a largeparticipation from Dalitbahujans

The media monopoly of Anna and his hazaro at

Delhis Ramlila Maidan was finally broken on 24

August when thousands of Dalitbahujans led by Udit

Raj took a morcha through central New Delhi. These

were the first voices raised against Annas claim to rep-

resent the people who are over even Parliament.

Finally, we the (Bahujan) people, the silenced major-

ity spoke up and were heard at least by the English

print media. Udit Raj, national chairman of All India

Confederation of SC/ST Organisations, addressed the

rally and told the people why they were against the

Annas movement. "I am not against the cause, but the

method of their approaching it. The Anna-led move-

ment is a threat to democracy and undermines the

supremacy of the Constitution. (See Page 31)


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Protests against Annas agitation on thestreets of Delhi

Photos:Vidya Bhusan Rawat l

Udit Raj addressesfellow agitators


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SEPTEMBER 2011 |

8FORWARDPress

FEATURE

Students at JNU celebrating theSupreme Court Verdict

l

ORGANIZE!

AGITATE!EDUCATE!

U! ! !The struggle for reservation in higher education has ultimatelyreached its victorious end. On August 18, the Supreme Court gave its

verdict sanctioning a 27% reservation for OBCs in higher studies.Many institutions participated in this long-standing agitation. Besidespamphlets, posters, sit-ins, social networking sites also played amajor role in this agitation. FORWARD Press extend heartiest con-gratulations to any and all intitutions and individuals who weredirectly, and indirectly, involved in this successful struggle.

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Protests and agitations atMHRD and Delhi University


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A need was being for a magazine for the Bahujan societyand FORWARD Press has fulfilled that need. In a recentissue (July 2011), Pramod Ranjans report on Forbesganjfiring was an eye opener. Conversation with famous thinkerand editor Rajendra Yadav and renowned short-story writerSanjeev on the occasion of 25th anniversary of Hans wasnotable. Columns by Prem Kumar Mani have been effectivelike always. There is an urgent need to discuss the ideas

found in Rajendra Prasad Singhs article on OBC litera-ture or to carry forward that discourse.

Pankaj Chowdhary, Meerut

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SEPTEMBER 2011 |

10FORWARDPress

LETTERS

U, }x , ~w M , vv v~. Email |- [email protected] Press, 803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place, New Delhi 110019.

I am very delighted that you have put up thought-

prone points in regards with the OBC Literature in

your editorial. I have also gone through The idea of

OBC Literature by Rajendra Prasad Singh. I likedthe article particularly because he has highlighted

OBC literature in Northern India and I expect that it

will promote the beginning of OBC literary move-

ment in Northern India. I am also expecting that

"Third All India OBC Literary Conference " can be

held in Delhi / UP/MP/Bihar.

Coming again to your editorial, I would like to

tell you that I am not agreed with one of the points"I

realized that in that largely Marathi gathering almost

no had a clue as to what OBC Literature - even in

Marathi - was, is and should be."According to me, the question raised by you is

not only serious but also far away from reality. I

feel very regret for this. In this context I would like

to tell you humbly that I am one of the founder

members of the Maharashtra OBC movement andAll India OBC Literary movement. I had written

two books which are published in these confer-

ences. But you have not gone through these books.

If you would be coming across these books , you

were not dared to say such vague statement in your

editorial.

The important question raised by Rajendra

Prasad Singh in his article is - why the literature of

majority number of OBC castes not overpowered the

literature of minority such as Brahmin and Dalit?

Answer is already given in my books.Prof. Shrawan Deore, Nashik

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Victory of

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SEPTEMBER 2011 |

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STORY

DILIP MANDAL

O cloud in the sky, get out of the way

We come to plunder heaven

Ramdhari Singh DinkarIf we keep the Buddhist period aside, since the Vedic

period this is probably the first time in the written history

of India when Bahujans are going to enter the institutions

of higher learning in such large numbers. A Supreme

Court judgement of 18 August has paved the way for

this, which guarantees 27 per cent reservation for OBCs

in central universities.

This article focuses on Delhi University (DU) for

three reasons. First, this is the largest central university

in the country where the number of students admitted in

undergraduate courses is approximately equal to that ad-

mitted in all the other 24 universities combined. Second,

this university is one of the strongest fortresses of the up-

per-caste establishment. In fact, in 1990, this university

was the centre of the anti-Mandal Commission

campaign. And third, cracks are apparent in this fortress

in 2011 because for the first time, the path is cleared for

admission of the Bahujans (SC/ST/OBC) on half of the

total sanctioned seats.

It must be clarified that in this summer of 2011 we are

celebrating the implementation of that 5-year-old

legislation that was unanimously passed by the countrys

biggest panchayat, the Lok Sabha, in 2006. Not a single

opposing vote was cast. This was the Central Education-

al Institutions (Reservation in Admissions) Act, 2006,

under which OBC reservation was going to be

implemented in these institutions. The time and energy

that went into implementing this one piece of legislation

is enough to indicate how deep are the roots of caste in

India and how big a hurdle casteism is in the path of

Parliament and democracy. This is no easy battle. It is in

these centres of knowledge that the decisive battle

against the caste system will be fought.

HOW DID THE CASTEIST FORTRESS BEGINCRUMBLING?

It would be too soon to say that the fortress has been

brought down but this much is clear - deep fissures have

appeared on its walls. In 20102011, even if only on

paper, implementation of 27 per cent OBC quota was an-

nounced. As a matter of fact, to get them to implement

the OBC quota, the government told the institutions that

equal number of seats for general category would be

increased as those going to OBCs. In this way each insti-

tution was asked to increase their seats by 54 per cent.

The maximum time of three years was given to

implement this and obviously Delhi University took the

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longest to implement the 27 per cent quota. Year 200809 was the first

year of the OBC quota and from that year itself the problem of OBC

quota remaining unfilled emerged. To refrain from filling the quota, the

Supreme Court judgement in the Ashok Thakur case was made a basis

and the rule of 10 per cent cut-off from the general list wasinappropriately deployed. (Incidentally, the Supreme Court has now

declared it wrong and said that 10 per cent relaxation would be

implemented for the qualification to apply.) In 20102011, newspapers

reported this truth with elation that in DU 5,400 seats in the OBC quota

remained unfilled, which were then transferred to the general (upper-

caste) candidates.

This news alarmed a few and they mobilized against it at various

levels. In 2010 itself, All-India Backward Students Forum put up a

poster in JNU as to how Delhi University steals OBC seats and AIBSF

put them on sale for the upper-caste students. But by then the 201011

session had already commenced and it wasnt possible to do much. In

DU, the Academic Forum for Social Justice (AFSJ) made it clear

through letters and memorandums that this problem would now be

seriously considered.

