thorvardarson-development prospects

I C E I D A – S R I L A NK A

I N TE R NA L R E P O R T

DEVELOPMENT PROSPECTS IN THE L IVEL IHOOD F ISHER IES

SECTOR IN SR I LANKA

Icelandic International Development Agency

November 2006

Development prospects in the fisheries livelihood sector 2

PREPARED BY: HAUKUR ÞÓR ÞORVARÐARSON

PROOF READER: ERIKA WOLFE

ABSTRACT

The aim of this article is to try to outline the main socioeconomic problems within the Sri

Lankan fisheries livelihood sector and propose sustainable solutions to these problems. The

fisheries livelihood sector is one of the poorest income sectors in Sri Lanka and one of the

hardest hit by the tsunami. This livelihood sector nourishes the poorest people of Sri Lanka, who

are in desperate need of donor assistance. This paper tries to give an outline of major issues and

problems within the communities that surround the anchorages and landing sites and how these

problems are affected by factors such as governmental policies, ethnic and tribal conflict, race,

culture, religion and politics.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract 2

TABLE OF CONTENTS 3

TABLE OF FIGURES 6

1. INTRODUCTION 9 1. GOVERNMENT POLICY ON FISHERIES IN SRI LANKA 13

2. SOCIETY AND CULTURE 14 2.1 FISHERIES RESOURCES 15 2.2 MARINE RESOURCES 15 2.3 INLAND RESOURCES 16 2.4 BRACKISH WATER RESOURCES 16 2.5 HISTORY OF SRI LANKAN FISHERIES 16 2.6 EARLY DAYS 17 2.7 MODERN TIMES 18 2.8 MOTORIZED BOATS 19 2.9 NON-MECHANIZED BOATS 20 2.10 HISTORY OF DEVELOPMENT OF MULTI-DAY FISHING 20 2.11 TYPES OF MULTI-DAY CRAFT 21 2.12 ETHNICAL CONFLICT CAUSE AND EFFECT ON DEVELOPMENT 22

3. SOCIAL WELFARE AND SECURITY 24 3.1 OPERATION COSTS AND EARNINGS 30 3.2 MULTI-DAY BOATS 31

• ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE MULTI-DAY CRAFT 31 • ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE MULTI-DAY CRAFT 32

3.2 FIBRE PLASTIC GLASS BOATS 32 • ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE FIBRE PLASTIC BOAT CRAFT 33 • ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE FIBBER PLASTIC BOAT CRAFT 33

3.3 THREE POINT FIVE TON BOATS 34 • ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE 3.5 TON CRAFT 35 • ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE 3.5 TON CRAFT 35

3.4 LOG RAFT (KATTURMARAN, THEPPAM) 36 • ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE THEPPAM CRAFT 37 • ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE NON MECHANIZED THEPPAM CRAFT 37

3.5 OTHER PLANKED CRAFT (VALLAM) 38 • ANNUAL OPERATIONAL COST OF THE OTHER PLANKED CRAFT38 • ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE OTHER PLANKED CRAFT 39

3.6 DUGOUT BEACH-SEINE CRAFT (MADEL ORU. KARAVALAI VALLAM)39


• ANNUAL OPERATION COST OF THE NON MECHANIZED ORU CRAFT 40 • ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE NON MECHANIZED ORU CRAFT 40

3.7 PLANKED BEACH-SEINE CRAFT (Padahu, Palhai, Paru) 41 • ANNUAL OPERATING COSTS OF THE PLANKED BEACH-SEINE CRAFT 41

• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE PLANKED BEACH-SEINE CRAFT 42

3.8 INCOME AND POVERTY 42 3.9 AVERAGE MONTHLY FISHING INCOME OWNER & CREW 44 3.10 WORKING CONDITIONS 47

4 GENDER ISSUES 49 4.5 GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF FISHERS 56 4.6 GENDER DISTRIBUTION IN LABOUR FORCE AND FISHERIES 58 4.7 FEMALE PARTICIPATION OF INFORMAL ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN SRI LANKA 58 4.8 SIZE AND SEX COMPOSITION OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT 59 4.9 SEX COMPOSITION OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT 62 4.10 DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF FEMALES ENGAGED IN INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT 65 4.11 ROLE OF WOMEN IN FISHING COMMUNITIES 69 4.12 WOMEN ENGAGED IN FISH MARKETING 70 4.13 FISH MARKETING IN SRI LANKA & TRADE POLICY 71 4.14 TYPES OF LIVELIHOOD MARKETS FOR DOMESTIC DISTRIBUTION 72

4.14.1 Open beach markets 72 4.14.2 BEACH FISH AUCTION 72 4.14.3 Distribution centres 73 4.14.4 Fish auctions or terminal (wholesale) markets 74 4.14.5 Local or sub regional consumer markets 74 4.14.6 Village markets or weekly fair 75 4.14.7 Supermarkets 75 4.14.8 ROADSIDE MARKETERS 76

5 AUXILIARY INDUSTRIES WITHIN FISHERIES COMMUNITIES 77 5.1 FISHERIES COOPERATIVES 78 5.2 THE HISTORY OF FISHERIES COOPERATIVES 79 5.3 LEGAL FRAMEWORK 80 5.4 DAILY OPERATIONS 82 5.5 ROLES OF FISHERIES COOPERATIVES IN MARKETING OF FISH 83 5.6 ROLE OF FISHERIES CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES 85

6 CHILD ACTIVITY 92 6.1 CHILDREN ENGAGED IN ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES BY GENDER 92 6.2 HEALTH AND SAFETY OF WORKING CHILDREN 97 6.3 REASON FOR LETTING CHILD WORK 98 6.4 CHILD LABOUR IN ANCHORAGES AND LANDING SITES 99


7 CONCLUSION 100

8 ANNEXES 102 ANNEX A 102

Proposed Project Name: Promotion of Women Auxiliary Working Opportunities in Anchorages and Landing sites. 102

ANNEX B 106

ENDNOTES 110


TABLE OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Exclusive Economic Zone – Sri Lanka 11

Figure 2 Coastal Fishing Districts (DFEO Division) 12

Figure 3 Average cost of multi-day craft 22

Figure 4 Percentage of houses with different kind of roof material 27

Figure 5 Percentage of houses with different kind of wall construction material. 28

Figure 6: Floor type material at selected anchorages and landing sites. 28

Figure 7 Types of water supplies to households. 29

Figure 8: The distribution of electricity in the Island. 29

Figure 9 Latrine facilities in households. 29

Figure 10 Income of Fishermen and Other Comparable Employees 43

Figure 11 Average monthly fishing income of craft owner. 44

Figure 12 Average Monthly Fishing Income of Craft Owner. 45

Figure 13 Average monthly fishing income of crew members. 47

Figure 14: Livelihood Fishermen by gender (DFEO Division) 57

Figure 15 Division of workforce between formal and informal employment in 2003. 60

Figure 16 Informal sector employment of total workforce in selected Asian countries 61

Figure 17 Total number of paid employees and persons engaged as informal paid employees. 61

Figure 18 Percentage distribution of persons engaged in informal employment activities by gender 62

Figure 19 Percentage distribution of employees engaged in informal employment-by-employment status. 62

Figure 20 Percentage distribution of persons engaged in informal employment-by-employment status and gender 63

Figure 21 Employment status of the persons engaged in informal employment by gender. 63

Figure 22 Distribution of females engaged in informal employment by age groups. 65

Figure 23 Percentage distribution of females engaged in informal employment by relationship to the head of the household. 65


Figure 24 Percentage distribution of females engaged in informal employment by martial status. 66

Figure 25 Total number of females engaged in informal employment by level of education. 66

Figure 26 Total division of females working within the formal and informal sector with regards to level of education. 67

Figure 27 Administrative framework for supervision of the Fisheries Cooperative Societies. 81

Figure 28: Women’s engagement in income generating activities 86

Figure 29: Women’s engagement in income generating activities 87

Figure 30 Salary and Hours Spent For An Average Woman Working Within Modern Textile Industry. 88

Figure 31 Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Coir Industry 89

Figure 32 Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Fish Drying Industry 89

Figure 33 Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Maledive Fish Home Industry 90

Figure 34 Composition of Children Engaged in Economic Activities 92

Figure 35 Distribution of working children by major industrial group and gender. 95

Figure 36 Total distribution of working children by major industrial group 96

Figure 37 Recorded Incidences of child injuries by major industrial group. 97

Figure 38 Recorded incidences of child injuries by major industrial group. 97

Figure 39 Distribution of working children by main reason for letting the child work and also school attendance status. 98

Figure 40 Distribution of working children not attending an educational institution by main reason for letting the child work by gender 98

Figure 41 Concept of improvement of social welfare and social security situation of fisher folk in anchorages and landing sites proposed project. 101


1. INTRODUCTION

Sri Lanka is a small island in the Indian Ocean that lies southeast of India.

The island is 65,610 km2 in diameter and has a 1760 km long coastline. The

island lies within the latitude 6-10 N and longitude 80-82 E.

The fisheries sector of the island contributed 2% of the gross national product (GNP) in 2005. The fisheries sector contributed 1% of the major economic activities of the gross domestic product. Even if the fisheries sector is not on the scale of the island’s rubber, coconut and tea production, it plays an important role in employment since the industry employs over 200 000 workers. The fisheries sector can be divided into two sectors which are marine fisheries and the inland fisheries. The marine fisheries are divided into offshore and coastal fisheries. The marine fisheries production in tons was 142,670 tons in 1985 and grew to 253,190 tons in 2004. The inland fisheries produced 32,740 tons in 1985 and 33,180 tons in 2004. The marine fisheries therefore account for about 91% and inland fisheries about 9% of the total fish production. In 2004 there were 900 fishing villages involved in the marine sector and 1,100 in the inland sector. Of the 200,000 fishermen approximately 110,000 are working within the marine sector and 80,000 are engaged in the inland sector.

There are generally multiple types of fishermen which can be categorized according to the type and method of fishing in Sri Lanka. As we focus on marine livelihood fishermen in this report, it is instrumentally wise to

differentiate those fishermen into the following social groups:


Fishermen (Capture fishermen, active fishermen Individuals who own/rent fishing craft and gear and directly engage in the capture of fish primarily for sale in the markets and are sometimes known as capture fishermen or in other words active fishermen.

Fish workers/labourers individuals who do not own fishing craft and gear and

are employed on craft or beach-seine for a wage, which is determined as a share of the catch. The term includes those workers engaged in activities directly related to fishing (drying fish, repairing nets etc,) for wage.

The fisheries sector can be divided into the export fisheries sector and the local sector. The local sector is the so called livelihood sector. It is called the livelihood fishermen who are mainly providing for themselves and their families. Within the livelihood sector fish is sold on the beach direct from the boats, on the beach and on local fish markets and in some cases transported on trucks inland. The export sector is a production sector and as such creates more revenue and is therefore more attractive income wise and better equipped.

The post-war development efforts in Sri Lanka were mainly characterized by high priorities placed on the achievement of food self-sufficiency and generation of employment opportunities to large numbers of rural youth. The fisheries sector was considered as a sector having a good potential for providing proteins to the growing population and generating employment. Demand for fish was growing continuously with increasing numbers of

consumers, increasing incomes and growing demand for tropical fish species by consumers in western countries.


Sri Lanka has a 1,760 km coast line of which 1,150 km are sand beaches,

possessing a shelf area (up to 120 m depth) of 30, 000 km2 with the

declaration of the Exclusive Economic Zone in 1976, Sri Lanka has sovereign rights over an area of about 230,000 km2 of the Seai.

Figure 1 Exclusive Economic Zone – Sri Lanka

According to the 2000 Census of Marine Fisheries in Sri Lanka there are 72,133 homes that have fisheries as their main source of income in Sri Lanka. That is within the fifteen coastal fishing districts (DFOAR) Division Jaffna, Mullaitivu, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Kalmunai, Tangalle, Matara, Galle, Kalutara, Colombo, Negombo, Chilaw, Puttalam, Mannar and Kilinochi.


Figure 2 Coastal Fishing Districts (DFEO Division)ii


1. GOVERNMENT POLICY ON FISHERIES IN SRI LANKA

The policy of the government of the democratic socialist republic of Sri Lanka (GOSL) is to try to create liberal economic environment and enforce liberalization of government owned enterprises. GOSL seeks to try to guide the economy to a pathway of rapid and self-sustainable growth by dismantling administrative controls. GOSL wants to accomplish this mission by implementing privatization of GOSL-owned enterprises and by promoting entrepreneurship within the private sector.

The main financial policy of GOSL aims towards creating a liberal economic environment to guide the economy towards a course of rapid and self-sustainable growth by dismantling administrative controls and encouraging private enterprise. The development objectives are acceleration of the growth rate; expansion of employment; rehabilitation and expansion of the capital stock; and a progressive improvement in the balance of payments.

