tschokwe whistles instruments of communication and marks ......laurenty’s tremendously meticulous...

This account, transcribed directly from anoral testimony given by Mrs. HenriqueQuirino da Fonesca* more than sixty years

after leaving Angola, is extremely valuable.Indeed, we know very little of the precise usemade of these small, refined wood or ivoryobjects whose beauty is often complemented bymagnificently polished heads. These whistles areoften featured in monographs and museum cat-alogs dealing with Tschokwe art but the subjectof their purpose is hardly ever raised.

José Redinha1, a Portuguese ethnologistwho started researching in Angola in themiddle of the 1930’s, gave the followingaccount of his observations at the beginningof his stay: « According to the natives, duringthe period of the tribal wars, there were indi-viduals who were able to convey rather longand precise messages using these whistles. Thiswas generally done at night and across oppo-site banks of large rivers through imitation ofnight birds’ songs. » In addition, according toJean-Sébastien Laurenty2, these whistles areprimarily used as purveyors of messages andused during hunts, wars or in secret societies.

A succession of « high » and « low » soundsproduced through the whistle stand for certainset phrases that are common to a « group ofpopulations ». In the introduction to his impor-tant study of central African aerophones,Laurenty recounts the anecdote of a « govern-ment official who was concerned with pre-venting the full-blown scattering of inhabitantsof a town where he was to go collect taxes and

be a general nuisance for he had learned thatnews of his arrival had spread from village to vil-lage ». Far more effective than the whistle, slit-gong drums, horns and even « shrieked words »were considered the most dangerously efficientforms of « rupestrial telephony ». In this sense,the tax collector of Laurenty’s story had confis-cated all the slit-gong drums of the region yetthe people of the countryside were nonethelessstill aware of his imminent arrival…

Marie-Louise Bastin3 defines the whistle asan instrument whose « primary purpose is tocall people »; to call them back from the bushor to the village, for example, or to call for helpduring the hunt.

Whistles were also used during wartime inthe hopes of intimidating the enemy by makingas much noise as possible.

A large diversity of shapesUsing the immense collection housed at theTervuren Museum, Laurenty (1974) has identi-fied fifteen or so different shapes of woodenwhistles. To this catalog he also added as manyshapes of ivory instruments and identified stillother forms of whistles made of hollowedraffia nuts, crab claws or cow horns.

What is most important to retain fromLaurenty’s tremendously meticulous study isthat the distribution of figurative whistles dec-orated with heads or even sometimes entirefigurines seems to sum up the whole ofAngolan whistle production.

With the exception of pieces that can be

100 Art Tribal 02 / SPRING 2003

Tschokwe WhistlesInstruments of Communicationand Marks of PrestigeeBy Dominique Remondino

Fig. 1: Tschokwewhistle, Cikunzamask, R.D.C.,Angola.Wood. H.: 9,4 cm.© Musée Dapper.Inv. n° 2171.Photo H. Dubois.

« We were always surprised to remark how efficiently and quickly news got around. The “indigenouspeoples” were aware of the country’s news — sometimes of news from as far away as the Congo —well before us and well before the official modes of communication reached us. They sent each othermessages in a host of different ways, notably using these whistles. »

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Art Tribal 02 / SPRING 2003 101

Tschokwe Whistles. Instruments of Communication and Marks of Prestigee



Fig. 2: Whistleadorned with twosculpted antelopehorns.O. CohenCollection, Geneva.

Fig. 3: Whistleshowing a mask. Wood. H.: 9,5 cm.Ex-coll. HenriqueQuirino da Fonseca.

Fig. 4: Tschokwewhistle withoutany figurativeornamentation.Wood. H.: 13,2cm.Ex-coll. HenriqueQuirino da Fonseca.

Fig. 5 (face andback): Figurativewhistle with abeautifulheaddress. Thisobject wascollected before1910.Ex-coll. Vicomted’Ouvrier, before1935.Exposed at theExpositionInternationale deParis, section coloniale Belge,1938.Private Coll.

Fig. 6: Plate ofobjects from H.Baumann, 1935, p. 91.

Dominique Remondino



Dominique Remondino




Fig. 7: Plate ofdrawings fromAlbum Etnografico(no date ofpublication), J.Redinha. The plateis signed and dated1937.

Fig. 8: Tschokwewhistle, R.D.C.,Angola.Wood. H.: 10,2cm.© Musée Dapper.Inv. n° 2174.Photo H. Dubois.


Fig. 9: Plate ofdrawings fromAlbum Etnografico(no date ofpublication), J.Redinha. The plateis signed and dated1937.

Fig. 10: Whistle ina shape of a headwith a standingfigure. This motif,of which the inter-pretation remainsdifficult, is near awhistle drawnedby J. Redinha (seefig. 9), describedby him as a «cyclist ».In : Laurenty, Jean-Sébastien, La systé-matique des aéro-phones de l’Afriquecentrale, 1974.Collection Muséeroyal de l’Afriquecentrale, Tervuren.


