by thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
TRANSCRIPT
Emerging 'New cities' in Africa and socio-spatial inequality:
A case study of the Eko Atlantic City project in Lagos,
Nigeria
BY
Adebayo Akesanju Kester
THESIS
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master in Urban and Regional Planning
at the University of Amsterdam, 2014
Amsterdam, Netherlands
Acknowledgment
I dedicate this work to Adeyanju, whose life has brought resolve into mine. My sincere
gratitude also goes to my thesis supervisor, Anita Blessing, for her patience and consistent
support throughout this process. I am particularly thankful for her words of encouragement and
vote of confidence. I thank my lovely wife, Elizabeth, for her overwhelming support, love and
sacrifice. Many thanks to Gloria and Seun, for taking the time to proof-read and edit this work. I
also thank the Amsterdam Merit Scholarship committee at the University of Amsterdam for
offering me the scholarship that has made this study possible.
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Table of Contents Chapter 1 Overview .................................................................................................................... 1
Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 1
Aim and Relevance ................................................................................................................ 3
Theoretical Framework and Hypothesis..................................................................................... 5
Problem Statement ................................................................................................................... 7
Research Design and Methods .................................................................................................. 2
Structure of thesis ..................................................................................................................... 4
Chapter 2 Review of the Literature ............................................................................................. 1
Urban Transformations ............................................................................................................. 1
Planning In Nigeria .................................................................................................................. 3
New Urban Policy and Reviving the City................................................................................... 5
The Neo-Liberal City ................................................................................................................ 6
Urban Development Projects................................................................................................... 10
New Urban Policy in Global South? ........................................................................................ 12
EAC and the Influence of Modernist Planning ......................................................................... 15
Chapter 3 City and Project Profile ............................................................................................. 18
City profile ............................................................................................................................. 18
Eko Atlantic City (EAC) ......................................................................................................... 23
New Cities in Africa ............................................................................................................... 27
Accumulation by dispossession? .............................................................................................. 31
Chapter 4 Social Inequality ....................................................................................................... 34
Early theories on social-spatial inequality................................................................................. 34
The Urban Divide ................................................................................................................... 36
Socio-spatial inequality in Africa ............................................................................................. 40
The socio-spatial reality in Lagos ............................................................................................. 40
Chapter 5 Findings .................................................................................................................... 53
Transportation ........................................................................................................................ 53
Housing ................................................................................................................................. 57
Interview Responses ............................................................................................................... 58
Chapter 6 Discussion and Conclusion ....................................................................................... 64
NUP, just city and African Cities ............................................................................................ 64
Theoretical justification for NUP ............................................................................................. 65
Urban Development Projects and the New Urban Policy .......................................................... 65
Summary ............................................................................................................................... 69
iv
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 72
Recommendations and further research ................................................................................... 73
Bibliography.............................................................................................................................. 75
v
Acronyms
ABD – Accumulation by Dispossession
BRT – Bus Rapid Transit
CBD – Central Business District EAC – Eko Atlantic City
EAC – Eko Atlantic City
EIA – Environmental Impact Assessment
IMF – International Monetary Fund
LAMATA – Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority
LASEEDS – Lagos State Economic Empowerment Development Strategy
LASG – Lagos State Government
LRT – Light Rail Transit
NEP – New Economic Policy
NUP – New Urban Policy
SAP – Structural Adjustment Program
UDP – Urban Development Project
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Chapter 1 Overview
Introduction
As equity and socio-economic/spatial polarization becomes more pertinent to the urban
experience, it becomes more crucial for planners to; at worst discuss issues concerning this
problem and at best help mitigate increasing its growth. This research topic is centered on new
urban spaces being created or re-designated in major urban centers and their implications on
socio-spatial inequality. The research focuses on the Eko Atlantic City project (EAC) in Lagos,
Nigeria. A city currently characterized by intense urbanization and unparalleled infrastructural
growth. EAC is a three-fold urban transformation project, purported to (1) address some of the
physical and planning challenges being faced by Lagos city, (2) improve the global
competitiveness of the city by boosting its local economy through attraction of foreign
investment and (3) respond to the global climate crisis which is assumed to be the cause of the
surging Atlantic ocean shoreline. The project is a collaboration between the state government
and several private institutions; developers, investors and banks.