High priority has been accorded to fisheries development by the government in view of the industry’s contribution to food production and nutrition, its employment potential, its potential as a valuable foreign exchange earner through export of fish and fishery products, and its sociopolitical significance due to an influence segments of the population of some 45 coastal electorates being in some way connected with the fisheries industry. Fisheries policy is designed to archive the objectives of increasing fish production raising per capita consumption; raising the income and living standards of the fishermen; and maximizing employment opportunities in the fisheries sector. Key elements of the fisheries policy are: vessels, engines and other inputs to the private sector: limitation of state-sector intervention to provision of infrastructure, institutional support and incentives for investment including tax


concessions, subsidies and concessionary bank financing: development of the coastal fishery companies or individuals and with foreign collaboration; promoting of deep-sea fishery through joint ventures or similar arrangements and the according of high priority to the development of inland fisheries.iii

2. SOCIETY AND CULTURE

Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society, in which each ethnic group represents predominantly one religious group. The majority of the Sinhalese are Buddhists, Tamils are Hindus and, Moors and Malays are Muslims. As Buddhism does not favour people engaged in slaughter trades, fishing does not carry much prestige as an occupation. It is also interesting to note the caste distinctions among those employed in fisheries. Among the Sinhalese, it is the people of the Karava caste who practice fishing as their principal vocation, while among Tamils; the Karyar caste is more active in fisheries. Traditionally, fishing in Sri Lanka has been in the hands of the Karava caste people who seem to have descended from the Kuru refugees,

scattered after their defeat in the Great War between the Pandavas and the Kauravas of Kuru’s, related in Mahabharataiv.

Fish workers are considered to be ‘spendthrift’ in nature. It is evident that the many uncertainties their occupation is fraught with, the daily variability of their incomes, and the daily nature of their decision making process, could not help determine a particular structure of time consciousness among marine fish workers. In its turn, this form of time awareness reflects itself in their attitudes towards risk, saving, planning, and innovation. Thus the oft-noted fatalistic gambling spirit of fishermen has no doubt to be related to the high degree of unpredictability of their daily catches.


2.1 FISHERIES RESOURCES

Fisheries resources within the Island can be categorized into three different types of resources: (1) Marine resources, (2) Inland resources, and (3) Brackish water resources.

2.2 MARINE RESOURCES

The marine fisheries resources within the island can be divided into two sub categories coastal fisheries and offshore fisheries. Coastal fisheries are limited by the narrowness of the continental shelf. The width of the continental shelf averages from 22 km to 40 km and does that demarcate the area of coastal fisheries. On the basis of the Census of Marine Fisheries in Sri Lanka the annual fish catch yield has been estimated to be 250,000 MT, where 170,000 MT consists of pelagic species and 80,000 MT consist of demurral species. The actual coast fish production in 2000 was 183,280 MT. The offshore and deep sea fishing activities concentrated beyond 40 km up to the

edge of the EEZ.

The fish yield of the offshore resources is estimated around 90,000 MT. Figures from 2000 show the annual fish yield amounted to 84,400 MT. Some studies claim that those offshore resources have been utilized to their maximum economic profit. In respect of rates of exploitation of marine resources, recent resource studies using catch and effort data revealed that coastal resources have been biologically over-exploited (actual yield exceeding the Maximum Sustainable Yield). Studies carried out along similar lines in the southern near-coastal fisheries (up to 15 km from the shore) revealed that while coastal fish resources in Matara have been biologically


over-exploited, Galle and Hambantota near-coastal fisheries were being operated below the maximum sustainable yieldv.

2.3 INLAND RESOURCES

Sri Lanka has 103 perennial rivers, locally known as Ganga, Oya; of these, 23 river basins are larger than 500 km2. The total area within Sri Lanka that is a water body is 280,000 hectares of land. Of these 280,000 hectares about 160,000 are lakes and ponds. 12,000 hectares consist of wet lands, mangroves and marshlands. The fish yield of the inland fisheries sector in the year 2000 was 36,700 MTvi.

2.4 BRACKISH WATER RESOURCES

These resources are situated in the coastal belt such as estuaries or lagoons or marshes. They amount to 120,000 ha, of which 80,000 ha consist of deep lagoons and estuaries. The rest are shallow lagoons, tidal flats, mangrove

swamps and saline marshes. The deep lagoons and estuaries are ideal for fisheries and aquaculture. The estimated suitable land available for brackish water coastal aquaculture is about 6,000 ha, where the salt content of the water varies between fresh water and that of the sea or between 0.5 and 35 ppt. Sri Lanka's brackish water habitats are rich in biological diversity. Shrimp is the major fish variety produced in this sub-sectorvii

2.5 HISTORY OF SRI LANKAN FISHERIES

There is a long tradition of inland fishing in the Island. This inland fishing was conducted within both small and large scale lakes, canals, rivers, streams and

ponds. It is theorized by archaeologists in Sri Lanka that the fishing industry began with pre-historic man during the Neolithic era. The foundations behind this archaeological discovery are fish rock inscriptions which have been dated from the third century B.C. to the first century A.D. found on rocks at


Bovattegala in the Ampara District and Kottademuhela and Hennanegala by the river Mundei Aru. Also old punch marked coins from the colonization era also contain the symbol of which again symbolizes the economic importance of fisheries in the early days of Sri Lanka. There are even rock inscriptions of King Vasabha who lived from 67 A.D. -111 A.D. This gives some indication that there tax revenues were collected by the king in Sri Lanka from wealth

that was accumulated within the fisheries industry.viii

2.6 EARLY DAYS

In the early days of inland and near shore fisheries in Sri Lanka the hook (biliya), the net (dala) and the long basket (kemana) where the most popular gear used by fishermen. The long basket was placed in the rivers’ water

stream where fish caught within the basket where then picked by hand. Also some early method included the throwing of rocks into water streams in order to trap fish. Excess fish catches, where usually hung on strings then taken to villages and sold or bartered by the fishermen. Bringing fish into city centres during poya days which is a religious holy day for Buddhist was strictly prohibited by certain kingsix. This tradition is still upheld in Sri Lanka and all fish marketing, fishing activity and alcohol selling is suspended and forbidden during poya days. As the Therevada Buddhists community seeks to uphold strict Buddhist moral conduct during these daysx.


2.7 MODERN TIMES

Fisheries resources in Sri Lanka have always been in the public domain, and therefore could be exploited with minor technical training and investment. In Sri Lanka the traditional fishermen have mastered the techniques of harvesting fish, with the technology that was available to them such as the oru (out rigged canoes). Prior to the 2nd world war there was not a lot of demand for increased production within the fishing industry, and therefore there was not a lot of development progress or change within fishing techniques and methods. But after the 2nd world war there was an increased demand for food in the country, which in turn put a lot of demand on the fisheries and agricultural sector. This demand was partly due to rapid population growth in the island after the 2nd world war.

For example a new high yield paddy variety from the International Rice Research institute introduced in Sri Lanka in 1953, totality revolutionized the method and yield of food production and helped the agricultural industry to

meet the need of an increased food demand. This demand also put pressure on the fisheries industry, which in order to counter act the problem increased the exploitation of fish resources. It also put pressure on the industry to improve its methods of fish catch and to make a total refurbishing of the fishing equipment, technological infrastructure, the mechanization of the fishing fleet and change in fish catch equipment. This increased pressure from the outside pushed the docile fishing industry towards reform in order for a better exploitation of the fisheries resourcesxi.


However even if there was an increased demand for an increased amount of fish catch, there was no demand for higher quality fish product. A problem which is a huge hindrance preventing a better economic situation within the livelihood fisheries communities since higher quality fish product catches a higher price in the fish markets. The backbone of this situation is perhaps that

there is no demand for increased fish quality in the country which is also mixed with traditional and ethnical laden factors. The problem is not the lack of ice for the preservation of fish products rather it is a monopoly within the country within ice production and the high price of ice in the country. That has led to this problem. The increase in food quality is also a major concern for those who want to improve the welfare of fishermen working within the livelihood fisheries sector.

Since the late 1930s, experiments have been conducted by the state to introduce suitable

mechanized crafts into Sri Lankan fisheries. The results of this are the introduction of

four main types of mechanized fishing vessels:

2.8 MOTORIZED BOATS

Mechanized crafts with outboard engines.

Day boats with inboard engines.

Multi-Day operating crafts with inboard engine and ice compartments.

Small Trawlers (10-11 ton boats)xii


2.9 NON-MECHANIZED BOATS

Non-Mechanized Log boat (Theppam)

Outboard Log boat (Vallam)

Non-Mechanized Rowing Boats (Oru)

Dragging net boats (Madel Paru)

2.10 HISTORY OF DEVELOPMENT OF MULTI-DAY FISHING

The one day boats using an inboard engine were introduced to the fisheries

livelihood communities in the late 1950s. These types of boats became popular because of the boats ability to exploit coastal fish resources even further (Largely because the motorized vessel could cover more area than the non-motorized vessel).Another problem with the day boats is that they do not come with an ice compartment and therefore the fishing activities are confined within a day. By the late 1980s fish workers started introducing an ice compartment to the existing fleet of day-boats and subsequently, this modified boat was replaced by the multi-day boat which was larger in length and

equipped with an ice compartment and a cabin for the crew.


Parallel with the mechanization of the fishing fleet the nylon gill nets replaced the traditional hemp and cotton nets. During the time of introduction the use of nets was not widely spread around the island within traditional fisheries. Before the introduction of the fishing net the rod and line was the most common technique employed by traditional crafts.

With the introduction of the nylon net, gill netting became a popular technique of fishing, which led to a considerable increase in catches. The ten-fold increase in fish production from the 1950s until today is the combined result of both, the introduction of the nylon net and mechanized crafts. Today, the nylon net is used by all types of crafts, the mechanized and traditional alike. Catches from small-meshed gill nets account for 90% the annual coastal pelagic fish productionxiii.

2.11 TYPES OF MULTI-DAY CRAFT

There are several types of multi-day boats. The length of Multi-day boats varies form 32 to approx 55 feet. What enables the multi-day boat to engage in longer fishing trips than other types of boats is a bigger fuel tank along with a fresh water tank and bigger crew quarters. The cost of operation for multi-day boats varies according to the size of the craft. There seems to be a correlation between the length of craft and cost. The hull engine and gear seem to account for approximately 38%, 29% and 33% of the total cost of the craft, respectively.


Figure 3 Average cost of multi-day craftxiv

The main accessories found within multi-day crafts include radio equipment and in some instances Global Packet Radio Service (GPRS) systems. The GPRS systems are percent only in 88% of ships that are of the length 32-34 feet and only in ships of those lengths. Seventy percent of navigators are fluent in cartography and can read naval maps. Multi-day craft usually use the large meshed-gill netting and long-lining fishing techniques. Multi-day boats

which are shorter than 40 ft in length are mostly involved in tuna fishing while longer craft can fish in deeper water and usually fish for sharks.

2.12 ETHNICAL CONFLICT CAUSE AND EFFECT ON DEVELOPMENT

The Sri Lankan and South Indian coast on either side of the Palk Street have been blessed with abundant fishery resources from time immemorial. Ancient Sri Lankan civilization flourished on the western coast and then spread all over the island, long before the advent of Japanese civilization. Pearl fisheries, ornamental clanks, dry fish processes sea-cucumbers and other exotic sea creatures were well known in ancient Rome, Arab and Chinese cities several centuries before the rise of western colonial powers.


From the 16th century the island historically known as Ceylon spent extended periods under Portuguese (1505-1665), Dutch (1665-1798) and British (1798-1948) colonial rule. During the British rule spanning 150 years Anglicization through a process of modernization of the upper strata of the Sinhalese and Tamil society, would later relate to some extent to certain features of the Sri

Lankan ethnic conflict in the post independent period. One disturbing feature of this conflict has been the large number of heads of government, senior politicians and other leading public figures killed by assassins. Indeed no other part of the world has seen so many heads of government prominent personalities within politics and national become victims of assassin bullets and bombs as in Sri Lanka in the last fifty years.

One of the more negative aspects of the conflict is that certain areas have been excluded from major development programs and some even before the official start of the war in 1983. For example the Accelerated Mahaweli Development Programme (AMDP), which was the single biggest development programme of the UNP government that came to power in 1977, excluded the Tamil majority areas which were included in the original Mahaweli Development Programme by the FAO study team. After 1983 the war became the reason to further exclude these areas from state sponsored development programs such as the Integrated Rural Development Project and Village Reawakening Programmes because of security reasons. The Northern and Eastern parts of the island have endured nearly two decades of devastation by war; it has also caused depopulation, destruction of public/private property,

loss of production and loss of human life. The war has also because emigration and forced migration resulting in a brain drain of people in all fields from these areas to foreign areas further hampered development in the island. The ethnical conflict is a worst development bottle neck and is mirrored in the country’s economic decline.


Forced migration within has led to depopulation and economic decline in many part of the island (especially the northeastern provinces). The economic decline is for example mirrored in the poverty gap that has grown from 0.70 in 1990 to 2.5 in 2006. Apart from the loss of economic opportunities for the people that reside in these areas there is a decay of built-up environments

and overgrowth of bush on abandoned farmland are among the consequences. On the other hand, the influx of displaced population into cleared areas has stimulated economic actives to varying degree. Long term displacement, expulsion, and clearing and occupation of private land by security forces have created problems regarding land rights. In some areas lands belonging to persons who were displaced (Muslims, Tamils or Sinhalese) have been illegally occupied. The rights of the owners to reclaim their land need to be enforced; the security forces occupy considerable extents of residential areas and farmlands in many parts of the conflict areas. Land use and ownership is also a problem in other part of the island, and people without land are forced to occupy government land illegally because they have no means to buy privately owned land that is in most cases not under developmentxv.