Dominique Remondino


attributed to the Pende, Yaka or Luluwa peo-ples, they are for the most part the work ofTschokwe sculptors working on either side ofthe border between the Lunda, the north-western part of Angola, and the southernregions of the Congo. In this sense, we can rec-ognize the figurative whistle as mode of artisticexpression proper to the Tschokwe peoples andmore specifically those in the Lunda region thatis the richest in sculpture of all Tschokwe zones.

Laurenty’s study focuses most specifically onformal aspects of the whistle as a wind instru-ment and does not attempt an ample interpre-tive iconographical analysis. We can nonethe-less surmise that Tschokwe whistles can be sep-arated into two main categories. First, there arepurely utilitarian instruments that can never-theless be very beautiful on a formal level.Next, some whistles seem to be objectsdemonstrative of a certain prestige. « As we

often observe when studying personal objects», notes José Redinha, « whistles belonging tomasters of ceremonies, hunters, war chiefs andother people of a certain social rank are oftenvery finely finished, artistically speaking ».Redinha also relates another anecdote thatsupports this claim: « Once, when we wereparticipating in a hunters’ festival, we saw thewar chiefs use the whistles during combat sim-ulations and their habit and experience withthe instruments was obvious: they nimbly blewinto their whistles and created signals by cov-ering the tone holes with their fingers and thenproudly and emphatically held the whistles infront of their chest ».

The difficulty of interpreting the whistles’iconographyIn some circumstances, we can make specula-tions regarding the social status of a person

Fig. 11: Twowhistle showinghairdresses withhorns.On left, thiswhistle wasdrawned by par J.Redinha in 9137(voir fig. 7),described by himas « representing achief ».Wood. H.: 10,5and 10 cm.Private Coll.



through analysis of the heads or figurines thatadorn a whistle belonging to him. For example,whistles decorated with a Cikunza mask (fig. 1and 8, bottom) were probably crafted for ahunter. This particular mask represents a kindlyspirit, particularly beneficial in matters offecundity or hunting5. Redinha describes awhistle sketched in 1937 (fig. 10 and 11) thatseemingly represents a masked dancer andsupposedly belonged to a tribal chief6. Hebases his hypothesis on the presence of a par-ticular style of antelope horns that also adornthe chief’s headdress and chest. This is prob-ably also the case of the fine specimen pre-sented in figure 15, especially considering theheaddress and the hieratic purity of the sub-ject’s face. The whistle presented in figure 14shows a person who is sitting, holding his chin;this is a motif that can be identified on otherpieces, notably staves and batons, combs ordivinatory figurines. Hermann Baumann7 inter-prets this motif as a representative reference toancestors. Apparently little certainty aboundsin this particular domain. Authors are sparingof commentaries and we are left with theimpression that the better-quality whistles,finely sculpted and evidently quite old — exam-

ples of which Redinha could still come acrossduring the 1930’s —, belonged to « castes » ofwarriors and hunters that had, by the timewhen Redinha was in the field, largely disap-peared: « A few miserable states — if we caneven call them such — subsist from the time ofthis region’s great history, less than 50 yearsago! The rulers’ role has been reduced to thatof derisory village chiefs [...] » (Baumann,Lunda, 1935)8.

Among ethnologists who have done in situresearch in Angola, one in particular has cer-tainly not been duly recognized for his work,and I am speaking of Hermann Baumann. AGerman ethnologist, Baumann first traveled toAngola in 1930 at a time when the countrywas very poorly explored yet was known toWesterners through the writings of Carvalho,Cameron, Capello-Ivens, and Pogge amongothers.

The focus of his initial voyage was to studyAngolan peoples and, more importantly, to col-lect ethnographic objects for Berlin’s museum.These objects were published in 1935 alongwith a selection of Baumann’s photographs in abook that is practically impossible to trackdown today entitled Lunda. Bei Bauern und


Dominique Remondino

Fig. 12 (face andprofile): Whistleshowing a maskeddancer. Two smallantelope horns canbe seen on thechest, and on theback of theheaddress. Thiswhistle is the samedrawned by J.Redinha (see fig.9).Wood. H.: 8 cm.Ex-coll. HenriqueQuirino da Fonseca.

Fig. 13: Ivorywhistle. This typeis also knownamong the Pende,Congo. The modeldrawned by J.Redinha (see fig.9) is more elabo-rated.Ivory. H.: 12 cm.Ex-coll. HenriqueQuirino da Fonseca.

Fig. 14: Whistlewith a seatingfigure, the elbowson the knees andthe head sup-porting by thehands.Wood. H.: 12 cm.Ex-coll. HenriqueQuirino da Fonseca.