Before admissions started for the 201112 session, AFSJ spent

months and a lot of hard work gathering last years admission-related

figures through RTI. This was an energy-sapping and difficult task

because these figures had to be gathered from different colleges, which

dilly-dallied a lot. Meanwhile through the painstaking efforts of the

president of the AFSJ Dr Kedar Mandal and the vice-president Dr

Hany Babu figures from 30 colleges were collected, which showed that

54 per cent of OBC seats have been transferred to the upper-caste

students.FORWARD Press published those figures prominently on its

June 2011 centrespread, which remained the key document till the end

of the campaign. It was photocopied, blown up into posters and

placards and pasted all over the campus of JNU and DU.

Actually, this campaign started with a few like-minded people but

later was carried out on various levels. Students and teachers

conducted repeated protests at the university and HRD ministry.

Repeated memorandums were given. Raj Narayan of Janhit Abhiyan

personally wrote letters to about 350 SC/ST/OBC MPs and apprised

them of the problem. Four MPs including Dharmender Yadav of Uttar

Pradesh raised the question on the floor of the House and the

government had to reply. The national president of the Justice Party Dr

Udit Raj not only participated in the movement but through pressconferences and writing in newspapers made it an issue for national de-

bate. Posters made by arts professor Dr Lal Ratnakar were extensively

used in this movement. JNU students, especially from the AIBSF,

UDSF and AISA remained united throughout with the movement.

From the Arjak Sangh to the Pasmanda Front, organizations of OBC

employees, Social Brainwash magazine and Shilpkar Times, all played

important roles in this movement. People from the Insight Foundation

also joined the protests.

Students of JNU, who once were bitterly opposed to caste-based

social justice, played a big role in the campaign. It is worth remembering

that it was on the same campus that Sharad Yadav was insulted for giving

a speech in favour of social justice. This campus now led the way in

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STORY

strategizing for the battle and taking to the streets. This

change was effected by the work done on the campus by a

year-old organization All-India Backward Students Forum

(AIBSF). On 7 August during this movement, the

organization celebrated its first anniversary at whichSharad Yadav, Ramvilas Paswan, Ram Awdhesh Singh and

others addressed a large student crowd. It must be noted

that because of this movement, with the support of All-

India Students Association (AISA), JNU has implemented

the 27 per cent reservation and now more OBC students

have been admitted in the university. According to one esti-

mate, this year because of full and fair implementation of

reservations the total strength of SCs, STs and OBCs has

gone over 50 per cent of JNU enrollment.

SOCIAL NETWORKING AND SOCIAL JUSTICE

In India the middle class also carries a caste character.

Most of the people who have access to social media and

the Internet are from the upper castes. Despite that, this

movement used social networking to its fullest for the

cause. More than 100 people continued to post on

Facebook on this subject. A Facebook page was created

for each of the demonstrations and in this way an attempt

was made to reach out to hundreds and thousands of such

people who could not physically be part of the movement.

For the first time the Bahujan voice thundered loudly on

Delhi Universitys Facebook page. Through this medium,

a huge number of write-ups, posters and document

reached a large number of people who could not have

been otherwise reached. This was a new experiment in

the cause for social justice in North India, which must be

promoted to the fullest. Its useless to expect the

mainstream media to give voice to these sections. Its eco-

nomic and social constitution is such that it will always

decisively support the economic and social elites. In such

a situation, Internet and social media can be instruments

that not only bring information to the Bahujans but also

become bridges for internal dialogue. Most importantly,

if what you are saying has ideological fire then social me-

dia can also become a medium to bring kindred spiritsamong social activists on the same platform. In

traditional media, electronic or print, this kind of

dialogue is just not possible. That is why this will score

over the old media. Bahujans must use it more and more.

Meanwhile, this victory for the OBC will have far-

reaching effects. Their increased presence at the centres of

knowledge will demolish many a myth in the coming

years and intellectual poverty in Indias academic

institutions will end. While this is not the end of the road

for social

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v} S 18 AUGUST: SUPREME COURT JUDGEMENT ON OBC QUOTA

HANY BABU

he judgement by the Supreme Court on 18 August

2011 is indeed welcome, as it has cleared a very basic

misinterpretation of the way in which relaxation of

marks has to be calculated for the OBCs for admission

to central universities. The implementation of OBC

reservation was dogged by the pronouncement by the

Supreme Court that the maximum cut-off marks for

OBCs be 10 per cent below the cut-off marks of general

category candidates. Much has been written about how

the legislative intent of providing reservation for OBCs

was diluted by the judicial fiat of putting a ceiling on the

relaxation of marks and also by making room for diver-

sion of the vacant OBC seats to the general category.

OBCs seeking admission in central universities

found themselves shortchanged when the executive

authorities in some universities chose to interpret the term

cut off as the marks of the last admitted candidate.

Thus, in the undergraduate admission in the University of

Delhi if the general category admission stopped at 89 per

cent, then OBC admission stopped at 79 per cent and the

result was that a large number of OBC seats were diverted

to the General Category in the last three years. According

to our statistics, around 55 per cent of OBC seats (more

than 3,600 seats out of a total of 7,000 seats) were thus di-verted to the general category in around 23 Colleges of

the University of Delhi in 2010 alone.

The fight for justice in this matter has a three-year-

long history with a series of litigations in the Delhi High

Court and the Supreme Court. The September 2010

judgement of the Delhi High Court was a major

landmark in this struggle. Justice Rajiv Sahai Endlaw

ruled that the relaxation of marks (i.e., the maximum of

10% that the Supreme Court had fixed) was to apply at

the eligibility criterion and that the marks of the OBCs

should not be compared with the marks of the

candidates admitted in the general category. The

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STORY

practice followed by many of the central universities was thus declared bad

in law.

However, the High Court judgement was soon challenged in the

Supreme Court by the supporters of Youth for Equality. The University of

Delhi showed its true anti-OBC position when they decided to challenge a

ruling by the High Court that they are also bound by the September 2010

judgement. The matter is now settled by the judgement of 18 August, 2011.