3. SOCIAL WELFARE AND SECURITY

Since the income and living standards of single-day boat shippers is really low, it is every fisherman’s aspiration to procure a multi-day boat. This is mainly because the average income from multi-day fishing supersedes the income of other fishing activities. The length of multi-day craft is also associated with more effective fishing operations to a large extent, most fishermen in the livelihood sector believe that the greater the length of the boat the higher the average income. The average monthly crew worker employed in a forty feet or larger multi-day boat is around forty thousand Sri


Lankan rupees. The income on multi-day boats is significantly higher than the income of a crew worker employed in a smaller boat. It is therefore important to note here that, by moving away towards deeper waters, beyond the EEZ, the fishermen have been able to increase their incomesxvi.

Income & Boat length

0

2000

4000

6000

8000

10000

12000

14000

16000

26 28 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 40

Boat Length(feets)

Inco

me(R

s.)

Figure 3. Income from Multi-day Fishing

Statistical tests conducted to find out the relationship between the length of

crafts and fishing income revealed that fishing income is strongly dependent on the craft’s length. Although income is the single most easily understood indicator of wealth, there are problems in using income to measure living standards of fishermen due to high income fluctuations associated mainly with catch uncertainties. Therefore, one may also use a stock indicator, such as the size and quality of the house, availability of household amenities, ownership of durable consumption goods, etc. to understand the wealth position of fishermen. If deep sea fishing has led to increased earnings, the


wealth position of fishermen should improve when they move away into deeper and deeper waters.

Following the above, an attempt is made in this study to find out the living standards of crewmembers of multi-day crafts by taking into account stock indicators of wealth. In this exercise, information on the quality and size of

houses, presence of household amenities such as electricity, water supply, ownership of vehicles and other durable consumer goods such as fans, refrigerators, etc. were obtained by including questions on these issues in the questionnaire administered to sample households in both Kudawella and Munnakkara. These items were assigned a score (weights) in such a way, that the scores adequately reflected their price differences. By adding the scores assigned to different items, the total score for each household was calculated, which was considered as the Apparent Wealth Index (API) of that household.

This information reveals that more than 85% of the houses of multi-day boat owners and fishermen have tiled roofs, brick walls and cemented floors. This information indicates that they generally live in good quality housing. When it comes to other facilities more than fifty percent of the housing has a pipe-born water supply while the other forty three percent use a public pipe-born water supply. Only less than seven percent of household use a common well as a source for their water supply. Electricity is available in more than 85% of the households. Sanitary conditions are in relatively good working order in the houses of multi-day boat owners and crewmembers, where seventy percent of

the households have water sealed toilets. About seven point five percent of all households do not have proper latrine facilities.


The problem here is not the inability of the house owners to construct these toilets or the lack of know-how to do some in the community. Since these households live in close proximity to the beach and feel no need to spend money on a toilet since it is much more comfortable to take a stroll down to the beach.

House roof types in selected anchorages and

landing sites

Tiles Roof

46%

Asbestos Roof

30%

Tin Roof

14%

Cadjan Roof

10%

Tiles Roof

Asbestos Roof

Tin Roof

Cadjan Roof

Figure 4 Percentage of houses with different kind of roof materialxvii

House wall types in selected anchorages and

landing sites.

Brick Wall

50%

Mud Wall

9%

Plank Wall

35%

Cadjan Wall

6%

Brick Wall

Mud Wall

Plank Wall

Cadjan Wall


Figure 5 Percentage of houses with different kind of wall construction materialxviii.

House floor types in selected anchorages and

landing sites

Tiles Floor; 22%

Cement Floor;

65%

Sand Floor; 1%

Clay Floor; 10%

Dung Floor; 2%

Tiles Floor

Cement Floor

Sand Floor

Clay Floor

Dung Floor

Figure 6: Floor type material at selected anchorages and landing sitesxix.

Types of water supplies to households

Pipe-borne

(home) Water

Supply; 62%

Pipe-borne

(public) Water

supply; 24%

Own well water

supply; 7%

Common well

water supply;

7%

Pipe-borne (home) Water

Supply

Pipe-borne (public) Water

supply

Own well water supply

Common well water

supply


Figure 7 Types of water supplies to householdsxx.

Electricity has and have not

Availability of

Electricity; 69%

No Electricity;

31%

Availability of Electricity

No Electricity

Figure 8: The distribution of electricity in the Islandxxi.

Household Laterine Facilities

Water-sealed

Latrines; 55%Pit type

Latrines; 25%

Bucket type

Latrines; 5%

No toilets; 15%

Water-sealed Latrines

Pit type Latrines

Bucket type Latrines

No toilets

Figure 9 Latrine facilities in householdsxxii.


We can then deduce from this information that it is evident that crewmembers and boat owners of multi-day boats have a relatively high standard of living. That is comparing with many other households who are living in much poorer conditions when it comes to housing, facilities and sanitation. Land ownership and possession is also a huge problem where only seventy five percent of

house owners own the land on which their house is built on. Land ownership and land rights are therefore a problem that must be constantly addressed in Sri Lanka by donor agencies and citizens xxiii.

3.1 OPERATION COSTS AND EARNINGS

Motorized Boats

• Mechanized crafts with outboard engines.

• Day boats with inboard engines.

• Multi-Day operating crafts with inboard engine and ice compartments.

• Small Trawlers (10-11 ton boats)xxiv

Non Motorized Boats.

• Non Mechanized Log boat (Theppam)

• Outboard Log boat (Vallam)

• Non Mechanized Rowing Boats (Oru)

• Dragging net boats (Madel Paru)xxv


3.2 MULTI-DAY BOATS

Multi-day operating crafts with an inboard engine and ice compartments are boats that vary in length from 32-38 feet. The engine varies from 36-45 hp.

The fishing gear that is most often used is drift gill nets. Other fishing methods include long line, hand line and troll line. The fishing trip averages from ten to fifteen days depending on fuel tank size, hull size and so forth. As a result of these long fishing trips the multi-day boats can only go twice a month out for fishing, however the boats can fish all around the year since changes in sea conditions such as rough weather does not have much effect on multi - day boatsxxvi.

• ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE MULTI-DAY CRAFT

Multi-day 32ft – 38ft (HP 36 – HP 45)

Cost Total Amount

Fuel cost / trip $236.00 Ice cost / trip $26.78 Food cost / trip $50.00 Bait cost / trip $121.00 Other cost / trip $14.00

Total operational cost / trip $452.00 Monthly Operational Cost $899.78 Yearly Operational Cost $10,797

xxvii


• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE MULTI-DAY CRAFT

Multi-day 32ft – 38ft (HP 36 – HP 45)

Cost Total Amount

Craft Registration $1.00 Operation charges $0.00 Harbour charges $0.05 Administration cost $32.00 Insurance charges $300.00 Bank share $2,074.00 Depreciation $3,974.00 Repairs and maintenance $1,810 Fixed cost $8,191.05

xxviii

3.2 FIBRE PLASTIC GLASS BOATS

Or 17 ½ - 23 FRP boat with HP 15 and 25, the main fishing method used in these types of boats are gill nets. Each boat goes on twenty three fishing trips per average and each trip lasts about six hours. The fishing season for FRP boats varies from 6-12 months depending on sea conditions.

These are undecked, open boats made of glass fibre-reinforced plastic. They are mainly used for small-mesh gillnetting. In a few areas, such as Negombo, some of them also operate large mesh gillnets. Most of the boats have planning hulls adapted from a pleasure boat design, while a small number have a displacement type hull based on a Norwegian life-boat design. They are propelled by petrol or kerosene outboard engines (6-15 hp)xxix.


• ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE FIBRE PLASTIC BOAT CRAFT

17 ½ - 23 FRP (HP 15 & 25)

Cost Total Amount

Fuel cost / trip $9.68 Ice cost / trip $1.10 Food cost / trip $2.01 Bait cost / trip $4.93 Other cost / trip $0.55 Total operational cost / trip $18.26 Total operational cost / month $420.00 Fixed cost a year $456.53

xxx

• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE FIBBER PLASTIC BOAT CRAFT

17 ½ - 23 FRP (HP 15 & 25) Cost Total Amount Craft Registration $1.00 Operation charges $3.00 Administration charges $100.00 Insurance charges $17.00 Bank share $589.00 Depreciation $620.00 Repairs and maintenance $427.00 Total Fixed Cost $1,756.02

xxxi


3.3 THREE POINT FIVE TON BOATS

In the three point five ton boats, gill nets with hand lines, long lines, both gill nets and hand lines are used as methods of fishing. The three point five ton boats are categorized as day boats, where the average number of fishing trips per month is eighteen and the length of each fishing trip is around seven hours. The three point five ton boats can fish for seven month of the year.

The majority of these boats are of the E 26 design and have a length of a

about 8,5 m, a beam of about 2.5 m and a displacement loaded for fishing of 3,5 tons. Most of them are constructed in wood but an adapted version of the E 26 is built in FRP in large numbers. They are powered by inboard marine diesel engines of 30-40 hp. The boat is mainly used for large-mesh gillnetting, but in some areas also for long-lining and pole and line fishing. In Jaffna, Mannar, Chillaw, Negombo and Colombo about 1200 of these craft are seasonally engaged in prawn trawling.

The “Jaffna type” boat used in the north is also generally classified as a 3 ½ ton boat. It is an adaptation of the traditional planked vallam of the north into a modern form suitable for motorizing with an inboard engine. Most of these boats have a length of about 9.7 mxxxii.


• ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE 3.5 TON CRAFT

17 ½ - 23 FRP (HP 15 & 25) Cost Total Amount Fuel cost / trip $15.00 Ice cost / trip $1.62 Food cost / trip $3.00 Bait cost / trip $8.00 Other cost / trip $0.81 Total operational cost / trip $26.92 Total operational cost / month $484.56 Annual operational cost $5,976.00

xxxiii

• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE 3.5 TON CRAFT

3.5 ton (HP 28 – HP 32)

Cost Total Amount

Craft Registration $1 Operation charges $5000 Administration charges $100 Insurance charges $110 Bank share $1584 Depreciation $300 Repairs and maintenance $150

Fixed cost $10564 xxxiv


3.4 LOG RAFT (KATTURMARAN, THEPPAM)

The average length of the craft is 12 feet. The shippers of non-mechanized theppam use different types of fishing gear, among this gear are drift gill nets and composite nets. Bottom net gill nets and troll lines are a rarity in these boats. These non-mechanized boats operate 25 days a month, where each fishing trip is form 4-6 hours and is able to fish for eight months of the year.

These are made of four or five roughly shaped logs pegged and/or tied

together. They are mainly used for small-mesh gillnetting. In some areas such as the west coast of Sri Lanka a bag-like drag net is dragged by two log crafts in order to catch prawns. In kattumaram (4-7 m) the two middle logs jut out beyond the outer logs fore and after. A small roughly shaped prow piece made of two logs is attached to the fore end of the middle logs.

In the theppam (3-5 m) all logs are almost equal size with a slight shaping fore and after? Nearly 40% of all log craft have successfully motorized with outboard enginesxxxv.


• ANNUAL OPERATING COST OF THE THEPPAM CRAFT

Non mechanized theppam 10ft–15ft

Cost Total Amount Food cost / trip Total operational cost / trip Total operational cost / month Annual operational cost $93.00

xxxvi

• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE NON MECHANIZED THEPPAM CRAFT

Non mechanized theppam 10ft – 15ft

Cost Total Amount

Craft Registration Operation charges Depreciation Repairs and maintenance Fixed cost (Rs) $93.00

xxxvii


3.5 OTHER PLANKED CRAFT (VALLAM)

The most widely used fishing gear in these boats are drift gill nets. There are some known cases of ring nets being used. Hand lines and long lines are rarely used on these boats. The outboard vallam boats fish for 21 days per month, where the number of hours of fishing per day is from 3 to 4 hours and the average number of fishing months are 10.

These are narrow V-shaped sailing craft constructed with the keel and frames with an overall length up to 10m. They are used for drift netting, long lining and set net-fishing. A small number of these crafts have been motorized with inboard enginesxxxviii.

• ANNUAL OPERATIONAL COST OF THE OTHER PLANKED CRAFT

Outboard vallam 28ft – 33ft (HP 25)

Cost Total Amount

Fuel cost / trip Food cost / trip Bait cost / trip Other cost / trip Total operational cost / month $359.00 Annual operational cost (Rs) $6,271.00

xxxix


• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE OTHER PLANKED CRAFT

Non mechanized theppam 10ft – 15ft

Cost Total Amount

Craft Registration Operation charges Depreciation Repairs and maintenance Fixed cost (Rs) $95.68

xl

3.6 DUGOUT BEACH-SEINE CRAFT (MADEL ORU. KARAVALAI VALLAM)

This is the type of craft that mostly uses drift gillnets, bottom set gillnets and trammel nets which is used as secondary gear. There are about 20 fishing days per month and eight fishing hours per day, the craft is used for fishing 6

months of the year up to eight months.

These craft are dugouts and are driven by oars and/or sail. These craft have narrow dugout hulls raised with side stakes attached to the dugout base, with sharply raised hull ends and an outrigger consisting of a solid counterpoise float attached to a pair of reinforced curved booms. In some part of the beast coast, the raised side strakes are not attached to the hulls. The seizes range from about 3 m used for bait fishing, cast-netting or angling close inshore or in lagoons, to the larger about 3 m used for bait fishing, cast-netting, or angling close inshore or in lagoons to the larger 10-11 m craft used for prawn fishing with trawls and for trolling, hand-lining and drift-net fishing unto 30 km from the coast. About 17% of these craft have been motorized with outboard motorsxli.