Jägern im Inner-Angola (« Lunda. The farmers’and hunters’ lands of central Angola »). Wewill not hazard a judgment as to whether ornot the book’s title — not indicative of its con-tent — or simply its language and the politicalclimate at the time of its publication con-tributed to the surprising lack of interest that itgenerated. We must nevertheless recognizethe value of the profound study it offers of thematerial and spiritual life of the Tschokwepeople of the Lunda region. In fact, the outlineof Marie-Louise Bastin’s forthcoming researchis already present here. In the interest of this

study we will not discuss Baumann’s conclu-sions yet it behooves us to examine the nature,quality and diversity of the objects he amassedin 1930. A large number of masks are pre-sented as well as the contents of divinationbaskets, a large number of chairs and figurativechairs, fine yet modest snuffboxes, figurativecombs and finally several small statues and util-itarian objects. One sole yet pretty whistle ispresented amid other musical instruments (fig.6). As to be expected, there are, in Baumann’scatalog, no imposing sculptures of Tschokwechiefs and no scepters either — just like in the




Dundo Museum’s collection, constitutedshortly thereafter.

Throughout his book, Baumann complainsabout the long hikes — far from the troddenpaths and railways — that he had to undertakein order to secure ancient and authenticaccounts of the region’s indigenous culture. Thisvoyage lasted only a few months yet he broughtback nearly 1,400 objects as well as many rollsof still- and movie-films. All of this material wasentrusted to the Ethnographic Museum of Berlinyet much of it was destroyed by allied bombingduring World War II. Our German author tells usthat the Portuguese colonists had stripped theformerly all-powerful chiefs of any real authority.During the 1930’s, surely no more formal «courts » of dignitaries or warriors existed: thesocial structure was seemingly defined by thenew colonial administration. All that remainedwere village chiefs who were instilled with astrange aura of dignity, informed by a century-old tradition and the reminiscence of bygoneglory. The ethnographic materials that Baumannbrought back to Berlin reflect this reality: thereare no objects that could be qualified as «courtly » or « royal ». On the other hand, thePortuguese were far less concerned with theritual and animist activities of the Angolan tribes.For this reason, masks, divinatory objects andmagical tools of all sorts abound in thesemuseum collections of the 1930’s. At this time,these objects were still being created and used,just like traditional musical instruments and var-ious decorative jewelry, etc.

In this way, we can view the figurative whis-tles as attributes of social class. Their produc-tion flourished but then faded and graduallydisappeared concurrently with the decline ofthe chieftaincy courts as early as the end of thenineteenth century. It is true all the same theRedinha still found some impressive examplesin the field during the second half of the1930’s, but with the exception of those that hequalified as « modern », the whistles were forthe most sculpted part in the nineteenth cen-tury. The oral accounts that he collected alsomake reference to the century past: memoriesof war practices from a bygone era and reen-actments of tribal wars dating from a bellicoseand glorious past.

*Henrique Quirino da Fonseca4 worked for theAngolan Diamond Company (the “Diamang”) startingin 1924 and become its Director in 1932. Intrigued andattracted by the indigenous culture of Angola, this high-placed civil servant was the impetus behind the con-struction and the collections of the Dundo Museum. Hiswidow recalls that he employed two full-time « special-ized » assistants to amass indigenous objects in thebush: « Sometimes they came back empty-handed fromexpeditions that sometimes lasted for weeks. Othertimes the expedition was particularly fruitful and wewould admire the pieces they brought back and listento the telling of their adventures ». According to evi-dence available to us, one of these assistants was noneother than José Redinha, the famous Portuguese eth-nologist and director of the Angola Museum since 1959and author of many scientific publications. In a bookentitled Album etnografico, he relates stories about col-lecting objects in the bush and gives detailed accountsof the circumstances surrounding their finding. Thisbook also includes plates of remarkably precise sketchesmade between 1936 and 1940 (fig. 8 and 11). In thesesketches we can make out many famous objects andnotably several having belonged to Henrique Quirinoda Fonesca.

Notes :1. Redinha, Album Ethnografico, pp. 5-14.2. Voir Laurenty, 1974, p. 13.3. Bastin, 1961, p. 352.4. Remondino, 2002.5. Bastin, 1961, p. 371.6. Redinha, Album Ethnografico, p. 30.7. Baumann, 1935, p. 67.8. Heintze, 1999, p. 139.

BibliographyRedinha, José, Album Etnografico, Luanda, Angola (s.d.).Baumann, Hermann, Bei Bauern und Jägern im Inner-

Angola, Berlin, 1935.Bastin, Marie-Louis, Arts Décoratifs Tschokwe, 2 vol., Museu

do Dundo-Lunda-Angola, Lisboa, 1961.Laurenty, Jean-Sébastien, La systématique des aérophones

de l’Afrique centrale, Musée royal de l’Afrique centrale,Tervuren, 1974.

Heintze, Beatrix, Ethnografische Aneignungen, Hamburg,1999.

Remondino, Dominique, La collection Henrique Quirino DaFonseca, Éditions D, Genève, 2002.


Dominique Remondino

Fig. 15: Whistleornamented with ahead of a chief.Wood. H.: 8 cm.Ex-coll. HenriqueQuirino da Fonseca.

Fig. 16: Figurativetschokwe whistle,R.D.C., Angola.Wood. H.: 6,8 cm.© Musée Dapper.Inv. n° 2175.Photo H. Dubois.


tschokwe whistles instruments of communication and marks ......laurenty’s tremendously meticulous...

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