POTENTIAL PROBLEMS

While welcoming the judgement, we need to be also aware of certain

potential problems that it raises. Although Justice Bhandari (whose

pronouncement in 2008 had lead to the confusion) had very clearly said

not more than 10 marks out of 100 in the original judgement, the current

judgement exploits a mathematical ingenuity. When the difference in

marks of two candidates is 10 out of 100, mathematically the difference is

that of 10 percentage points. It is evident that Justice Bhandari was speak-

ing of percentage points. However, in common parlance, such difference is

often referred to as difference in 10 per cent. Since the judgement was not

pronounced by a mathematician, the term difference in percentage was

used to mean difference in percentage points. The current judgement

legitimizes this confusion, when it says that if the general category cut off is

50 per cent or 40 per cent, the cut off for OBCs can be only 45 per cent or 36

per cent respectively. But what is funny is that the very same judges exhibit

the same confusion. Thus in page 34 of the judgement, they refer to Justice

Bhandaris suggestion of relaxing 10 marks out of 100 and say that what he

meant was that the cut-off marks for OBCs should not be more than 10 per

cent below that of the general candidate. Again, in the very next page they

talk about the judgement in Dr Preeti Srivastava case; they say that it was

ruled that a difference of 10 per cent between the marks of the general and

the reserved category that is 45 per cent for general and 35 per cent forreserved category was found to be reasonable. Thus, while the judges

seem to be clear about the interpretation of difference in percentage while

giving the illustrations, they themselves use difference in percentage

points when discussing earlier cases.

The judgement also raises another alarm. Time and again, questions are

raised about the status of reserved-category candidates who qualify in the

general category. In the current matter too, it was argued extensively by the

counsels for the appellants that OBCs who come in general category should

be counted towards the 27 per cent reservation. Though the judges dismissed

the plea, they note that this contention has wide ramifications and it merits

serious consideration in an appropriate case. This almost sounds like an invi-

tation for litigation. Youth for Equality must be sharpening their knives. n

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Academic Forum for Social Justice, DU, welcomes the judgement of theSupreme Court on reservation but not fully. The organizations under-

standing is that this is a partial victory; not a total victory. The judge-ment is far better than what was said in the past and it will certainlyhelp OBC students but the criteria of 10 per cent has been misinterpret-ed and to some extent the judgement is silent on some issues. Theorganization thanks all organizations, individuals, lawyers, journalist,

media persons for being a part of the struggle and hopes the same in

future because we will have to fight for other social issues as well.DR KEDAR KUMAR MANDAL

President, Academic Forum For Social Justice, DUAssistant Professor, Dyal Singh College,

University of Delhi

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PREM KUMAR MANI

eople ask whats there in a name. But it was, in

fact, the name of the Prakash Jha film that sent

half of the country into a tizzy for about a month.

When the film finally released, it turned out to be a

damp squib. Film critics called it an average film.

This film by Prakash Jha, a champion of merit,could score only 50 out of 100 marks. But yes, the

film did great business. Within a week it more

than recovered its production cost. And only now

it has become clear that the sound and fury orches-

trated by Prakash Jha was part of a well-thought-

out propaganda. It may have been an average film,

but in terms of propaganda it was a sure winner. In

this film he used the politics he learnt after having

stepped right into electoral politics, contesting

two elections and making the filmRajneeti

(Politics). Prakash won, the people lost. He raked

in the moolah, people were ripped off. In this way,

17UU | 2011

P

The Fall of aFilmmaker

Q S

PRAKASH JHAS STATEMENTS ARE DIRECTLY ADDRESSED TO THE UPPER

CASTES, AS IF HE IS PREPARING HIS VOTE BANK FOR THE FUTURE


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STORY

a new dimension of Prakash Jhas personality emerged a

successful salesman of a defective product. This movie will be

considered Prakash Jhas contribution to the consumerist culture.

The wayAarakshan was promoted disturbed the supporters of

social justice. A clip of Amitabh Bachchan aired on TV asking ifwe wanted merit or reservation. Then for a few days, SMSes were

invited on this issue. Then the phrase,Kauva Moti Khayga

(Undeserving crows will be rewarded with pearls) was also

hummed along, as if Dalit crows were grabbing pearls of

merit from the upper-castes swans .

Prakash Jha also tweeted a joke:

2020 Exam Pattern

1. General Merit Ans all Qs

2. OBC Write any one

3. SC Only need to read

4. ST Thanks for coming to exam

Such methods of publicity were meant to provoke widespread

reactions, and they did. All over North India, the same kind of

atmosphere was building up as during the Mandal agitation. In

1990, the world of Internet was not common; in 2011, the middle-

class population has a new instrument. The Internet has become a

battle ground. A few state governments banned its release. There

were rounds of demonstrations, processions and discussions.

Through TV channels and newspapers, media too played its role

to the fullest. And, also showed their true colours.

As a film,Aarakshan may have been just an entertainment or

at the most a cultural intervention but, in reality, this film emerged

as a political phenomenon. If in the meantime Annas campaign

had not come up, the film would still have been the centre of

debates. Though the issue now would not have been political but

about the movie being of an average quality.

But the first thing that has emerged in this entire phenomenon

is that the number of people who support social justice and their

ability to argue has gone up a few notches. In 1990, when the

Mandal agitation was on, it remained a partial movement. The

media was also partial. There were very few journalists like

Surendra Pratap (SP) Singh who had sympathy for OBCs. The

upper-caste consciousness of Hindi newspapers arose in such away that they appeared as tools of opposition to Mandal. Before

the release of the film, the newspapers and TV channels were

more or less like in the 1990s but the Internet had placed a weapon

in the hands of the Dalitbahujans; and they used it effectively.

This also raises the hope that in the coming days democracy will

spread thorough this parallel medium the Internet. Then the

bullying by newspapers will go down.

The second thing that was evident was that, even today the

majority of the people do not want to understand the issues of

social justice or reservations. The producer Prakash Jha is

himself confused. When other people including Amitabh

Bachchan presented their views, their ideological poverty was

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evident. I would certainly praise Manoj Bajpayee who

played Mithilesh Singh in the film, an upper-caste

educational mafia man. He emphasized the fact that he

supports the rise of the backward classes. Reservations

have helped them rise in life and he cannot criticize thepractice. But Prakash Jhas statements are directly

addressed to the upper castes, as if he is preparing his

vote bank for the future.

Prakash Jha, who once made better films likeHip

Hip HurrayandDamul,and who had the image of a

peoples filmmaker, has fallen in such a state of ideolog-

ical decline that his films, one after the other, continue

to give much peace to the upper castes of the Hindi belt.

Targeting Lalu Prasads politics he made films like

GangajalandApaharan, in which he showed a Yadav

and a Muslim respectively as villains, and made a fool

of the audiences. And then inRajneetihe made Suraj (a

Dalit), the Karna of his new Mahabharat and presented

him as a villain. Then by makingAarakshan he tried to

reopen the Mandal wound of 1990, which the upper

castes had now nearly forgotten. Seen this way, almost

all his films of the last decade were made with an upper-

caste view point and with upper castes in mind.