• ANNUAL OPERATION COST OF THE NON MECHANIZED ORU CRAFT

Non mechanized oru 15ft – 20ft

Cost Total Amount

Fuel cost / trip (Rs) Ice cost / trip (Rs) Food cost / trip (Rs)

Bait cost /trip (Rs) Total operational cost / month (Rs) $510.00 Annual operational cost (Rs) $4,594.00

xlii

• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE NON MECHANIZED ORU CRAFT

Non mechanized oru 15ft – 20ft Cost Total Amount Craft Registration Operation charges Depreciation Repairs and maintenance Fixed cost (Rs) $195.00

xliii


3.7 PLANKED BEACH-SEINE CRAFT (PADAHU, PALHAI, PARU)

Fishing trips per month vary by two controlling factors. Firstly number of

planked beach seine craft. Fishing trips per month vary according to the number of planked beach seine craft boats operating in the each area and the availability of fish resources. The length of the fishing trips is around 3 hours. Sometimes a planked beach seine craft can go on a several fishing trips per day. The planked beach seine craft boats are operating six months of the year.

These type of craft are beamy flat-bottomed boats with a length overall of up to 12m. The craft are used for carrying beach seines to sea for a distance of half to one mile to settling the netxliv.

• ANNUAL OPERATING COSTS OF THE PLANKED BEACH-SEINE CRAFT

Madel paru

Cost Total Amount

Fuel cost / trip (Rs) Total operational cost / trip (Rs) Total operational cost / month (Rs) Annual operational cost (Rs) $1,610.00

xlv


• ANNUAL FIXED COST OF THE PLANKED BEACH-SEINE CRAFT Madel Paru

Cost Total Amount Craft Registration Operation charges Harbour Charges Depreciation Repairs and maintenance Fixed cost (Rs) $812.00

xlvi

3.8 INCOME AND POVERTY

Many studies on the socio-economic situation of fishermen and fisher-families have pointed out that income of fisher families is comparatively higher than that of families with their livelihood based on agriculture. However the instability of income and particular lifestyle, such as lack of awareness of savings and household management, gambling, alcoholism, drug addiction (mostly marijuana), high expenditure for ceremonial occasions and debts keep families within livelihood fisheries poor. The problem is also that very few means of intervention or assistance has been implemented to help these families to change their lifestyle other than the provisions of credit/loans and

micro financing schemes.

The situation is even worse for these families in the North and the East where due to the conflict and the security situation there has been a lack in continuous employment and continuous skill development. The assumption is that the income level of fisher-families in the North-East is lower than those of the South-West due to the security situation.


Fishermen category Major resources

harvested Average monthly income

(Rs.) Crewman - Multi-day Craft

Shark Fin (for export) 21,487 LKR

Crewman - Multi-day Craft Tuna (for export) 17,753 LKR Owner/ Crewman - FRP Boat Lobster (for export) 7,732 LKR Crewman - Multi-day Craft

Shrimp (local hotels/export) 6,500 LKR

Coastal Fisheries

Fishing with traditional crafts for fin fish in coastal waters 2,438 LKR

Coastal Fisheries

Fishing with mechanized traditional crafts for shore seine varieties 5,231 LKR

Paddy Ploughing 5,280 LKR Tea Planting 4,620 LKR

Figure 10 Income of Fishermen and Other Comparable Employeesxlvii

The in-debt comparative study on income of fisher-families and agricultural families has not been conducted. A macro level calculation done in a research paper submitted by the MFAR to FAO in 2004 gives some idea how the

income of fishermen varies widely according to the type of fishing craft used and extend of debts owed. One can also read from the survey that most categories of fishermen (except those engaged in coastal fisheries with traditional un-mechanized craft) earn more than paddy farmers and tea plantation workers.


3.9 AVERAGE MONTHLY FISHING INCOME OWNER & CREW

NARA had conducted a socio-economic survey as one of the research components for the report ‘Strategies and option for increasing and sustaining fisheries and aquaculture production for the benefit of poor households in ASIA’ funded by the ADB/World Fish Centre in 2004. In that survey a total number of 1400 sample households of fish producers from twelve fishery districts along the coast of Sri Lanka where interviewed.

Monthly Income

Multi-day

Boats

Inboard engine

day boats

FRP boats with OBM

Traditional crafts with

OBM

Non motorized traditional

crafts 0-1000 0% 1% 2% 0% 10% 1000-10000 3% 35% 21% 35% 82% 10000-25000 5% 24% 62% 37% 7% 25000-50000 18% 10% 10% 28% 1% 50000-

1000000 45% 30% 5% 0% 0% 1000000-2000000 24% 0% 0% 0% 0%

>2000000 5% 0% 0% 0% 0%

Figure 11 Average monthly fishing income of craft ownerxlviii.


Average montly fishing income of craft owner

0%10%20%30%40%50%60%70%80%90%

100%

Mu

lti D

ay B

oa

ts

Inboard

engin

e d

ay b

oats

FR

P b

oa

ts w

ith

OB

M

Tra

ditio

nal cra

fts w

ith

OB

M

Non m

oto

rized tra

ditio

nal

cra

fts

Boat Type

Pe

rce

nta

ge

>2000000

1000000-2000000

50000-1000000

25000-50000

10000-25000

1000-10000

0-1000

Figure 12 Average Monthly Fishing Income of Craft Ownerxlix.

It seems clear from the above analysis, that the owners of non-motorized traditional boats/craft belong to the lowest-income group Owners of the day boats and traditional craft with outboard and inboard engines belong to the middle level income group and the owner of the multi-day boats belong to the highest income group. The PARC study team who did the income study also found out in interviews that the economic level of the fisher families heavily depended on what type of craft they owned. Therefore the poorer fishermens’

families have little or no opportunity to improve their income unless they obtain access to credit loans to purchase improved boats. This is why owners of traditional non-mechanized craft who were affected in the Tsunami were very disappointed to learn that they would be provided by same category of craft as compensation since that compensation would not give them the opportunity to improve their income. On the other hand one could argue that it would be better to do some capacity building or introduce some micro financing schemes in order to help the poorer fishermen to improve their


income. Either by the procurement of improved boats or through other means f. inst. improved fishing techniques or by improving fish quality. The philanthropically laden idea of a Benz for a Benz or a Benz for an old broken down Ursus is therefore not an ideal solution for this problem. The poverty problem must be fought with new intuitive means.


Average Monthly Fishing Income of Crewmembers

0%10%20%30%40%50%60%70%80%90%

100%

Multi

Day

Boa

ts

Inbo

ard

engine

day

boa

ts

FRP b

oats w

ith O

BM

Traditio

nal c

rafts

with

OBM

Non

mot

orized

trad

ition

al cra

fts

Type

Pe

rce

nta

ge

>2000000

1000000-2000000

50000-1000000

25000-50000

10000-25000

1000-10000

0-1000

Figure 13 Average monthly fishing income of crew membersl.

3.10 WORKING CONDITIONS

The working conditions of fishermen within the livelihood fisheries sector, especially those who are engaged in offshore fishing are not good. They have no job security and work under dangerous health and safety conditions. Since

most boats do not have the basic security equipment such as life boats and life rings this is also a problem in fishery harbours. The only security equipment available to the crew members is a fire extinguisher and radio communications (on offshore boats). One day boats do not have any security system at all except perhaps the wife that is waiting at home, who goes looking when the husband does not return home. There is even a case in Trincomalee where the engine in an off shore fishing vessel broke down. The fishermen did not have any spare parts to fix the engine so that they used a satellite with a low battery to call the boat owner in Trincomalee for assistance. During the phone call the boat owner promised to send one of his


boats to their co-ordinates with some spare parts. The crew members then waited at ease and even declined assistance from another boat that was passing by and offered to tow the boat ashore. Hopeful for a few days the fishermen waited for the boat that the boat owner had promised them to supply assistance. But the boat never came. So the boat drifted for weeks while the fishermen ate up the fish they had caught in the hull. After two

months and not a boat in sight the fishermen decided to do something and constructed a sail and after a months journey reached the island. When they arrived in their home town Trincomalee they were greeted as heroes. When the boat crew confronted the boat owner and inquired into what had happened to the assistance that he had promised them he simply replied that he had forgotten all about their troubles.

So safety at sea is an issue that has not yet been addressed properly by all parties private or governmental. And there is definitely a need for some kind of awareness campaign or capacity building towards improved safety at sea and in harbours. Although no international safety rules or guidelines exist for the small boats such as those that are used in Sri Lanka fisheries there is definitely a need to equip those boats with basic security equipment. Very little or no precautionary measures have been taken by boat owners to counter threats of the hazards of sea. Fishermen are not covered by any life insurance scheme and the general view of the Sri Lankan insurance corporation is that the marine insurance of vessels is a non-profit pro bono charity. There was a time when insurance companies such as Sri Lankan Insurance promoted insurance schemes for fishermen at sea. But these schemes later became

unpopular among fishermen and boat owners since collecting the compensation from the insurance companies became a difficult task partly because there was a problem in proving liability since the coast guard is non-functional in Sri Lanka. Partly because of lack of interest or funds within the MFAR who is responsible for the operation of the coast guard. The Navy as such is not responsible for ensuring the safety of fishermen but is sometimes


able to assist fishermen in dire needs such as when they radio for help when their vessel is sinking. It is therefore important in order not to further imperil the safety at sea to strengthen the coast guard who is operating currently without any sea worthy boats. Also any awareness campaigns or introduction of security measures at sea are of high importance.

One of the most important safety-at-sea issues is that of the treat of capture, arrest or conflict at sea. Almost every month five to ten offshore fishing boats are arrested and retained for illegal fishing. The invasion of Indian fishermen into the Sri Lankan North territorial waters is causing a serious problem to Sri Lankan fishermen, especially in Jaffna and Mannar districts. Illicit practices and illegal activities such as exploitation of local marine resources by trawler fishing, severing of fishing nets of the local fishermen in the sea, threatening while at sea are considered intense forms of violenceli.

4 GENDER ISSUES

Are there any gender related problems that are in some way hampering or a threshold to development of livelihood fisheries communities? The role of gender within fisheries communities is basically defined by the community and the society surrounding it. Generally one could state that women do not take part in fishing as such in Sri Lanka. Women participation is more within auxiliary income related activities which are vital in an environment that does not deliver stable income to fishermen’s’ families since fish catch vary from season to season. The question here is if there were an increase in women participation within income related activities would it help to stabilize the family income. Definitely, although there are some thresholds that need to be overcome in order for more growth in auxiliary income related activities which are mainly female worker based. It is my view that an appropriate utilization of fisheries labour is a timely need in socioeconomic development within the


fisheries livelihood sector. Coming back to the threshold to this development there are educational, religious, traditional and cultural factors which are hampering further development of the auxiliary related activities. Yet there has been a progressive change in Sri Lanka for the last twenty years when women c where rarely seen alone in the street as women are now taking more active role in the economylii.

Another problem which is affecting household income is illegal fishing activities, since fishermen who are arrested for illegal fishing outside of the Sri Lankan EEZ are often held for long periods in custody in other countries. The absence of the main bread winner of the family has understandingly huge affect for the economical situation of the whole family. It is therefore impertinent that other sources of income should be strengthened in order to improve the overall economical situation of families within the livelihood fisheries industryliii.

There has been an attitude change on the rise within the fisheries communities along the south and west coastlines of Sri Lanka towards women participation in fisheries. The common view within governmental, public and private fisheries sectors is that fishing is mainly a male profession that is passed from father to son. This proposes a socio-economic problem since women are not utilized as a resource within the fishing communities and are largely marginalized because of religious, cultural and ethnical factors. Since traditionally fishing is considered to be a male oriented profession which is passed from father to son.

One of the thresholds hampering development within fisheries is the fisheries sector old roots and which is seen as cultural heritage within Sri Lankan society. This traditional laden view is one of the reasons for why women’s’ contribution to the fisheries industry is not valued as such. The general view is that women are family labour that does not cost anything and therefore should


not be considered as a serious part of the labour force within coastal communities. Women from poorly educated families work within their own families until they get married and start their lives as housewivesliv. The government’s garment industry in Colombo is a good example. Before it used to be a respected profession and many teenage girls from villages came to the city to work in garment factories. The problem nowadays is that the female

workers have a tendency to mingle with their male co-workers and therefore the general view in Colombo is that being a worker in the government run garment factories is no longer a respectable profession. Fishermen have a different problem when it comes to the lack of respect for their profession within the fishermen community. People are respected if they are able to maintain a high social status. The problem is however that the fishermen within the anchorages and landing sites are unable to achieve that since they have a lot of bad habits like alcoholism, gambling and other deconstructive social activities. The general view in Sri Lanka seems that money, status and power bring together respect for the individual and his/hers profession.