EAC presents an illustration of a combination of processes (urban development,
economic growth and governance) that influences the ways in which the built environment is
shaped. Urban development is a process that involves the social and physical improvement of an
urban area. Economic growth can be referred to as the capacity of an economy to increase the
production of goods and services over a period of time. Governance is the decision-making
process that involves the division of power and responsibilities across various actors. The Eko
Atlantic city proposes socio-economic development but the processes within it may generate
externalities such as socio-spatial polarization – a social dilemma that can never be over-
emphasized. The level of socio-spatial disparity is often reflected in the physical configuration of
a city, which is also a representation of the city’s urban development policies. In spite of efforts
to upgrade most major African cities, sub-standard living conditions remains one of the biggest
challenges, with continued rise of shanty towns amidst pockets of middle to high income
neighborhoods. The UNHABITAT (2010) describe this challenge as “complex processes of
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socio-spatial segregation that causes substantial intra-metropolitan differences and inequality in
service provision”.
About 60% of urban populations in sub-Saharan Africa live in slum conditions
(UNHABITAT, 2009). As such most African cities, particularly the larger ones are characterized
by highly fragmented and spatially uneven physical environment. This condition is attributable
to the concentration of development and investment in selected areas of the city and neglect of
other parts. As a consequence, the quality life for those inhabiting in disadvantaged areas are so
poor, producing effects such as high risk diseases, uncontrolled waste pollution due to unsanitary
conditions and increased crime rate due to poverty. Despite these challenges, urban governments
in Africa are lately pursuing monumental urban development projects that are purported to
address some of the urban planning challenges. These efforts, appear on one hand to be an
attempt at improving the quality of life and boost the financial position of the few elites and
authorities involved, and on the other hand, to attract and sell real-estate to foreign investors and
the emerging middle-class. In this regard, Swyngedouw, et al. (2002), argues that such urban
development projects (UDP) creates an “elite playing field” where the agenda is to shape urban
future according to the desire of the most powerful among the stakeholders, leading to different
mechanisms of inclusion/exclusion. In the process of achieving this, different policy tools are
used to further the interest of powerful stakeholders.
Provision of certain public infrastructures or urban regeneration initiatives requires
enormous capital investment, particularly in low-income countries. Accordingly it becomes
inevitable for state authorities to aggressively seek finance in the absence of adequate capital. It
is in the process of seeking capital that several institutional arrangements (rules of contract or
private property) are made by state authorities such that the risk increases, of defeating the
purpose for which they are trying to achieve. One of such risks is the concentration of wealth and
power in the hands of a few as a result of allocation of collectively held property for the purpose
of profit maximization. A process described by David Harvey (2009)as accumulation by
dispossession (ABD). Accumulation by dispossession involves a process in which there is a
centralization of wealth and power in the hands of a few while dispossessing the public of their
wealth (Harvey, 2009). Privatization or commodification of public goods, one of four key tools
used in accumulation by dispossession is often used to transfer public property into private hands,
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where the transformed ‘good’ can then be resold or rented to the public. This action has been
attributed to ideas promoted by highly capitalist societies and as Harvey contends, leads to
income and social inequality.
“The inability to accumulate through continuous expanded reproduction has given rise to
attempts to accumulate by dispossession”...…….conversion of various forms of property rights –
common, collective, state, etc. – into exclusive private property rights (Harvey, 2009).