We must identify the reasons for the fall of a peoples

and successful filmmaker. This will give an idea of

not only Prakash Jhas but the whole mindset of the

upper castes in North India. The progressive section of

the upper castes that once played a meaningful role in the

building up of society is so frustrated today that

compared to the traditional upper caste it appears much

more regressive and handicapped. Prakash Jha who in

the filmRajneeti, shows Arjun (Samar) to be a sensitive

youth and shows Karna (Suraj) to be naturally violent

and cruel instead of someone forced to be cruel must

also re-read the epics. Why did he not begin a new

politics by making Eklavya and not Arjun the hero of

this film? He would have found more modern and

progressive life values. He may have been able to touch

upon some more sensitive chords. And his film story

would have made him more important. But no, he isinterested in contesting elections while sitting in the laps

of Lalu Prasad and Ramvilas Paswan and to build malls

and make money while sitting on Nitishs shoulders.

After all, what kind of films can we expect from a man

who is himself caught in the vicious cycle of politics?

We, in fact, will wait for Prakash to make a better,

introspective film on his personal transformation. He

could take inspiration from Franz Kafkas famous story

Metamorphosis the transformation of a travelling

salesman into a monstrous insect-like creature.

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INTERVIEW

There is no such thing as OBC

Literature: Rajendra YadavThere must be discussionabout it: Sanjeev

M U U

PART

2

VANKOSTKA (IK): When I returned to India in 2007,

within six months I was invited to attend the second

All-India OBC Sahitya Sammelan in Nasik. The

first had been held in 2006 in Pune, started with burn-

ing the Manu Smriti.It was called All-India but

was almost 99 per cent pure Marathi. Even my talk on

Mahatma Phule and his literature had to be

translated by my friend Sunil Sardar into Marathi. He

was the only person who though a Marathi person

based in Delhi, spoke in Hindi at the sammelan. There

was almost no talk about literature. I am just giving

you the actual situation. If you are seriously calling it

sahitya sammelan then where is the sahitya,

where is the focus? There was no focus. So my

question from 2008 till now is this: like there is Dalit

Literature, which definitely found its voice and helped

shape Dalit consciousness and identity this is myanalysis is there such a thing, especially post-

Mandal, as OBC Literature particularly in Hindi?

RAJENDRAYADAV (RY):There is no such thing a

OBC Literature!

SANJEEV (S):Yes, an issue like that came up. Recent-

ly we received a letter from the media and they asked

if they could come?. Could there be OBC literature?

We said, where did you read it? They said, in your

Hans. I was amused. We said, you throw up an issue

on your own accord. Theres no such thing. Nothing

like that exists. Yes, there is Dalit literature...

PRAMODRANJAN (PR):Rajendra ji, from Ivan

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Kostkas query another questions arises. Presently we look at Hindi

literature in two ways there is Dalit literature and there is mainstream

literature; there is no third literature. From this viewpoint, we also classify

older works under Dalit literature, for example, works of Hira Dom. We say

this particular literature is Dalit and this is not. So, Rajendra ji, does it seem

that on one hand there is Dalit literature and on the other brahmanical liter-

ature?

RY: Its all brahmanical literature.

PR:Then what is Maila Anchal?

RY:What! Its not a matter of Brahmanism being clearly visible. But it is

in that frame work.

PR:My question is about the Shudra, Bahujan, OBC literature. If on the

one hand we have Dalit literature and on the other, brahmanical

literature, then where can we place works like Maila Anchal?

RY:Listen Listen Dalit literature is new, is of a different identity,

whereas brahmanical literature kept coming as asansakar, a value. We

can also point it out separately. But when we look at the caste system that

one is a Pandit, a Brahmin, etc., then that literature is brahmanical

literature. And when we look at male domination, whos the boss at home,

we conduct ourselves accordingly. That means theres nothing like

brahmanical, it is but a symptom like we have in male domination. The

construct of the family is what really exists. And in India, no one can livewithout caste. He or she will have a caste; and those who do not have

caste, we try to know it by various means and then place him or her

mentally. This caste that has pervaded our minds is what really is

Brahmanism.

S:The way Rajendra ji has defined causes some confusion for me

because during the Bhakti period, except for Sagun Panthis, most Nirgun

Panthis were either OBCs or Dalits. Before that a few people were from

the Siddha sect. It was all intermingled and it had contempt for Brahmins,

orthodoxy and rituals. But we never called it OBC literature. It comprised

barbers, potters, dyers and others. This was because those people wanted

to establish their power. The only way they could rise up was the way in

which they were suppressed. It was destined to end the way it did.

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Rajendra Yadav and Sanjeev (front) in conversation withFORWARD

Press Hindi editor, Pramod Ranjan ()


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INTERVIEW

RY:No, see we have two more here, Saint literature and Bhakti lit-

erature, in which all are devotees; these were associated with large

monasteries and temples, with different monasteries and schools. And

this Saint literature was generally a common literature. There is a big

reason for this. The reason is that they were not allowed to enter thetemples and hence they were forced towards the Nirgun literature.

They were not familiar with Sagun literature or did not have a

framework for that.

S:Their God did not have a caste but the God of the others had a caste.

RY:That is why the worship of their God is more nirgun (without

attributes). There is less idolatry. Meera has an idol but there the dedica-

tion to the idol is more important then the idol itself. She remembers the

name of Krishna but her own feelings dominate. So a tenacity is

evident. And the thought of the Saint literature can also be seen in com-

mon people. There are Muslims, dyers, potters, etc. They did literature

along with their labour. Now and then they would be weaving and also

doing literature; this is one big difference that is seen between the two.

PR:I am a little unclear about what Sanjeev ji has said. He said that

we didnt refer to the middle ages as Shudra literature, it was

mainstream literature. Whenever there was a movement in literature

it became a mainstream movement. For example, look at your

Progressive movement, Nai Kahani movement or any other

movement. But Dalit literature is a movement of the margin. The

supporters of Dalit literature admit that on one hand there is

mainstream literature and on the other Dalit literature. Does it not

seem that there is some weakness somewhere?

RY:No, its not a weakness. Whose literature would there be? Those

who have the power or those who are under that power? Sixty per cent

belong to power, to politics. Another thing about Dalits is that they

dont have any other experience of life, they know nothing else but

their own things or their masters. These people worked in fields. They

are their servants working in their homes. One, they lived outside the

house, relationships with them are rather functional, thats why they

are part of systemic process of this India. They are a part of the system

but they are not a part of the system, they are outsiders. So their experi-

ences are very simple. These people looked at their masters as God. So

when such people got freedom, the first blueprint of freedom they got

was what they saw in their masters. All their decisions were made by

the master. So what we say is that it is now that their history has begun.

They did not have a history. Whatever history there is, is of theirmasters She who lived her entire life for us, sacrificed her children,

left her home, that woman burnt for us, either as a Sati or forcefully.