The role of women in fishing communities as cheap and unskilled labour is substantial, as they help in many areas of the production from the landing site itself and to the far ends of the villages. These are activities such as pre-harvesting activities such as net mending, cleaning of fishing equipment such as lines etc, food preparation and other tasks. Other post-fishing task are fish cleaning, processing of fish products on the beach and marketing of fish products within the fishing village. Many women working in the inland fisheries sector are also involved in aquaculture, the rearing of aquatic animals and the

cultivation of aquatic plants for food. There are instances of women fishing in the inland fisheries sector such as lagoons, estuaries, rivers and lakes. This is however more frequent in women controlled households.


Women’s involvement in the workplace outside of the home is also seen to have a negative affect on the home schooling of children. This is however not an option in low income households where the wife is forced to work outside the home because of the low income of the husband and the eldest children have to take care of the youngest. This also affects school attendance as children in their school ages are not able to attend primary and secondary

school as no day-care facilities are available. However if women are seen as educators of children they are not supposed to be educated in any technical or skilled work that needs some basic training or education in the fishing communities. The general view in the fishing villages is that knowledge is power and is therefore not shared. And as the woman is generally seen as a cheap labour force knowledge is not generally shared with her. Therefore it is most often not women that do not work within any technical or skilled labour within the fishing communities. This includes maintenance, assembling, repairing any electronic machinery on boats or otherwise. Another increasing problem, which is arising with increased tourism, is the case of child abuse by paedophiles. One of the reason for this increased problem is that women are unable to discipline and control their children especially boys, in absence of their fathers. This absence also seems to affect the school attendance of the children especially boyslv.

The privileging and male orientation of education within fishing communities also affects the possibility of women to educate themselves within higher education or specific technical training. About one out of every thousand students in fishing communities attend university according to the child activity

survey in Sri Lanka and the majority of those students are menlvi. The lack of opportunity for women to seek education is also hampering their involvement in other activities such as marketing, handling, and processing, pre-harvesting and post-harvesting activities. This is increasing within activities where increased technological knowledge or skilled training is necessary which is becoming ever too frequent with increased technological development. A few


non-governmental organizations are dealing with improvements of the role and situation of women in fishing communities. Women’s’ participation in socio economic development of the small-scale fishing communities has up to now not been considered an additional path in fisheries development. In view of the lack of specific data on women’s existing involvement and situation, obtaining such data is a prerequisite for rational planning for the full utilization

of women techno-economic potential in small-scale fisheries developmentlvii.

There is therefore an opportunity to increase non-formal educational programs and capacity building within the livelihood fisheries sector. That is capacity building that would teach new methods and technologies to improve the production within the auxiliary industries. It is also important with the establishment of the Sagara Vishawa Vidyalaya [Ocean University] that would actively work towards deconstructing the old view that fisheries where only a male oriented profession and give more opportunity for women to seek higher education within fisheries. This would hopefully deliver a trickle down effect into the communities and help development in women oriented auxiliary industries. Formal and non-formal education is therefore a good tool to deliver technical know how into the auxiliary industries. The problem is that non-formal education is capacity building that delivers practical know how which is useful for a short period of time. While formal education is suited to give individuals know how and skills which they can apply to their careers for the rest of their lives. Both formal and non-formal education however requires re-education within some time frame, the benefits of formal education is that the time frame is a bit longer.


The increased involvement of women in the workplace within fishing households is also important because of the unstable income that comes from fisheries since fishing resources are generally over exploited and therefore there is a need for a sustainable exploitation of fisheries resources. Fishing households with the empowerment of women could develop more and diverse

ways of generating income for homes that base their living within the fisheries sector. But in order to accomplish this there must be a general attitude change within the communities toward women considered as cheap labour. Women within these communities are often self employed and are doing household activities while their husbands can be away from 1 to 1 ½ months on multi-day boats. This long absence of men also creates an opportunity for women to be more involved within aquaculture. For example there are educational programs being set up by the fisheries administration of the Ministry of fisheries which are directed at women.

The situation of women has been improving within the fisheries sector. The reason behind this improved situation is perhaps because that the boat owners of multi-day boats are getting a higher income because of increased competition between major exporters of fish products on fish retail prices. This increased income of the boat owner also trickles down and increases the income of the crew. This increased household income along with the long absence of fishermen of multi-day boats 1-1/2 months gives the wives of fishermen more financial freedom. As they are in charge of the household in the absence of their husbands, the households increased income has also

attributed to better quality of housing and the reduction of Mudukku housing (shanty housing). For example in the village of Munnakkara the 85% of the housing are brick houses while 15% are Mudukku houses. The percentage in Kudawella is 95% brick houses while only 5% are shantieslviii.


The gender role of women in the fisheries sector has mainly been participating in the pre-harvesting and post-harvesting sector. This includes the activities of hanging up fish for drying, occasionally cleaning fish on the shore where it is socially accepted and net mending. Also there has been some reporting on increased women participation in harvesting activities in the villages of

Munnakkara in the western province of Negombo and the village of Kudawella a village in Hambantota district in southern part of the islandlix.

One of the causes of the gender inequality within Sri Lanka fisheries sector are religious, ethnical and culture factors. Fisheries in Sri Lanka have a long cultural backbone and the traditional view is that fisheries are mainly a father and son profession. Let’s look at two examples with on how different religious and ethnical backgrounds affect the status of women in fisheries: In the village of Munnakkara where the majority of people are Catholics. Women take an active role in fish cleaning, fish handling and the marketing of fish. This depends on if they have a permission from their husbands to engage in these activities but in general Catholic women in Sri Lanka seem to enjoy more freedom than women of other religious background. In the village Kudawella where the majority of people are Buddhist women are not even allowed to come in the vicinity of the beach and are strictly forbidden to take part in any fisheries activities. Buddhist women however dry fish and the general consensus among women is that fish drying is a women's activity.


The reason for this sentiment can be multiple; firstly women’s first priority in Buddhist communities is seen as being a homemaker and child care taker. Secondly since the fishing sector and the beach area are a male dominated workplace it is seen as an inappropriate place for married and especially unmarried women to work in order to protect their modesty. Thirdly killing is

seen as morally wrong in Buddhist communities; this is of course not only attributed to women. The connection here can be that in Sri Lanka fisheries is not seen as a respected profession, the government for instance does not distribute much resources into the development of the fisheries sector. This can be attributed to the general belief that killing is morally wrong within the Buddhismlx.

The reason for that is that pre dominantly men in these communities do not accept fishing related activities to be an acceptable profession for a woman as the home and childcare is predominantly seen as the main workplace for women. Another reason is that killing breaking a key moral precept within Buddhism. In Polonnaruwa district which is a predominantly a district with 95% Sinhalese Buddhist area there is a high concentration of female industry fish workers. For example the Ceylon Fisheries Corporation has mainly female workers in their fish fillet production factory at the town of Minneriyalxi.

4.5 GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF FISHERS

The census of marine and fisheries in Sri Lanka (West, South and East) by the DFAR did a survey on the gender distribution of fisheries in the following districts Puttalam, Chilaw, Negombo, Colombo, Kalutara, Galle, Matara, Tangalla, Kalmunai, Batticaloa and Trincomalee.


Fishermen within the livelihood sector by gender

0

2000

4000

6000

8000

10000

12000

14000

16000

No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

Puttalam Chilaw NegomboColombo Kalutara Galle Matara Tangalle Kalmunai BatticaloaTrincomalee

Gender

Nu

mb

er Males

Females

TOTAL

Figure 14: Livelihood Fishermen by gender (DFEO Division)

From these figures we can see clearly that women’s participation in the actual fisheries (as working crew members on boats, harbour workers, landing site workers and anchorages workers) is extremely low. It seems that women’s participation within the livelihood fisheries sector is very un-common with only a few exceptional cases. The profession of a fisherman within the livelihood fisheries sector is usually passed down from father to son and that is perhaps the reason for these low numbers. Another reason might be that there are other professions that are passed from mothers to daughters since fisheries is seen mainly as a male oriented profession which is a heavily deep rooted idea within the livelihood fisheries sector. This deep-rooted idea that it is only the profession of men to work as fishermen within the livelihood fisheries sector can only change with gradual improvement and development of educational programs within the fisheries sector which would also dramatically change the view that livelihood fisheries is an old cultural traditional industry that can not bring any additional wealth to the country. Progress and development within primary and secondary fisheries education be it formal or in - formal education is therefore a great tool in breaking old stagnant cultural views and create hope for a modernization of the livelihood fisheries industry where development prospects and opportunities are found within the livelihood

fisheries industrylxii.


4.6 GENDER DISTRIBUTION IN LABOUR FORCE AND FISHERIES

The labour force in fisheries in 2003 is recorded at around 665,000 of which

nearly 150,000 were active fishermen and another 100,000 part-time fishermen. About 500,000 have employment directly or indirectly in allied activities especially in the down stream of production, processing, distribution and marketing (Table 1) The employment in the fisheries sector is about 12 % of the total employment in the agricultural sector and 4% of the total employment in the country. Of the household population engaged in active fishing women constitute around 48% of the labour force but only 6% are formally engaged in income generation confirming that fisheries is a male dominated sector.

4.7 FEMALE PARTICIPATION OF INFORMAL ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN SRI LANKA

What is an informal economic activity? Informal economic activity is hard to define since it is a dynamic process not a static process. This dynamic process is laden with many aspects of economic and social theory such as exchange, regulation and enforcement. Since the nature of informal economic activity is very hard to observe, define and measure informal economic activity as a unit of study is difficult.

To further confound attempts to define informal economic activity, it is a temporal process in the sense that it provides a temporary source of income. The regulations and the level of enforcement of those regulations vary and change frequently. In some cases these regulations change daily and in any instance an economic activity can shift between the categories of formal and informal economic activity. This is evident in states like Sri Lanka where


government policy on formal and informal economic activity is constantly undergoing change in government policy.

The simplest definition of an informal economic activity might be of the exchange of goods or services which involve an economic value in which the act escapes regulation of similar such economic actslxiii.

4.8 SIZE AND SEX COMPOSITION OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT

Certain informal economic activities have a definite pull factor of workers from

rural areas to urban areas. The most common reasons behind this labour drain are that working conditions in rural areas are worse and salaries lower. The biggest lure are informal economic activates that offer a substantial increase in income. It is therefore common that many labourers participate in informal economic activities within the urban environment and then send a portion of their income home to their families who are living in rural areas. The biggest pull factor behind the labour drain into the informal sector is the lack of skills, the lack of education and capacity. What labourers find most appealing with the informal economic activities is that that those type of activities offer a no proxy base of income. It is a known problem that many employers in the formal sector often delay paying salaries to their employers. Also the steady salary in the formal sector is very low and therefore many labourers choose the informal economic activity or self-employment as a means. Since the income within informal economic activity can vary on a day-to-day basis it is more luring since it offers an opportunity to increase ones income on a day-to-day basis.


Among the factors that are affecting the increase and popularity in the trend of informal economic activity is the growth of interest in the three wheeler driver services, private bus driver services, hotel workers, lottery salesmen workers, pavement vendors of food, fruit and other items and work maid workers.lxiv

Total Workforce Informal Employment Male 4833241 3006367 Female 2179233 1356581 Total 7012474 4362948

Figure 15 Division of workforce between formal and informal employment in 2003.lxv

These numbers imply that the portion of persons engaged in informal employment activities is significant in the Sri Lankan economy. If we look at

the gender composition in Sri Lanka and compare them with other countries in South Asia we see that the number of women working within the informal sector is higher in comparison.

Country Year Total Male Female India 1993 44,00% 40,00% 60,00% Pakistan 1992 67,00% 65,00% 80,00% Bangladesh 1993 10,00% 10,00% 16,00% Indonesia 1995 20,00% 20,00% 23,00% Myanmar 1996 54,00% 52,00% 56,00% Philippines 1998 26,00% 30,00% 70,00% Thailand 1994 47,00% 46,00% 49,00%


Figure 16 Informal sector employment of total workforce in selected Asian countrieslxvi

Total

workforce

Number of persons

worked as informal

employees

Portion of informal

paid employees.

Male 4,833,241 482,570 60% Female 2,179,233 1,109,756 40% Total 7,012,467 1,592,325 100

Figure 17 Total number of paid employees and persons engaged as informal paid employeeslxvii.

According to the latest labour force survey that was done in 2003, the total workforce was counted of being around seven million registered workers. Out of the total workforce about one and a half million workers are informally employees. Secondary data revealed that only thirty eight percent of the females in Sri Lanka are employed by contract. That means that seventy two percent of the work able female workforce is engaged in informal employment on a non-contract basis in non-steady jobs. This seems to be based on the traditionalist idea in Sri Lanka that married women should mainly be house wives although educated women are breaking the trend. The high percentage of informal workers is not surprising since there is a promise of a higher income in self-employed informal economic activities and also informal workers do not have to worry if their employer is going to pay them at the end of the month. Unfortunately the general trend among non educated low cost people is to see women as cheap labour husbands of all three major ethnic groups Muslim, Tamil, Sinhalese and Burgers all have a pre given notion that the household should be supported by the husband, and the wives duties are at home. But in general Sri Lanka seems to have a good gender policy (Sri Lanka was the first country to elect a female president), but the general trend

with men in Sri Lanka is that the home needs the wife. Although some women that have been educated abroad and have returned to the island are breaking this trendlxviii.


4.9 SEX COMPOSITION OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT

Figure 18 Percentage distribution of persons engaged in informal employment activities by gender

Figure 19 Percentage distribution of employees engaged in informal employment-by-employment status.