While ambitious and futuristic urban planning is nonetheless positive, policy makers,
planners, and local governments must ensure it is achieved without compromising the
proprietary or accessibility rights of the common public. This is more important when it involves
the use or conversion of collectively owned property such as natural resources or land. Following
this, Vanessa Watson contends that “the possibility exists that poorer urban dwellers in Africa’s
larger cities will find themselves not only dispossessed of land but also of political rights”
(Watson, 2013). Associated with process of accumulation by dispossession is the existence of an
urban regime or growth coalition (see Stone, 1989; Logan & Molotch, 2007). These are a group
of key stakeholders who are central in the organization and achievement of the projects that seek
to improve the quality of urban life or make the city highly productive.
Aim and Relevance
This topic is of personal and professional significance, seeing that I was born and spent
most of my life in Lagos, Nigeria. Consequently I feel more challenged as a planner to examine
some of the planning problems facing the city with the hope of applying my expertise at some
point in my career. This research opportunity offers a platform to explore a real-world scenario,
interact with experts and collect valuable data that may be useful for this and further research. In
addition to the aforementioned motive, this paper intends to further reinforce the social-justice
policy agenda of organizations such as UNHABITAT as well as add to the momentum for
inequality and inclusiveness in spatial planning processes. Furthermore this research is more
pertinent considering the recent global economic relevance of Nigeria within the MINT (Mexico,
Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey) countries category (Forbes, 2014). Perhaps the Eko Atlantic
project represents one way in which Nigeria is trying to keep up with this concocted reputation.
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In addition, since the case study shares some characteristic with the concept of “charter
cities” – a public-private partnership and an extreme form of urban development initiative. It is
noteworthy to examine the equity implications of the project under study considering
speculations that such ‘new’ city formations allows a transformative strategy for the socio-
economic and spatial growth of developing countries (Macdonald-Laurier Institute, 2012). While
the idea of a Charter City is not an exact resemblance of EAC, it however shares similar
characteristic with it, for instance with its three main premises (Caplan, 2010):
1. An uninhabited piece of city-sized land, provided voluntarily by a host government.
2. A charter that specifies the rules that will govern the new city.
3. The freedom for would-be Charter City residents, investors, and employers to move in or out.
This extreme case of urban development makes it more important to investigate the
validity of EAC as a variant of the private city concept albeit on a smaller-scale, especially with
the presumption of it being potentially governed similar to the “Charter City” model (Society for
International Development, 2010). Vanessa Watson (2013) in an article African Urban Fantasies:
Dreams or Nightmares furthered the debate on socio-spatial inequality by illustrating an
emerging pattern of new city development drawing on nine African cities. She suggested the
need for academic research into these “new cities”, especially as new forms of global forces are
shaping the future of urban centers in Africa.
Hence this research hopes to make a connection between this emerging trend in Africa
and existing discourses on urban development projects (UDPs), particularly as it reflects a form
of New Urban Policy. The objective of the research is to investigate the potential effects of this
newly planned private city in Lagos, amidst efforts to deal with complex urban challenges in the
metropolis. While investigating the case, attention will be given to its implications on socio-
spatial inequality. Socio-spatial inequality in this context will be analyzed in terms of disparity in
the accessibility to key essential infrastructures such as housing, transportation and quality of life.
Slight emphasis will also be paid on the distribution of state investment
This research also intends to look at how this project contributes to the urban
development and spatial planning of the city. While this scenario is observed through a particular
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case study, passive comparisons will be made with other similar projects or variants to identify
any particular relationship. The focus on urban development projects is relevant in this research
as it encompasses crucial processes; financial, institutional, physical and social that affect the
livelihood and opportunities of urban dwellers. This case exemplifies one of such, especially as it
involves the transfer of a common-pool resource (land) into private hands. The end goal of this
study is to assess the policies and processes behind this urban intervention, observe any
mismatch between policy proposals and actual circumstances. And lastly offer recommendations
on how socio-spatial considerations can be adapted to the present or future projects. The
discussion generated from this thesis with the aid of established urban theories, is expected to
enhance the discourse on contemporary planning practices in African cities, underline the
developmental trends and suggest possible paths towards best practices.