But now they have started writing their new history, because only

those have history who can take their own decisions of life. So they

started writing and the most authoritative thing they could write is

their autobiographies. Thats why 60 per cent of Dalit literature is

autobiography. Our autobiography is everywhere in India, it has all

the things. There are often obsessions in their autobiographies and

they have this struggle to be free. So, we say that Brahminical literary

aphorism is Satyam, Shivam, Sundaram and the dictum of Dalit litera-

ture is Torment, Struggle, Liberty. This is the vision of the future

because those belonging to the Satyam-Shivam-Sundaram formula

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just do not have a future. They have their own present they have a vi-

sion and their literature is future literature. Its true that aesthetically we

should oppose some of these things but then I question myself that all

beliefs, all strategies of literature are our own. Its when we take a judge-

mental position that we say, your stuff is wrong. Well, this is what theyare fighting against you are not a judge of what is ours, our lives, our

writing. This means that we want to stop them at the gate, search them

and allow them entry if they are found clean. Else, not allowed! This is

inappropriate power, rejecting of half of the humanity. They dont have

aesthetics; they do not have the way of saying things. Then I question

myself, if this egotism to judge things, to pass a judgement is not

what we have inherited as a part of our sanskaras, our belief system. We

are part of that power that determines things, and thats why we say they

are not aesthetic. Its possible that their art is different from ours or they

may reject their own. At the moment we are rejecting it, arent we? We

are telling them how to write, how not to write. In future, perhaps they

may have their own way of thinking and creativity.

IK:But you are still talking about Dalit literature and writers. You must

have read something at least in translation by Mahatma Phule and may

have read something by Savitri Bai Phule. She was a great poet as you

may know and they were very clear about their Shudra identity. Phule in

fact always addressed himself to Stree-Atishudra-Shudra, in that order.

Now his identity was very clear, in his writing also he had a certain style

some of it was polemical, for argument,Gulamgiri(Slavery) being the

primary example. But he has written several works including ballads,

satire, and one play as you may know. So definitely at least 150 years ago,

well before Dalit literature was even conceived, there was, in

Maharashtra at least, clearly a literary voice that identified itself as

Shudra. This literature had a sense of taking up the causes and making

common identity with women first of all as the most oppressed,

starting with Brahmin women. In fact, Phules first social work was on

their behalf which became a scandal in Pune, which in those Peshwa

days was about 40 per cent Brahman. His wife also did a lot of work in

Marathi literature, especially poetry. So we know that 150 years ago a

couple was actually practicing Shudra literature very consciously. Those

days there were no school of Dalit literature, but as we now look back and

analyze can we not say the Phules body of work would fit into a frame we

can call Shudra Literature? And so I ask once again, is there not any

other literature written that we can say it is by and about Shudras/OBCs?

RY:They are a part of our system, they are a part of our society; theycannot be isolated they always had an interaction with us. So things

didnt happen on their own for us. Let them interact with us. It has

come, now whether we take it positively or negatively depends on our

point of view. Whether they take it positively or negatively is up to them

but they cannot escape our influence. We

IK:Who is we?

RY:We are all those who are not Dalit

IK:But we are not talking about Dalits but Shudras.

RY: Shudras were never segregated like the blacks in America

IK:But Phule identified Shudras with them when he titled his book

Slavery and dedicated it to those Americans who helped liberate the

blacks from slavery.

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SEPTEMBER 2011 |

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INTERVIEW

S: Its very hard in our country. ShudraAtishudra is all

intermingled. We have said many times that it not very clear where

the definition of Dalit ends. Then later somebody told us that those

among Shudras who are untouchables would be Atishudras and

those who are touchables would be Shudras. We posed this questionto Shudras as well. Gradation is there in the entire Hindu society.

What is thejati of a Brahman? It is present in thejatis within

castes.Thats the fundamental thing that does not allow the caste

system to be eliminated from India and because of that there does

not emerge a clear path. But about this Shudra thing, we all are Shu-

dras. All non-Brahmins are Shudras. In any case, there hasnt been a

clear discourse on this. But a discussion and discourse like this must

happen.

IK:But should there be such a discussion about OBC Literature?

S:Definitely there should be If not now then when?

PR:Sanjeev ji, perhaps, agrees that time for OBC literature to come

into existence has arrived.

S:No, no, we have not said that. We said, there hasnt been a classifica-

tion like that till now. We said, that if it could be defined then Siddh liter-

ature and Saint literature is that poetics. A discussion on that should

begin, this is what we believe.

(At this moment, few guests arrived in the Hans office and the

conversation deflected to other topics, during which a reference was

made to Chandrabhan Prasads love of English language. Following

section emanates from that context. EDITORS)

IK: See, they (Chandrabhan Prasad) are quoting Savitribai Phule

She wrote poems which say Give us English. English is like mothers

milk, English will liberate us. So whether they know what is the source

of this or not, they are quoting her. Now we had the discussion at a 2007

January writers conference in Goa. Some people came from North

India and said this sort of thing again and again. My response then was it

is truth in any language that liberates but if you insist on it in English you

can get the truth in English as well. After all Mahatma Phule himself said

that and he got it from his guru Baliraja who he considered to be Jesus

Christ. Now Dalits may demand truth in another language, English. You

just said that Dalits have had unique experiences. So you have to grant

that the Indian languages have been used to keep them in bondage. They

see that the so-called forward castes still have a monopoly of the English

language in this country. And they naturally want a piece of the action

for themselves.RY:Yes

PR:If you make a distinction between mainstream literature and

literature of the Atishudras then Shudras just dont have a literature

RY:Pramod Ranjan ji, youve made up your mind that you will take

our lives!

(All laugh)

IK:Maybe that is whole other subject we can take up another time

when you have the time

RY:Gham raha jab tak ki dam mein dam raha, dil ke jane ka

As long as life endures, there will be heartbreak...

[a couplet by Mir Taqi Mir]

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s soon as wepropose a literary discourse, we

inadvertently take into account the social

composition and its constantly changing

contours. There doesnt seem to exist any

literature separated from its society. In the pres-

ent globalized world, the mere thought of a

society-neutral literature would be ridiculous.

Then why should we not carry a continuous dia-

logue between literary debates and socialanalysis. It must be said that a developed mind-

set and scientific thought demand this very

thing. It is now amply clear to everyone that

various classes emerged in society with the

appearance of private property. In the previous

eras in history, we find a complex structure of a

society divided into various social classes in

different forms and gradations.

In ancient Rome we find a patrician (belong-

ing to the governing high class), a knight (a man

with a high rank who was trained to fight while

riding a horse), a plebian (a commoner from the

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OBC Literature:A Marxist Perspective U

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BUDDHISM CHAMPIONS SOCIAL EQUALITY, WHEREAS MARXISM

SCIENTIFICALLY SUPPORTS, BESIDES SOCIAL EQUALITY, ECONOMIC

SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM


26/64

lower social class) and slaves. In the Middle Ages, there were feu-

dal lords, serving landlords, guild-masters, workmen and

labourers. Almost all these classes then had minor gradations

within them. In modern bourgeois society, which emerged out of

the remains of the feudal society, class differences have not been

eliminated. It has merely replaced old classes, old forms of

oppression and old forms of struggles with their newer forms.