Figure 20 Percentage distribution of persons engaged in informal employment-by-employment status and gender

Employment Status Male No. % Female No. % Total No. %

Own Account Workers 1666600 55.4% 410317 30,2% 2076917 47,6%

Household workers (subsistence workers) 230011 7,7% 463694 34,2% 693705 15,9%

Casual workers 1109756 36,9% 482570 35,6% 1592325 36,5%

Total Number of Informal Workforce 3006367 100.00% 1356581 100% 4362947 100%

Figure 21 Employment status of the persons engaged in informal employment by gender.

Own Account Workers are those workers who by working on their own account or with one or more parents. Are holding a job that is defined as a

self-employment job and are not engaged on a continuous basis any employees to work for them during their reference point.


During the reference periods the members of this group may be engaged employees, provided that this is on a non-continues basislxix.

Household workers (subsistence workers) are workers who hold a self- employment job and in this capacity produce good or services within the

household and constitute a important basis for its livelihoodlxx.

Casual workers are workers who have an explicit or implicit contract of employment, which is not expected to continue for more than a short period, whose duration is to be determined by national circumstances. These workers may be classified as being employees or own account workers according to the specific circumstances of the employment contractlxxi.

Of the total workforce about 69% are males and 39% are females. Not surprisingly there is an higher number of women engaged in household economic activities. The percentage of unskilled workers is equal therefore one can draw the conclusion that there seems to be no education gap between gender in the informal sector.


4.10 DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF FEMALES ENGAGED IN INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT

Age 15-19 Age 20-24 Age 25-29 Age 30-39 Age 40+

Own Account Workers 4763 18968 26955 109988 249642

Household workers (subsistence workers) 28167 42295 48975 123246 221011

Casual Workers 25488 50673 45784 127619 233005

Total Number 58418 111936 121714 360853 703658

Figure 22 Distribution of females engaged in informal employment by age groups.

Higher portion and higher number of females enter the informal employment occupation after reaching the age of 30. Especially after the age of 40 greater number of females are engaged in these activities. Proportion of subsidence workers is engaging in these activities.

Head of

household Wife Daughter Mother Relation Servant Other

Own Account Workers 29,3% 50,4% 14,1% 1% 5,1% 0% 0%

Household workers 2,5 72,3% 16,5% 1,2% 7,5% 0% 0%

Unskilled workers 18,7% 50% 17,9% 0,9% 9,4% 3% 0%

Total Number 16% 58% 16% 1% 8% 1% 0%

Figure 23 Percentage distribution of females engaged in informal employment by relationship to the head of the household.

What is surprising here are the high percentage of women that are household workers and the high percentage of women that are unskilled workers. This is mainly a problem in rural areas where the educational level of women is lower

than in larger cities such as Colombo. Many daughters of low-income households face the reality of needing to take care of their younger siblings when both parents need to work outside the home. These women are therefore not able to pursue an education and get caught in a vicious circle. A


significant portion of these girls then when married need to engage in informal economic activities even if their husbands have a steady income. Many families of coastal villages are forced to send their children to work in larger cities with friends or relatives. These children then maybe are forced into lower paid jobs or even worse forced into prostitution.

Informal Employment Status

Never Married Married Widowed Divorced Separate

Own Account Workers 11,7% 64,5% 20,4% 0,8% 2,6%

Household workers 14,5% 82,2% 2,5% 0,0% 0,8%

Unskilled workers 19,5% 63,3% 13,0% 0,7% 3,5%

Figure 24 Percentage distribution of females engaged in informal employment by martial status.

The majority of women engaged in informal economic activities are married, which further strengthens the hypothesis that in Sri Lanka male held households prefer the women to work within the home or in informal economic activities. This is evident in anchorages and landing sites where women are never seen on the beach or near fish processing but are engaged in informal economic activities in their homes or inland with women groups.

Below

Grade 5 Grade 5 -9 G.C.E O/L G.C.E A/L & above

Own Account Workers 114404 194289 70680 30944

Unskilled Family Workers

(Household workers) 135778 233945 68588 25383

Total 250182 428234 139268 56327

Figure 25 Total number of females engaged in informal employment by level of education.


Figure 26 Total division of females working within the formal and informal sector with regards to level of education.

Women in low-income families remain enmeshed in their poverty status. Women in low income families are engaged in a struggle for family survival

and are often primary income earners for their families. These women have very little capital, hardly any access to institutional credit and fair marketing outlets. And they have low technical and entrepreneurial skills since their low income hampers their opportunity for higher-level education.

A study that was done in fisheries villages revealed that the largest majority of producers are women. The women producers were mainly involved in traditional informal activities such as fish drying, cultivation of green chillies, coir fibre and tailoring activities. In urban areas women mainly work within the informal sector on a sub contract basis with large firs as producing units to make beedie, cigarettes and garments. The cultivation of indoor and outdoor


plants is profitable business in the urban environment for many women engaged in informal economic activates.

If we look on the macro economic level in villages’ women held households the wages of women suffice to ensure the survival of the family. However the salary of the average woman does not suffice in order to uplift the economic

status of the family unit to new heights. The rural female labour supplies are different from estate workers. Most of the female labourers available during the crop season of the agricultural areas are engaged in household work during the off season.

In the urban informal sector the occupations between females and males varies. Many females are engaged in heavy manual work. The wages in the urban sector mostly depend on the type of work available and vary on a day to day basis with no means of a standard income.

Measuring informal employment is not an easy task due to the nature of informal employment. A closer proxy definition can be developed to represent the sector. The informal sector is very typical and important segment in many developing countries as Sri Lanka. Sixty two percent of the total workforce in Sri Lanka is engaged in informal employment. The distribution pattern of types of employment within informal sector then 48% are own account workers, 36% are regular salary employees and 16% are unpaid family workers. The informal employment sector is predominant in the livelihood fisheries sector, and it is therefore important for donors to seek new intuitive ways to improve the employment situation of female and male workers within the informal

employment sector. One could predict that coming generations with increased levels of higher education the participation within informal economic activities will fall. Yet this may not be the solution as many graduates are not finding jobs within the government sector since many people within government


offices have been placed there for political reasons. Therefore privatization of government owned enterprises could possible be a solution to the problem of informal employment. That is if informal employment is a problem.

4.11 ROLE OF WOMEN IN FISHING COMMUNITIES

Women have been actively engaged in fisheries related-activities which generate

supplementary incomes in order to manage risk associated with the highly fluctuating

fishing incomes. The contribution of women to the fish processing sector, especially

in the production of dried fish, remains at high level. Therefore the role of women in

contributing to food security and in ensuring sustainable livelihoods can not be

undetermined. The important functions performed by fisherwomen should be well

recognized as they should be assisted in enhancing their contribution to sustainable

livelihoods while taking steps to empower them and integrate them into fisheries

decision making policylxxii.

Women play an important role in generating supplementary incomes and assisting in the fishing activities in addition to the housework and childcare activities. Women engage in self employment activities such as cajan weaving, basket making, sewing, tailoring, animal husbandry, cultivation of flowers for reselling and firewood collection. They also assist in fishing activities by mending nets, carrying lunch packets and meals to the beach and making dried fish. There are some cases where women who have good skills

in mending nets undertake the work as a business. Dried fish processing is done not only in the home but in a more industrialized way at a processing place near the beach which sometimes is owned by a local fisherman Dried fish processing is in most cases only done when there is an excess amount of fish. Yet the quality of the dried product is not high since the fish is dried on the beach itself. Therefore several NGOs have introduced new intuitive processing ways to speed up the production of dried fish goods.


4.12 WOMEN ENGAGED IN FISH MARKETING

It is common for women to engage in the marketing of fish, except in Muslim

communities. The scale of business of these women is comparatively small, yet they

play an important role since these women can demand higher quality fish product

from the fishermen, that is a product that is clean and has been iced. And secondly

the women play an important role in fish marketing since they are the ones that

control the reselling price. There is therefore a need for some kind of awareness

campaign to make these women aware that their fish marketing activities are an

important activity and they can make a positive contribution to the economical

development of their households. In many cases fish resellers that are women are

widows who have lost their breadwinner but this is not always the case. This can for

example be seen in Jaffna where the highest demand of fish resellers are women.

However in the whole of the island the women (or wives) are the one in each

household that purchase the fish. It is therefore this actor that can make demands on

higher food quality which then later could affect fish food quality in Sri Lanka.

There have been several assistance programs for women in fishing communities in Sri Lanka, including assistance programs for widows. These programs are being done by international agencies such as UNDP, UNHCR and NGOs such as CARE and FORUT. The micro financing scheme being offered is the most popular way of assistance. The purpose of the loan is to start to improve self employment and income generation such as animal husbandry, the establishment of small grocery shops, small fast food and tea restaurants, mat/basket weaving, sewing and tailoring. Sometimes the loan is used to purchase nets and boats. In cases where the beneficiaries are not widows nets and boats are usually used by the male family members such as husband or father.


4.13 FISH MARKETING IN SRI LANKA & TRADE POLICY

A fish market is a place where fish or processed fish is sold or intermediaries

within the marketing channel directly to the consumer. Different types of markets can be identified according to the type of transactions taking place and quantify of fish supplied.

Fish marketing as it exists today is very complex involving the transportation of fresh and processed products over a wide geographic area, both domestic and international, through a large number of traders and processors both formal and informal. These marketing systems are for a large number of traders and processors and is both a formal and an informal trading system. Marketing systems for marine fresh fish and fishery products can be broadly categorized into four groups:

• Domestic marketing systems of fresh fish at both national and local levels within districts or within neighbouring villages.

• Marketing of export commodities.

• Marketing of imported commodities.

• Marketing of processed fish production.

Through there is more difference between domestic and export marketing systems, the fish caught is channelled to consumers through a variety of similar conduits. In the domestic marketing system at production centres

(landing centres), marketing channels take different forms mainly depending on the location of the centre and quantity landed. However at any landing centre direct transaction from producer (the fishermen) to consumer are rare. For the sales process is usually channelled through one or several middlemenlxxiii.


4.14 TYPES OF LIVELIHOOD MARKETS FOR DOMESTIC DISTRIBUTION

4.14.1 OPEN BEACH MARKETS

Are markets that are small-scale fish disposing places, selling to traders, and thus found in small landing sites and anchorages. This is a highly localized marketing system but common in rural areas. It can be a stall or a shed or just the beach. The local government generally maintains these stalls or sheds and sometimes leases out the stalls to private parties or cooperative societies to cover the capital maintenance cost. In such a situation fishermen have to pay for the use of the stalls either by cash payment or by kind favours. Each beach market operates only for a limited amount of time until the fish catch

period (landing period) is over. Most of the fish that is bought at these markets is sold in the surrounding villages, which are located within 15-20 km radiuslxxiv.

4.14.2 BEACH FISH AUCTION

Formal auctions take place in limited places due to the cost of managing the staff and the auction centre, but auctioning of fish takes place in many landing sites and anchorages. In these places the boat owner appoints a commissioner agent who auctions the catches. Auctioning may take place in a stall or at a public place. Organized auctions are managed either by the cooperative society or a third party. Usually especially in the case of small actions bids are also received for the kilo price in which case payments are settled according to the total weight of the catch. The highest bidder receives the fish lot, generally five percent of the total fish sale is taken an auction charges but when the catch is small the auction charge is paid in kind with fishlxxv.


4.14.3 DISTRIBUTION CENTRES

Are found in places close to the access roads leading to interior towns and cites. No auctioning or any form of selling takes place in distribution centres. Fish being delivered to retail or wholesale buyers in interior areas or other major markets are unloaded along the way at these distribution centres. Retailers from interior areas collect the fish from these centres or send the fish to relevant parties in the interior areas. The management of the distribution centres generally liaise between assemblers and buyers in

the interior areas and also sometimes supply ice to the retailing stalls. They charge a 3-5 percent commission for liaison services between two parties. The management of the distribution centre has several responsibilities such as collecting the empty boxes and handing over to respective transport services, settlements of payments to assembler, providing ice and other requirement to retailers, supply stocks to the respective parties etc. Along every major road leading to Colombo there are a number of such distribution centres; for example on the way from Trincomalee to Colombo distribution centres are found in Kanthele, Habarana, Dharbulla, Galewala, Kurunegala and Polgahawela and on the Jaffna/Mannar road in Wawuniya, Medawachchiya, Anuradhapura, Dharbulla, Kurunegal and Polgahawela. However a lower volume of fish enters the sub-regional markets and a greater volume goes to the wholesale networklxxvi.


4.14.4 FISH AUCTIONS OR TERMINAL (WHOLESALE) MARKETS

Terminal fish markets are limited in number and are found in consumption areas such as Colombo, Kandy, Anuradhapura, Kurunegala etc. Market and the Kandy wholesale market. These markets generally get fish from many places in the region, while the Colombo market gets fish from all parts of the country. Fish brought to these markets is handled by a limited number of wholesalers. These markets are functioning early in the morning around 4 am in Colombo and 5 am in Kandy and generally run up to 8-9

am in Colombo and until 11 am in Kandy. Wholesalers display the fish in their respective stalls while buyers inspect the day’s stock and negotiate the price. While the auction does offer a change for buyers to value the fish themselves, usually the wholesalers set the initial price for a particular species based on the price of the previous day, quantity received, quality of fish, assembler price commission etc. Auctions take place in the mornings all seven days a week, except on a few important religious holidays such as poya days.