Theoretical Framework and Hypothesis
This extended literature review on a case study (Eko Atlantic City) will primarily be set
on the backdrop of Swyngedouw, et al’s. (2002) study of Urban Development Projects (UDP)
and New Urban Policy (NUP). Although derived from a study of twelve European countries, the
reserach analyzes the way in which globalization and liberalization influences the production of
new forms and scales of governance and the relationship between large-scale UDPs and political,
social, economic power relations in the city. Swyngedouw, et al. (2002) theorizes thus:
1. Large-scale UDPs have increasingly been used as a vehicle to establish exceptionality
measures in planning and policy procedures. This is part of a neoliberal “New Urban
Policy” approach and its selective “middle- and upperclass” democracy. It is associated
with new forms of “governing” urban interventions, characterized by less democratic and
more elite-driven priorities.
2. Local democratic participation mechanisms are not respected or are applied in a very
formalist way, resulting in a new choreography of elite power.
3. The UDPs are poorly integrated at best into the wider urban process and planning system.
As a consequence, their impact on a city as a whole and on the areas where the projects
are located remains ambiguous.
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4. Most UDPs accentuate socioeconomic polarization through the working of real-estate
markets (price rises and displacement of social or low-income
5. The UDPs reflect and embody a series of processes that are associated with changing
spatial scales of governance; these changes, in turn, reflect a shifting geometry of power
in the governing of urbanization.
The indicators presented by Swyngedouw, et al. (2002) of the outcomes of UDPs will be
assessed against EAC to identify any similarities in motive and consequences. In addition to this
framework other relevant ideas such as, growth coalition, urban regime and accumulation by
dispossession will however be incorporated into the discussion in order to generate a substantial
argument. The premise will be to disprove or substantiate the hypothesis that “urban
development projects like the EAC exacerbates socio-spatial inequality” through its inherent
processes.
In terms of urban development projects, business elites, politicians and other stakeholders
all acting in their own interest, are encouraged to favor new development projects that are
supportive of the needs of business and economic development, as opposed to the overall
wellbeing of the local inhabitants. This practice is consistent with the urban regime theory (Stone,
1989; Stoker & Mossberger, 1994) which presumes the effectiveness of public service delivery
as dependent on the cooperation between non-governmental actors and state capacity. Similarly
Logan and Molotch (1987; 2007) argue that the “growth machine”- a combination of
entrepreneurs and urban politicians favor increased economic development at the expense of
neighborhood residents and other vulnerable stakeholders, resulting in physical and social
externalities. In the case of Eko Atlantic City, one prominent feature is the manner in which the
primary resource being used (land) is materialized. This method raises questions of proprietary
rights and discretionary distribution of common wealth.
Here, accumulation by dispossession (ABD) provides a lens from which to view the acquisition
process of the land being used to build the Eko Atlantic City. Within ABD commonly used tools
include: privatization, financialization, manipulation of crises and state redistribution. In this
case, the conversion of property rights – privatization of collectively owned seabed – into prime
real estate for investors and the extremely wealthy appears like an exemplary element of
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accumulation by dispossession. A critical view to the project proposition is the question “for
whom” development is really sought? Does the representation in the decision-making process
reflect a general public or the privileged few? Is the new development planned in the context of
an overall advantage?
Problem Statement
While urban development policies and strategies are accompanied by economic and
infrastructural growth, there seems to be a lacking of adequate measures that facilitate spatial
balance such that urban opportunities are available to majority of urban dwellers. In light of this,
Watson (2013) argues that the spatial separation of rich and poor inherent in new re-development
projects increases the likelihood of urban spatial and social inequalities at an unprecedented scale.
Increasing competition for global city status coupled with intense urbanization and rapid
economic growth seems plausible for the justification for large-scale urban projects, nevertheless
it is worth debating whether the measures taken by city authorities properly address concerns
about socio-spatial inequality. More so, with the rhetoric of how such projects is expected to
increase the economic viability and subsequently livability of the city, through a multiplier effect.