The chronological division of Indian society can also be done

in the same way ancient, medieval and modern. Ancient society

was divided into the so-called Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and

Shudra castes. Similarly, a patrician was considered a priest

(Brahmin), the knights were Kshatriyas, plebians were Vaishyas

and slaves were seen as a Shudras. Today, constitutionally Indian

society is structured according to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled

Tribes, Backward Castes and upper castes (general category).

Lets consider figures from Bihar and Jharkhand alone.

Backward Classes have 109 castes. Dalits have 32 and upper

casts merely four. Across India OBCs constitute over 50 per cent

of the population. In the ancient and middle ages, some castes

among OBCs such as Yadav, Kushwaha, Kurmi, etc., were also

original Kshatriyas, royal and feudal lords.

The Brahmin class has admitted: I created new Kshatriyas to

confront old ones. On Mount Abu I carried out aMahayajna

(great sacrificial fire), purified the newly arrived Huns, Gurjars,

Abhirs, Sakas, etc., and declared them Kshatriyas. New

Kshatriya clans were called Agni Kul (fire clan). The old native

Kshatriyas were not ready to accept these new Kshatriyas. For

that reason too confrontation between them was inevitable.

(Bhagwat Sharan Upadhyay,Khoon Ke Chheentey Itihas ke Pan-non Par, p. 40). Romila Thapar also believes the same: After the

Gupta Age, the process of feudalism that began through land

grants in 11th12th century, picked unprecedented pace

(Bhartiya Sahitya ka Samekit Itihas, Ed. Nagendra, p. 163).

Under the British dispensation too, land was forcibly taken away

from the farmers and new landlords were formed. Along with that

domestic industry and businesses were destroyed. This is how the

process of OBC-fication or proletariatization was carried out in

our history. Thats the reason the present OBC section has faced

more exploitation, suppression and oppression. It has also revolt-

ed and has recorded its intervention in history.

In Sanskrit there are has been a division between spiritual

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The writer of Abhijnana Shakuntlam, Raghuvansham,Meghdoot, etc., Kalidas was a shepherd by caste. Whenhe grew weary of the royal court, he came back to thefolk life. The author of the world-renowned epicMahabharata Maharishi Vyas was a son of a Nishad

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, , S

SEPTEMBER 2011 |

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LITERATURE


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27UU | 2011U U

(Vedic) and worldly or secular (Laukik) literature. Vedic litera-

ture is primarily of the Brahmins but Laukik literature belongs

to OBCs. The writer ofAbhijnana Shakuntlam,

Raghuvansham, Meghdoot, etc., Kalidas was a shepherd by

caste. When he grew weary of the royal court, he came back tothe folk life. But his disappearance remains a mystery.

Lets leaveRamayanaout because its author Valmiki, a mighty

scholar and great poet, is a Shudra. Nowadays, Valmiki, as a rule,

is called a Dom, a Scheduled Caste. But the author of the world-

renowned epicMahabharata Maharishi Vyas was a son of a

Nishad woman (fisherwoman). It needs no saying as to where do

Nishads belong these days. The mainstream of Sanskrit literature

is constituted by Kalidas and Vyas. OBC and Dalit complement

each other because socially and educationally both the classes

belong to the lowered section.

Nath and Siddh literatures are primarily OBC literatures. The

pioneer of saintly poetry Kabir was a weaver. In one of his couplets

he has called himself a Kori (see Professor Rajendra Prasad

Singhs bookHindi Sahitya ka Subaltern Itihas).

We can also look at the Indian English literature in this context.

Mulk Raj Anand scores over others among the trio of Indian novelists

in English. Raja Rao exhausted all his talent in weaving a net of

Shankar-ism, i.e., Brahmanism. R. K. Narayan disguises a well-to-do

rake (guide) as a hypocritical sage. M. K. Naik has correctly

observed that among the three, in terms of standard of writing, the se-

niormost Mulk Raj Anand was ahead of the other two. (seeA History

of Indian English Literature, p. 160). Dalits, the deprived, farmers

and lowered-caste servants are at the centre of his novels. Perhaps he

could do that because he himself was from the coppersmith (OBC)caste. It can be said that the mainstream of the English novel also

springs from the OBCs. We should not forget that national literature

also begins with Maithili Sharan GuptsBharat Bharati. Siya Sharan

Gupt is also a link in the same chain. The pioneer of Chhayavad poet-

ry is Jai Shankar Prasad and hisKamayaniis the best work, in which

one finds an echo of class struggle and equality-based order. This is

all an influence of Marxism. All these three come from the social

group known as the OBC.

If seen historically, in ancient and medieval times, those

coming from among the OBCs made Buddhist philosophy the

ideological basis of their literature. Even in contemporary

times they consider Siddhartha and Marx their philosophers.

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LITERATURE

Buddhism champions social equality, whereas Marxism

scientifically supports, besides social equality, economic socialism

and communism. That is why OBC writers are primarily inspired

by these. Other oppressed but aware people also accept them.

A few upper-caste intellectuals say the concept of OBC was notthere in ancient or medieval times. It was established in the

Constitution of India and OBC came in the form of a collection of

hundreds of castes. It began to be used in both the forms backward

castes and backward classes. It aided immensely the creation of na-

tional unity, social cohesiveness, harmony and density.

PROLETARIAN LITERATURE

Gorky talked about creating proletarian literature. Literature is

named after caste, class, language, geography, time and ideology.

English literature is named after the Germanic Angle tribe, which

came and settled in Britain around the 5th century AD. In our coun-

try we find a mention of Brahmin literature. OBC is far away from

narrowness as it is a class of more than a 100 jatis that include farm-

ers, craftsmen, weavers, ironsmiths, carpenters, fishermen, Bania-

traders, cattle-rearers, etc. From a social sciences point of view one

can say that the mainstream is of the OBCs. Central power is in the

hands of upper-caste forces, which are financed by the capita list

class. The former is the latter s political representative. It is clear

that representation of the Bahujans is negligible in media organiza-

tions as well as government and educational institutions. The

upper-caste section remains fearful of the OBCs. Using the state

power it keeps the OBCs suppressed.