4.14.5 LOCAL OR SUB REGIONAL CONSUMER MARKETS

These markets are found in towns where people come to buy their food and other provisions. These markets cater to a group of neighbouring villages and no bulk transactions take place. Generally in each market there is a number of retail stalls. Fish is often from terminal (wholesale) markets such as Colombo, Kandy and Anuradhapurra etc, in the interior areas or directly from agents (assembler) from the production areas in coastal areas. In instances where the production centres are located close to the markets, the stall owners visit the centres and collect the fish directly from the assemblers, or the assemblers may send the requested amount of fish to the stall owner. These markets retail a wide variety of fish to


clients form different economic classes. Sub regional markets are managed by the local government and each stall owner has to pay a monthly or annual rent to the local government in additions to payments for water, electricity and licence for selling fish. For example in Jaffna , at the Kottadi market where there are a total of 40 retailers of whom 25 are female, the fish in the town being sold to residents of Jaffna town.

4.14.6 VILLAGE MARKETS OR WEEKLY FAIR

Village markets operate once or sometimes twice a week generally in the morning hours. It is estimated that in 1908 there were 508 village markets

in Sri Lanka. The villagers bought their weekly food requirements form these places. Relatively little fish is sold at these venues especially when they are located at a distance from the coast. Instead, they serve as an important retail point for dried fish which is more important dietary stable to much of the rural population (who is sometimes facing malnutrition because lack of animal protein intake). Also there is a lower risk in retailing of dried fish. Small scale retailers (box or basket retailers) sell fish or dried fish on slaps or on the ground in uncovered areas at the fair. Traders obtain dried fish either by visiting houses of small-scale producers in the nearby coastal areas or from wholesale areas traders in the production areas or from wholesale who attend the markets early in the morning.

4.14.7 SUPERMARKETS

Are fairly new through generally widespread in most city centres and towns in the country. Supermarkets operate in two different ways, some are exclusive fish supermarkets selling fresh fish or chilled or frozen while other maintain fish stalls in a section of a general supermarket that also sells groceries and other food items. Exclusive fish supermarkets are usually found only in big cities such as Colombo and Kandy. These are mostly managed by private parties while a few of them are run by the CFC. In the supermarkets high priority is given to the quality assurance of fish. They display the fish in neatly arranged display chillers/freezers. Most


supermarkets are air conditioned. Supermarkets get their fish suppliers directly from assemblers or from wholesale markets.

4.14.8 ROADSIDE MARKETERS

Are not well organized, these comprise a group of several retailers selling fish in a fixed place. These retailers are small scale traders and sell fish in small quantities. These markets are mostly found in towns in the coastal areas but a few are also found in remote areas as well. Roadside markets may consist of several temporary huts or shelters or slaps and generally

operate during the daytime. This form of marketing is quite traditional and these markets generally sell low value fish. In most instances there is no weighing of fish, since bigger fish a real priced on prices and small fish by lots.


5 AUXILIARY INDUSTRIES WITHIN FISHERIES COMMUNITIES

Sometimes there is an excess of fish within the fisheries communities and since there

is often no facilities too freeze fish the food is often preserved by using the method of

fish drying or by preparing Maldives fish. The processing of fish harvest to Maldives

fish (which is a kind of dry, moulded and heavily spiced type of dish) and dry fish is

mainly done by the wives of fishermen within the communities while the men are at

sea. When there is not an excess amount of fish to be processed into dry or Maldives

fish the women are involved within the coir industrylxxvii.

The question is to what extent women are involved in fisheries related activates such

as these auxiliary activities, marketing, handling and processing. And to what extent

women are involved in other auxiliary economic activities. And in what way those

activities can be strengthened in order to stabilize the capital flow since that fisheries

is an industry that does not deliver a steady income but is based on fish yield that can

vary from year to year.

Introduction of new technologies into the livelihood fishing industry such as net-

making machines, imported machine made nets, modern forms of fish handling

(mechanized and motorized boats) seems to have driven out women from the

fisheries related activity. The fear is that by introducing new methods and

technologies to such industries as fish drying it would drive out the women from those

auxiliary industries. Certain NGO’s have now introduced new methods and

technologies to improve a new and fast solar powered fish dryers but only time will

tell if the same thing will happen to the solar powered fish dryers.


The families within the livelihood fishing communities earn their income from sea

fishing. Of course women can contribute small incomes through the fish trade as the

trade is entirely male dominatedlxxviii. Although there have been some reports on

some divorced women that are involved directly with fisheries although this is not

very common. Fishermen generally fish throughout the year. Most families do not

own fishing craft and their own fishing gear, but work for boat owners (mudalisis) on a

share basis. The same situation is with many shop keepers in the villages and in the

capital they do not generally own the building but pay the rent for the housing daily.

Fishermen migrate for a couple of months to the east coast of Sri Lanka where they

put up temporary settlements. In these cases the women join their husbands to give

them company and to ensure that the money that is earned during their stay is not

wasted on drinking and gambling. So the wives of the fishermen are important in this

respect. Apart from this seasonal fish drying in the migrant settlements, women do

not find any other opportunities

5.1 FISHERIES COOPERATIVES

Fisheries cooperatives are small micro economic group of families within a fishing

village that are cooperating towards a common goal. Fisheries cooperatives offer a

development opportunity for governmental donor agencies since a healthy

cooperative means that it is easier to facilitate development projects such as capacity

building and handing over infrastructure since there is already a healthy fishing

cooperative in place at the fishing village that is able to cooperate and work together.

This is extremely important within a country like Sri Lanka which has been stricken by

conflicts and where the government has been unable to attend to the development

problems within the livelihood fisheries sector.

The status of the fisheries cooperatives vary from community to community some are

weak or non functional while others are strong with active involvement and are

considered highly functional. The more mobilized a fisheries cooperative is within a

community the more lucrative it is for governmental donor agencies to work within

that community as the projects have a higher chance to have a long term effect on


the community, While fishers communities that have a low level of cooperation are

unlikely to have the capacity to insure the long term effects of capacity building

training or building of infrastructure. In some cases infrastructure that has been built

within low functional or non-functional fisheries communities has crumbled after some

years because of low maintenance which further underlines the importance and dire

need for strong fisheries communities within Sri Lanka.

Social development and capacity building of fisheries cooperatives needs to go hand

in hand with infrastructure development since there is a need for maintenance

operation, operate and manage infrastructure that is handed over to fishing

communities. Therefore increased awareness programs about the importance of

cooperatives within the fisheries communities is needed in villages with weak

cooperatives. These programs have to be initiated by the Ministry of Fisheries

(MFAR).

5.2 THE HISTORY OF FISHERIES COOPERATIVES

The first fishery cooperatives were started in 1941 as a result of the recommendation

of a commission which was investigating problems within the livelihood fisheries

sector and was appointed by the GOSL in 1938. The commission also decided to

create a loan scheme for fisheries communities which were a part of a fish marketing

scheme operated by the MFAR from 1942 to 1948. The role of fishery cooperatives

was defined as being an organization of fishermen for improvement of the efficiency

of small scale sector of the industry in the catching, handling and marketing of fish.

Between 1970 and 1973, under a scheme of reorganization, 292 small primary

societies were amalgamated into 45 large primaries. The membership of primary

fishery cooperatives in 1982 was 24,904 or about 34% of the total number of

fishermen.


5.3 LEGAL FRAMEWORK

The first cooperative law was enacted in Sri Lanka in 1911. This law was only

intended for credit cooperative and was drafted to be similar to the Indian

Cooperative law of 1904. The idea behind the cooperatives was that the government

could offer a fixed price on products and be able to subsidize certain items through

the cooperatives (such as rice and sugar). In 1921 the law was amended to cover

other types of cooperatives. The cooperative society’s ordinance of 1936 was

formulated to consolidate and amend the law relation to the constitution and control

of cooperative societies. The law remained the principal law with over eight

amendments until the promulgation of the Cooperative Societies Ac no. 5 of 1972,

which remains the principal law at present, however the subject to four subsequent

amendments Major amendments where mad in 1983 and 1992.

The legal status of the fisheries cooperatives guidance is the following. The fisheries

cooperatives are registered under the cooperative act with the following conditions.

• Members must be fishermen and fisherwomen over the age of 18 in good

health.

• Members are required to pay minimum of 100 Rs as share capital.

• Village level fisheries cooperatives can be set up with a minimum of 100

members, but in cases the fishing population of the fishing village (GS

Division) is less than 100, the fisheries cooperatives can be registered with

less than 100 members.

• The fisheries cooperatives are required to have a bank account to be

registered.

• The fisheries cooperatives will be registered with the Department of

cooperative development on the recommendation of a fishing inspector.

The registration of a society including the unions of the fisheries cooperatives shall

render it a cooperate body and is allowed to possess property and to enter into

contracts under section 20 of Chapter 5 of the Cooperative Act.


Once registered the Fisheries Cooperatives are to be placed under the assistance

and supervision of the Department of Cooperative Development and the Department

of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources.

Figure 27 Administrative framework for supervision of the Fisheries Cooperative Societies.


5.4 DAILY OPERATIONS

Each fisheries cooperative convenes the member’s assembly at least once

every six months, or once a year and Board members composed of 7 persons are elected during this member’s assembly which is regulated by by-laws imposed at the time of registration. At least two of the 7 Board members are expected to be women according to the above act.

The board members also elect a president, vice-president and secretary among themselves. Presidents of the fisheries cooperatives are mostly fishermen, but sometimes Mudalais or non fishing persons can be elected as president.

Active fisheries cooperatives employ few persons who do the accounting, sales of fishing gear etc. Most of these staff members are young women belonging to member families and their salary is as low as Rs. 2500, though this is enough to compensate the unstable income of fishing families. Most unions and federations have secretariats comprising male staff. The basic capital of the fisheries cooperatives is the membership fee of Rs 100 collected form each member, but since this is not enough to support the activities and to pay the salary of the staff, many fisheries cooperatives earn additional income through operating auctions the sales of fish gear etc.


5.5 ROLES OF FISHERIES COOPERATIVES IN MARKETING OF FISH

Many fisheries co-operatives organize auctions near the landing site and the

member fishermen pay 5-6% of their sales of the fish catches. Some fisheries

cooperatives have been donated cooler lorries with ice freezers from

international organizations. These fisheries cooperatives have the ability to

directly transfer their fish catches to Colombo fish markets. The marketing

function of the fisheries cooperatives is limited to prawns and lobsters which

can be sold at a rather high price.

The following are the major bottlenecks to market access by the fisheries

cooperatives.

First lack of access roads to the landing site: The communities are at a

distance from the main road and major markets and are isolated from each

other. This leads to many disadvantages in these communities when it comes

to selling of the catch. Additionally the road conditions in the un-cleared

areas are far worse.

Secondly lack of transportation facilities: Only a limited number of fisheries

cooperatives or unions have lorries, cooler vans or any type of

transportation, and fishermen in remote fishing communities have nothing to

do but wait until the middlemen or assemblers come to the villages. In these

cases their negotiation power on the price is also limited.

Thirdly lack of ice plants and cold storage facilities accessible to the fisheries

cooperatives or fishermen: Due to the lack of ice in certain areas price

decision power is completely in the hands of the assembler who brings ice

from Colombo or other ice plants (this is the situation in the North and the

East where there are no ice plants because of power cuts). The lack of ice

also hastens the deterioration of the freshness and quality of fish and causes


serious post-harvesting loss, which leads to a loss of income for smaller

scale fishermen.

Fourthly lack of credit for fishermen: Many fishermen are heavily indebted to

Mudalais (boat owners, shop owners) and are therefore not able to use the

lorries, freezers or ice plants that have been donated to them because they

frankly can’t cover the operating costs and are forced to sell the donated

items in order pay a portion of the loan.

Fifthly the position of Mudalalis in the community: The main reason for the

fisheries cooperatives to be engaged in marketing schemes is to exclude the

exploitation of fishing people by Mudalalis. But these merchants or Mudalalis

also provide a convenience to the communities; sometimes they are

generous enough to give gifts on the occasions of the New Year festival or

ceremonial occasions as the coming-of-age ceremony, a marriage ceremony

or a funeral and are therefore in a mafia laden style taking care of the

indebted families. The Mudalalis are respected and feared within the

community and in some instances where a portion of the catch is not given

to the boat owner it is taken by brute force.

So the fisheries communities and unions do not only need to possess credit

schemes that can replace the Mudalais. In some instances the Mudalais live

within the fishing community as members of the community and can

therefore play a positive role within the community but this varies from

person to person of course. Mudalais are a development bottleneck since

they are middle men that need to be removed in order to improve the

situation of the poorest individual within the community.