It is from this juncture this research proceeds, to explore the socio-spatial considerations and
accessibility to public goods in the developmental proposition of the Eko Atlantic City (EAC).
A UNHABITAT (2013, p. 39) report claims that speculative real estate development in
many large urban centers excludes not just the poor but the middle-class too, creating an
assortment of privileged and underprivileged areas across the city. Inequality exists in different
variations in the society; however the focus of this research will be on socio-spatial inequality, a
concept associated with social justice but informed by physical spaces. While the definition of
socio-spatial inequality has been scarcely grounded academically, the connotation surrounding it
includes but is not limited to (in)accessibility to public infrastructure or goods, spatial disparity,
exclusivity, annexation and social capital.
“Spatial divisions exacerbate inequality…..divisions between rich and poor
neighborhoods can generate further exclusion and marginalization…..increasing the likelihood of
crime and violence “ (UNHABITAT, 2013).
2
Socio-spatial inequality contributes to the ‘cycle of poverty’ and continued decline in
quality of life and it does so by restricting the distribution of public goods and services that are
supposed to ensure the overall development of city inhabitants. It may also undermine the health,
productivity and overall growth of a city since the externalities (pollution, congestion, crime)
generated by the less-provided-for affects the general population.
Research questions and Conceptual framework
Research question(s):
To what extent does the EAC as an urban development project reflect the New
Urban Policy?
How does the EAC reinforce socio-spatial inequality within the city?
How will the EAC be integrated into the wider planning system?
To what extent are local stakeholders included in the decision-making process?
Schematic framework
Research Design and Methods
i. Basic design: In order to conduct this investigation, I have adopted the representative or
typical case study design which enables a researcher to observe a case because it exemplifies
a broader phenomenon (Yin, 2009; Bryman, 2012). Although case studies can be applied to
either quantitative or qualitative research, it tends to favour qualitative methods because it is
more useful in the generation of detailed examination of a case (Bryman, 2012, p. 68). In the
context of what I am trying to uncover, a case study will be the most appropriate as it
provides a comprehensive study of the project in reference to the research problem. The
Inclusiveness/Exclusiveness
Socio-Spatial inequality
Public goods
Growth
Equitable City
Urban Development
Project
(EAC)
PPP
New Urban Policy
Source: Author’s Illustration
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project represents a critical case of the phenomena being probed and therefore requires a
microscopic view in order to validate its relevance with the theories being used.
ii. Case study type: The relevant case study design will be the embedded multiple-unit of
analysis (Yin, 2009). This is because the research will be looking at the concept of urban
development strategies – which is the context – in relation to the project and the dynamics of
the city itself (case). The rationale for this case study is it’s representativeness of whether
urban development projects of this nature in Africa mitigate urban challenges or create
further socio-spatial inequality. The case study allows for an inquiry into such potential
scenario.
iii. Unit of analysis: The main units of analysis are the project itself; the proposal, proposed
benefits, institutional and financial arrangements. Another unit of analysis is the social and
spatial conditions of the city, as well as the distribution of infrastructure and investment.
iv. Crucial variables: The important variables that will be analyzed include housing, spatial
quality, and transportation. These three key themes have been selected because they are very
relevant to urban planning and the built environment, they also play a big role in the quality
of life of residents.
v. Sources of information: The sources of information and data for the research have been
retrieved from government policy documents, reports, expert opinions, maps and scholarly
articles. The information gathered have been analyzed, reviewed and interpreted in order to
extract the relevant data necessary for generating a clear and consistent argument.
Quantitative data has been obtained through government websites, policy documents and
other relevant sources while qualitative data was obtained by online email interview.
vi. Data measurement and analysis: The online interview was administered using questionnaires
sent by email. Potential respondents were first approached through an introductory email
requesting their participation in the study. This was then followed up with an email (Bryman,
et al., 2012) with an attached questionnaire, to those who agreed to participate. A total of ten
direct and open-ended questions were asked. This enables the flexibility of responses,
allowing for the interviewer to explore the world views and extended opinion of each
respondent (Bryman, et al., 2012). The qualitative data was interpreted using qualitative
content analysis, which is more suited for unstructured information, such as the semi- and
unstructured interviews or case studies (Bryman, et al., 2012) .