Is this question really meaningless: if OBC politics can be done

constitutionally, then why can an OBC literary discourse not begin? If

there could be an OBC commission, then departments of OBC

literature must also be established at the universities. Through the

syllabus upper-caste literature is forced upon the OBC and other

students. Take this, read only our literature! This is social, educational

injustice. Now that they are branded, then OBC literature is a forceful

spokesperson of the OBC identity, its self-respect, its dignity and social

justice. Since the upper-caste section is parasitical and non-productive,

it does not want social change. If few good people from its ranks try

and mingle with the folk, they are insulted. Rahul Sankrityayan was

referred to as one who brought dishonour to his clan and family and

Muktibodh a poet of a distorted mindset. OBC literature has emergedout of confrontation with that caste system that Marx referred to as the

greatest hindrance in the path of Indias progress and growth of its

power (Preface,A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy).

In reflecting the struggles, determination and forward-looking dreams

of Indias equality-aspiring masses, this literature does not lean on

mere verbosity.

The struggle for justice is the destiny of OBCs. The creative and

critical expression of that same struggling cultural consciousness is

seen in OBC literature. Its aesthetics are based on Marxism.

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Hindi criticLallan Prasad Singhis Chairperson, Department of Hindi, Anjabit SinghCollege of the Veer Kunwar Singh University, Ara, Bihar. His major publications include

Muktibodh aur Unka Sahitya, Ram Vilas Sharma aur Hindi Samalochna andPragativadiAlochana ki Aitihasik Naveenta


29/64

29U| 2011

PREM KUMAR MANI

y the second fortnight of August 2011, the campaign Anna

Hazare is leading with regard to the Lokpal Bill seems to have

gathered much momentum. At the time of writing this, Annasfast continues in Delhis Ramlila Grounds. The middle class

widely in North India and in somewhat limited manner in

almost the entire country is participating in this movement,

and it will be undoubtedly said that having been publicized by

the media, they are getting widespread support.

Recently, many cases, including the 2G Spectrum scam,

had made corruption the core issue of society and in such a

situation, who would not want to oppose corruption. The

language Kapil Sibal and Manish Tiwari used to oppose Anna

also vexed the common people. And because of these various

reasons it became a big movement. But at this juncture, an

interpretation of this movement becomes necessary. On the

surface level this movement may seem very moral and

innocent, but it is not so. Gradually, it is taking an anti-

Parliament form. A few nave people say that people are above

Parliament. No doubt they are. But if a crowd of a hundred or

two hundred thousand people stands up and says they are the

law or they are above Parliament then shall we accept that? In

Bihar, when Lalu Prasad was on his way to jail in the fodder-

scam case, thousands of people were following him. And

when he had to appear in the Ranchi court, the road from Patna

to Ranchi was jam packed with crowds of people. So what

should be done in such cases? In Deorala, when the Roop Kan-

war sati case occurred, about a million and a half people

gathered in support of the sati system. In 1992, it was a huge

crowd that brought down the Babri Mosque. How should wesee all these different faces of the masses? Like a temple or a

mosque, Parliament is a symbol. Through a process, i.e.,

elections, it becomes a representative body. To dismiss or

disparage Parliament is like dismissing or disparaging the

entire parliamentary process, i.e., democracy itself. That is

why people must evaluate this movement. One more thing has

emerged out of this movement, and that is civil society.

What on earth is this civil society? Is this the creamy layer of

the Indian middle class? What is the background of its mental

make-up? One wonders if this civil society wants to constitute

another parliament parallel to the one we already have.

This is exactly what I suspect. Till the time the

Dalitbahujans did not go to school, we only had one kind of

school. When Dalitbahujans started going to school, then the

big people started parallel schools. The look of their schools,

their syllabi, language, everything was different. As time went

by, parallel hospitals came up. So now, is a parallel Parliament

being set up? Will we in India also have divisions like House

of Lords and House of Commons la the British Parliament?

Annas movement seems to be heading in that direction.

I would like to warn people of this innocent-looking

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Preparing for a Parallel Parliament? ?


30/64

SEPTEMBER 2011 |

30FORWARDPress

ALTERNATIVE

movement. Just 90 years ago, Mussolini in Italy had siezed the

parliament with his Blackshirts, which again was an innocent

organization like the civil society, and laid the foundation of

fascism. One must ponder over Annas statement before he

went on the fast in which he had said that if he could not meethis goals through Gandhism, then he is also well-versed in the

ways of the Chhatrapati (Shivaji).

I would like to request Anna to reflect on the question of cor-

ruption. I am not very excited about his Lokpal campaign. I feel

that like the anti-defection law, eventually this law too would

weaken democracy. We must refrain from placing anyone over

and above Parliament. It is for all to see how the institution

meant to eliminate corruption and establish justice, the

judiciary, itself has become corrupt. Chinese philosopher

Confucius has said, With more laws, there will be more crimes

PROFESSOR RAM SHARAN SHARMA

Renowned historian Ram Sharan Sharma passed away. Born in

1919 in a common family (with five bighas of arable land) in

Bihar, Professor Sharma was a living legend. He wrote a total

of 115 books. In 1950s, with his guide Professor A. L. Basham,

he worked on the history of the Shudras and became well

known. Since then his writings continued to pour in. He discov-

ered elements of feudalism in Indian society and wrote a book

called Indian Feudalism. It is from this book that we learn that it

was because of continuous land grants to the Brahmins by the

kings that Brahmins gained control over the means of

production. Before that they were under Shudra control. It was

after they came into this position that Brahmins imposed the

caste system on the entire society. This implies that, first the

Shudras were deprived of economic rights and afterwards of

social rights.

Through his historical writings, Professor Sharma time and

again rattled the reactionary segment of the society. In 1977 the

Janata Party government of Morarji Desai pulled out his book

Ancient India from the syllabus. There was much furore

because of this. In support of this book, Professor Sharma

wrote another bookIn Defence of Ancient India. Among the

civil society of that time this book was more popular than the

Jan Lokpal Bill.Professor Sharma was a vivacious intellectual and was

interested in the rise of Dalitbahujans. In terms of ideas, a keen

Marxist but not a conformist. We witnessed the scenes of the

Red Flag coming down in the former USSRs Kremlin on TV

together with him at his residence. With a pale smile he

said, no matter how good an ideology is, it cannot go on

for eternity.

Though he was a nationally renowned man, the city

life of Patna will continue to seem incomplete without

him for a long time. I pay him humble tribute.

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Prem Kumar Mani, a leading Hindi writer and a founder-member of the JD(U), is a member of the Bihar legislative council.

() S S S


31/64

SEPTEMBER | 2011 |

BREAKINGNEWS31UU

NEW DELHI, 24 AUGUST 2011

AAs the electronic media continued to focus on their TRP

ratings and the hyped up hazaro mesmerized by

Annas Ramlila primetime drama, thousands of the real

majority we the people led by Dalit leader Udit Raj

made their way through central Delhi to save the Constitution

and propose a representative Bahujan Lokpal Bill.