5.6 ROLE OF FISHERIES CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES

Fisheries co-operative societies commenced in the 1940 decade had goings and

drawbacks due to the internal and external factors that prevailed and including the

policy decisions by governments which come to power from time to time. However

the fisheries co-operatives societies which were regularized by law in order to meet

the problems and the needs of the majority of small scale fishing communities come

closer to them through shortcomings existed. Village level fisheries co-operatives

societies initiated in 1989 are scattered throughout the island covering various fishing

sectors such as lagoon fishing and inland fishing through their general functions are

not similar. However, damages caused by the tsunami to fisheries cooperatives

societies haven’t been correctly estimates so far.lxxix

The structure of the society is that each primary society has nine members board of

directors. The board of directors consists of six members who are nominated by the

commissioner of cooperative development and three members which are elected by

its branches. The board of directors then appoints a chief executive of operations

which is responsible for daily operations. The activities are also regulated within a

rule framework that is implemented by the CEO in cooperation with the board of

directors. There are four regional units of fishery cooperatives, the northern

providence fishermen cooperatives societies union (NPFSCU), the south-western

fishermen cooperative union, the southern regional fisheries cooperative union, the

Ceylon fisheries sales union (CCFSU).

The cooperatives are financed by the GOSL which distributes funds to the

cooperatives through the MFAR. These funds are then used by the cooperatives to

purchase motorized boats, outboard motors, fishing gear, infrastructure for boat

repair, construction and purchase of indigenous craft. Credit is also provided by the

Peoples Bank and Bank of Ceylon for fishing gear and engine spear parts. The

MFAR issued 353 boats to fishing cooperatives during the period of 1977 and 1982.


The cooperatives succeeded in achieving a substantial membership, particularly

during 1970-1977, when they constituted the main channel for government

assistance to the industry. The establishment of large primaries, however, led to

certain loss of identity between the fishermen, the cooperatives and some degree of

alienation between the members and the Boards of Directors with their majority to

nominated members. There was considerable inefficiency in the operation and

maintenance of the 3 ½ ton boats, the repayment of loans fell far bellow anticipated

levels, staff in excess of actual needs was employed and most societies showed

operating losses. Some improvements in the recovery of repayments due in respect

of 3 ½ ton boats has been affected more recently by the transfer of ownership of the

boats from the societies to individual skippers. The present credit policies, in terms of

which individual fishermen are eligible to obtain the benefit of credit from the state

banks and government subsidies introspective of membership in cooperatives, have

vitiated the role of the cooperatives, and their importance within the industry is much

less than it appears to be from the members figures on the rollslxxx.

Trading

10%

Govt/ private

jobs

5%

Making

maldive fish

& dried fish

25%

Vocational

training

related jobs

10%

Rope

making

50%

Figure 28: Women’s engagement in income generating activities


In the part of the country near the coastal zone were the tropical conditions are

favourable for growing coconut trees close to the sea and where lagoons and small

bays which enable the fabrication of superior coir fibre are present, women engage in

coir production when there is not an excessive amount of fish that needs to be dried

or processed for storage. There are also instances of tailoring, textile design, textile

colouring and making of natural fibre (wetakelya)lxxxi.

There have been some studies on capacity building of women within the coir, fish

drying and Maldives fish auxiliary industries.

Selling food

30%

Drying fish

10%

Selling wood,

oil

5%

Selling fish

15%

Sewing

5%

Making

ciggarates

5%

Retail Shops

2%

Jobs in free

trade zone

15%

Vegetable

stalls

2%

Lending

money with

interest

5%Selling pork

5%

Social

awareness

1%

Figure 29: Women’s engagement in income generating activities

The salary that women earn from coir fabrication or other auxiliary industries such as

fish drying and Maldives fish production is rather low compared to what fishermen

earn. It is even the case that fishermen with the smallest amount of resources


available can earn more than a woman can in the fishermen communities. Yet there

is little else that women can do within the fisheries communities to earn money.

Under fairly favourable conditions the women contribute a substantial amount to the

families overall income. The wife’s income is also extremely valuable in households

where men spend great amount of their income on themselves rather than their

familieslxxxii.

Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Modern Textile

Industry

Income per woman per month

Hours of work per day

Hours of work per month

Hours of travel per day

Hours of travel per month

Travel fare per day

Travel fare per month

Actual income per hour

Figure 30 Salary and Hours Spent For An Average Woman Working Within Modern Textile Industry.


Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Coir Industry

240,00 LKR

6

144

00001,66 kr.






Travel fare per day



Figure 31 Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Coir Industry

Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within

Fish Drying Industry

300

7

140

1 20 001,69






Travel fare per day



Figure 32 Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Fish Drying Industry


Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within

Maledive Fish Home Industry






Travel fare per day



Figure 33 Salary and Hours Spent For A Average Woman Working Within Maledive Fish Home Industry

Generally female members do not engage in fishing related activities but some

women add to the overall income through self employment in pillow lace making, coir

rope making and cadjan production (palm tree leaves made into mats for hut

construction. Most women are literate with up to 5 years of schooling. A fourth of the

Mirissa population has 10 years and more of schooling. Many young women are

looking for earning opportunities, and even those from relatively poor families

express interests in activities other than the traditional coir rope making in their

backyards or “cadjan” production. Work expectations among young women have

changed because of education and an absolute increase in family incomes from

fishing with motorized craftlxxxiii.

There have been some studies on auxiliary women dominated industries which have

concluded that unless more economically viable manufacturing techniques are

engineered when the formal training within industries such as coir industry, fish

processing (fish drying, and Maldives fish), lace making, textile design and tailoring is

redundant. As these skills are mainly transferred from mother to daughter (note the

same seems to apply to the knowledge transferred between father and son) within


fisheries communities. It is also crucial that these new techniques are economically

viable for the current economic situation.


6 CHILD ACTIVITY

Sri Lanka enjoys a relatively higher level of socio-economic standards than most

countries of the same calibre at the same or even higher level of per capita income.

However as in other developing countries, Sri Lanka is faced with a problem which

impedes human development. The illiterate or poorly educated children form a

growing number of potential child labourers from which substantial numbers could be

absorbed in the labour market.

6.1 CHILDREN ENGAGED IN ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES BY GENDER

Compostion of Children between the ages of

5-17 engaged in economic activites

69,064165,554

69,715621,704

Economic Activities

Only

Economic Activities +

Housekeeping

Economic Activiites +

Shooling

Economic Activity +

Housekeeping +

Schooling

Figure 34 Composition of Children Engaged in Economic Activitieslxxxiv


CONCEPT AND DEFINITIONS

Children belonging to the following categories were considered by the

standards of the survey to be engaged in an economic activity. The child may

be engaged in an economic activity either

While attending an educational institution or

While engaged in housekeeping activities or

Without being engaged in the two above activities

All services of domestic nature done for the benefit of own households which

lie outside the production boundary are not considered under economic

activity.

HOUSEKEEPING ACTIVITIES

If a child is engaged in a service of domestic nature, done for the benefit of

own household, which lay outside the production boundary then the child is

considered to be engaged in housekeeping activities, while engaged in

studies and/ or an economic activity or without being engaged in any of the

activity of this nature.

EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES

A child is considered to be engaged in educational activities, if he/she is

attending school or other educational institution which provides regular

education or technical/vocational education. If the child does his academic

work without attending such intuitions, he/she is not considered to be

engaged in educational activities.


EMPLOYEE

A child is considered to be engaged in economic activity as an Employee if

he/she gets payment for his work.

EMPLOYER

A child is considered to be engaged in economic activity as an employer, if at

least one employer works under him.

OWN ACCOUNT WORKER

A child who works for his/hers own profit without employing any persons

under him/her is considered a own account worker.

UNPAID FAMILY WORKER

A child who works for family gain in his/hers own family enterprise or farm

without payments is considered as an unpaid family worker. The service

rendered for the benefit of own households, which lie outside the production

boundary (housekeeping activities) are not considered under this category.

REFERENCE PERIODS

Current information on activities of the children such as leisure, education &

housekeeping work was collected at the time of the survey. However the child

was considered to be engaged in economic activities, if he/she was engaged

in some form of economic activity, some time during the twelve month period

prior to the survey. So different reference periods for different activities were

used.


Major Industrial group Male Female Total Agriculture 365353 224052 589405

Fisheries 186299 50124 236423

Mining & Quarrying 8572 3641 12213

Manufacturing 67886 69605 137491

Electricity and Water 597 N/A 597

Construction 18030 209 18239

Trade & Hotels 69311 30397 99708

Transport & Communication 7990 638 8628

Insurance and Real Estate 595 151 746

Personal Service 31390 19068 50458

Not Defined 7685 866 8551

Total 763708 398751 1162459

Figure 35 Distribution of working children by major industrial group and gender.


Total distribution of working children by major

industrial group

50%

20%

1%

12%

0%

2%

9%

1%

0%

4%

1%

Agriculture

Fisheries

Mining & Quarrying

Manufacturing

Electricity and Water

Construction

Trade & Hotels

Transport &

Communication Insurance and Real Estate

Personal Service

Not Defined

Figure 36 Total distribution of working children by major industrial grouplxxxv


6.2 HEALTH AND SAFETY OF WORKING CHILDREN

Major Industrial Group

Total number of children working in

sector

Number experienced injury/illness

Agriculture 589405 97010 10%

Fisheries 236423 80145 9%

Mining & Quarrying 12213 2557 21%

Manufacturing 137491 12193 9%

Construction 18239 3588 20%

Trade & Hotels 99708 2980 2%

Services 50458 7364 15%

Other 18522 3075 14%

Total 1162459 208912 100%

Figure 37 Recorded Incidences of child injuries by major industrial group.

Recorded incidents of accident where child

workers have been injured

50%

20%

1%

12%

2%

9%

4% 2%

Agriculture

Fisheries

Mining & Quarrying

Manufacturing

Construction

Trade & Hotels

Services

Other

Figure 38 Recorded incidences of child injuries by major industrial grouplxxxvi.


6.3 REASON FOR LETTING CHILD WORK

When a child is already working at the time of the survey and if he/she is a family

member of the household the parents of the child were inquired in to the reason for

letting the child work.

Main Reason

Attending school or other educational

vocational/ technical institution

Not attending school or other educational vocational/technical

institution

To supplement household income 641682 217610

To pay outstanding debt 140229 103664

Under contract arrangement 327 303

To asst. / help household enterprises 444942 55757

Education / training is not suitable 651 19056

Education / training are too far 55533 38830

Other - NA NA

Total 1283364 435220

Figure 39 Distribution of working children by main reason for letting the child work and also school attendance status.

Main Reason Male Female

To supplement household income 68097 35567

To pay outstanding debt under contract arrangement 238 65

To asst. / help household enterprises 34422 21335

Education / training is not suitable 13264 5792

Education / training is too far off a distance from home 26720 12110

Total 142741 74869

Figure 40 Distribution of working children not attending an educational institution by main reason for letting the child work by genderlxxxvii

.


6.4 CHILD LABOUR IN ANCHORAGES AND LANDING SITES

One of the most pernicious forms of child labour in Sri Lanka is that reported to have

prevailed until very recently in the fishing industry. Children were recruited by job

placement agents to clean, salt and dry fish in fishing camps of vaadiyas situated in

villages or on islands along the north, west and eastern costs. The camps tend to be

very remote and police sources indicate that these children are kept in conditions of

virtual slavery. Ill nourished, harassed and physically abused by both their employees

and other workers in the camps, they would toil long hours in the open, exposed to

extreme heat, receiving no wages. It has been even suggested that children where

occasionally kidnapped for this work. In general the Government has shown little

concern for these children. However, on one occasion a former Minister of Fisheries

accompanied officials on raid of a vadiya in Trincomalee, on the east coast and

released a group of boys who had apparently been held in appealing circumstance.

The camp owner received a warning not to employ children in the future. More recent

evidences indicate that children are perhaps no longer employed in fishing camps.

Although the present conflict makes it impossible to verify the exact situation in these

areas, it has been suggested that the militants may have used their own methods to

destroy the fishing camps and eliminate child exploitation in this occupationlxxxviii.

Unfortunately the trend seems to be that both government and insurgents seem to

only care about the exploitation of children when it casts a shadow on their practices.

There is no zero tolerance of child labour and the usage of child soldiers in Sri Lanka,

however on the surface from an outsider perspective children rights seem to be more

respected at least in urban areas such as Colombo. In the coastal areas and rural

areas the inclination seems to be that children are expected to contribute and to work

although the extent of that work has not been accurately measured in statistical data.


7 CONCLUSION

The situation of fisher folk within the livelihood fishing sector varies greatly from the

situation in the western and southern districts and the situation in the northern and

eastern district. This development gap is unfortunate but the ongoing conflict and the

worsening security situation is one of the biggest bottleneck and hindrance to the

ongoing philanthropic development in the island. The ideal working ground for

governmental donor agencies would be a conflict free working environment where

there would be a possibility to contribute to development in all regions of the island.

However with the worsening security situation the development gap between the

North and the East and then the South and the West is only going to widen.

The fisher folk of Sri Lanka have suffered immensely in the last two years, they have

suffered from a decade long civil war and a Tsunami incident that has contributed to

the loss of homes, families, fishing gear and boats. Also the fisher folk are suffering

because of the general class sentiment that their profession is not respectable since

the fishermen are unable to uphold the social values of their predecessors because

of increasing poverty and social problems. Therefore it is necessary to start a project

that would aim to improve the social welfare of the fisher folk working within livelihood

fisheries.


Figure 41 Concept of improvement of social welfare and social security situation of fisher folk in anchorages and landing sites proposed project.

The recommendation is therefore that some imperative action will be taken to launch

community development projects which aim to solve some of the socio economic

problems that the fisher folk are currently facing both because of increase poverty,

ongoing conflict and the tsunami disaster.

thorvardarson-development prospects

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