The next days English newspapers reported on the large rally,partly because it stalled traffic at India Gate and Connaught Place,

because it was the first anti-Anna demonstration. Of course there is

rampant corruption and price rise. But the fight against it should not

undermine the Constitution drafted by B R Ambedkar, Udit Raj said.

Citing his differences with Hazares agitation, he said: There are

difference of opinions between what their ( Team Annas) and our

Bill seeks. We are afraid that in future, people like Anna Hazare can

ask the government to do away with reservation under the threat

to commit suicide or fast-unto-death. This is unacceptable.

The rally which started from the Amar Jawan Jyoti made its way

through the busy commercial Connaught Place (CP) to India Gate

and from there to Jantar Mantar near Parliament, demanding that

the Prime Minister meet with a delegation of Bahujans OBCs,

SCs, STs, and religious minorities. Between India Gate and JantarMantar a dozen Anna supporters on motorcycles tried to disrupt

the Bahujan rally. The police sent them packing and the rally was

able to continue on to Jantar Mantar.

We will draft the Bahujan Lokpal Bill within two to three days

and submit it to the Parliamentary standing committee, Udit Raj,

chairman of the All-India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations,

said. We want our representative in the lokpal committee as and

when it is formed.

We neither support Team Annas draft nor the governments

draft of the Lokpal Bill, he said. While the former will make the

lokpal authoritarian, the government draft is very weak.

Confederation member Indira Athawale said, This civil society(Team Anna) comprises people opposing reservation. Moreover, they

want to create a lokpal that would be over and above the Constitution.

Indian Justice Party chief Udit Raj said: Dr Ambedkar said in

the Parliament on 29 November 1949 that fasts and satyagrahas

were dangerous for democracy, which is now proving to be

correct. The way the Jan Lokpal Bill is worded it will destroy the

delicate balance of Executive, Legislature and Judiciary. A Lokpal

who is not elected by the people is more likely to be whimsical,

corrupt, casteist and partial.

(See Pages 6 & 7)

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Finally, We

the (Bahujan)People Respond

UU, (U) UU


32/64

SEPTEMBER | 2011 |

RTI32 FORWARDPress

Faculty Positions: Another Casteist Fort!

: U !Teaching staff strength indicating number of positions filled up againstOBC/SC/ST Quota in CENTRAL UNIVERSITIES El ,

IIT (Kanpur) Reservation in faculty positions

()

These shocking statistics say a lot. In the

central universities the combined

strength of SCs/STs/OBCs is merely 1.5

per cent. On all the other faculty

positions including reader, senior lecturer, lecturer,

their numbers add to only 12.2 per cent. Look at

these figures closely. The number of professors

appointed is more than the sanctioned posts. Why?

In fact, it is only for the posts of lecturers thatreservation is provided for the exploited sections.

That is why, an upper-caste is appointed to the post

of a professor. There is no reservation for the post of

professor, reader and senior lecturer. The

comparatively high number of people from

deprived sections on the senior lecturer (SL) post is

perhaps because of promotion of the lecturers.

These figures have been collected by All-India

Backward Students Forum (AIBSF) via RTI.

El , , S

1.5 , B, B 12.2 S Q Z ? , B m Q ,

B B () ( 9) B

S ()

Sanctioned Posts

Existing Strength

SC

ST

OBC

PH

Upper castes

SC+ST+OBC

(RTI No- 6-4/2009, Central Universities, UGC, Dated- 7th Jan, 2011)

RTI No. Estt./PIO/69-2011/IITK267; Jun 29, 2011

( 6-4/2009, , , -7 2011)

( . - S.-//69-2011/ 267, 29 , 2

S

U

--

% Strength ofSC+ST+OBC

--

PROFESSOR

UUREADER

,SL/SG

BUULECTURER

OTHER

TOTA

1943

2563

25

11

4

6

2523

40

Total sanctioned strength of faculty

Total existing strength of faculty

Total number of SC faculty

Total number of ST faculty

Total number of OBC faculty

Total number of Upper Caste faculty

Professor

Total

SC

ST

OBC

Gen

Associate Prof.

Assistant Prof.S S

406

348

02

00

00

346

3744

2931

79

29

4

7

2819

112

451

30

10

1

0

410

41

7078

2327

422

211

233

30

1461

866

749

580

12

7

3

2

558

22

13514

8852

568

268

245

45

7771

108

1.5%

% of SC+ST+OBC faculty

-- 0.5%

3.8% 3.7% 3.7% 12.2%9%

Indian Institute of Mass Communication De

S ,

6

0

6

0

1

6 6 0

00 0 1

0 0 0

Fully bilingual monthly magazine. To subscribe call (011) 4653-8687 or

Email: [email protected]


33/64

SEPTEMBER | 2011 | 33

UUUU

UPROFESSOR

UUREADER

BUULECTURER

TOTAL

Teaching staff strength indicating number of

positions filled up against OBC/SC/ST Quota El ,

Banaras Hindu University (BHU)

Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)

El ()

M El ()

SanctionedPosts

ExistingStrength

SC

ST

OBC

Upper castes

SC+ST+OBC


S

--

--

347

635

0

0

0

635

0

0%

680

555

0

0

0

555

0

0%

1368

300

83

21

0

196

104

34%

2395

1490

83

21

0

1386

104

6.9%

Delhi University El

Sanctioned Posts

Existing Strength

SC

ST

OBC

Upper castes

SC+ST+OBC

S

U

--


--

UPROFESSOR

UUREADER

BUULECTURER

,SL/SG

OTHER

TOTAL

165

223

6

3

2

212

11

287

195

8

4

0

183

12

271

67

13

7

0

47

20

4

0

0

0

4

5

5

0

0

0

5

0

728

490

31

14

2

343(?)

47

Sanctioned Posts

Existing Strength

SC

ST

OBC

PH

Upper castes

SC+ST+OBC

S

U

--


--

UPROFESSOR

UUREADER

BUULECTURER

OTHER

TOTAL

307

124

0

0

0

1

124

0

654

296

0

0

0

1

296

0

691

349

43

15

10

7

271

68

50

23

0

0

0

0

23

0

1702

792

43

15

10

9

724

68

0%

4.9% 6.1% 29% 100% 0% 9.5%

University College of Medical Sciences (UCMS), Delhi

Z (),

UPROFESSOR

UUREADER

BUULECTURER

OTHER

TOTAL

29

64

0

0

0

64

0

40

35

1

0

0

34

1

115

52

8

1

2

41

11

112

70

5

3

5

57

13

296

221

14

4

7

196

25

0% 2.8% 21% 18% 11%

0% 19% 0% 8%


34/64

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