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vii. Limitations: Despite the obligation to achieve a coherent and valid argument, I am however
constrained by the inability to directly obtain information through physical interviews which
might be vital towards the outcome of the research. As such I will be relying on email
interview which is unconventional to social science research. Online email interview has
been used only as a last resort due to mobility constraints. Although online email interview is
new in social science research, it provides opportunity for extending sources of information
irrespective of associated constraints such as reduced mobility, time conflict, distance
(Bryman, et al., 2012). A further limitation to this study is the inherent subjectivity associated
with qualitative data. To reduce this potential I have attempted, as much as possible to
interpret the information obtained from the interview with minimal subjectivity.
Structure of thesis
The study begins (Chapter 2) with a review of relevant literature, where I analyze
previous discussions on urban transformations and the processes that lead to it. I start with a
historical perspective of how and why urban transformations occur, this is then followed by a
discussion on actors and processes that produce urban spaces. This section also includes a brief
review of planning and urban evolution in Nigeria as well as a review of urban policies relevant
for this research. This chapter goes on to analyze early policy instruments that have been applied
to help revive cities and the outcomes. I also look at how these policies have been transferred
from the developed nations to the developing nations. To conclude this chapter, I describe
modernist planning and its influence in the EAC seeing the noticeable connection between both.
In chapter three, I give a detailed description of the case study as well the city profile. I
discuss what the project entails, the actors involved and the general perception of the city.
Furthermore, I present a compilation of projects similar to EAC with the intention of
emphasizing a possible trend in the proposal of new African cities. This chapter concludes with
debate on the land acquisition process involved in the case study, drawing on David Harvey’s
proposition on accumulation by dispossession. Chapter four is dedicated to the discussion on
inequality. I begin with early theories on inequalities followed by a narrative on the urban divide
both in the global and African context. A subsection in this chapter also looks at the
government’s effort at improving the quality of the life of inhabitants, particularly with regards
5
to housing and transportation. I end this chapter with an account of the socio-spatial reality in
Lagos, illustrating existing dynamics of inequality.
Chapter five provides a summary of quantitative findings retrieved from documents,
government website, and other literatures. This chapter also offers qualitative findings obtained
from experts through online email interviewing. In chapter six, I revisit the idea of NUP,
connecting it with ideas of the ‘just city’ and how this might shape the future of African cities.
This is then followed by a theoretical justification of EAC using the theoretical framework from
Swyngedouw et.al (2002). I then present a summary on the findings and general discussion on
the case study. In this subsection, I attempt to answer the research questions posed as well as
justify the hypothesis. The last part of chapter six includes conclusions and recommendations for
future research.
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Chapter 2 Review of the Literature
Introduction
I begin this chapter by acknowledging the need to consistently improve the built
environment particularly as it relates to the quality of life of urban dwellers. This implies the
deployment and use of innovative social, political and economic mechanisms that are critical to
the continual development of physical spaces in societies. Significant measures should be taken
especially as endogenous forces influence economic growth and subsequently population and
urban growth. Endogenous forces such as industrialization and demographic change were
responsible for the urban transition in Europe (Beall & Fox, 2009).
Urban Transformations
From 19th century industrial Manchester to modern day Bangalore, similar challenges
such as pollution, over-crowding, and squalor have prompted the need to either improve the
quality of spaces or redesignate new – often well organized – spaces as better alternatives. H.B
Rodgers (1962), in his account of the suburban growth of Victorian Manchester argues that the
main utility derived from being successful in the city was the ability to escape the dreadfulness in
the city inevitably created by industrial growth. The “escape” according to Rodgers (1962, p. 8)
is analogous to the ever-increasing demand for secluded and more efficient spaces; spaces where
services are not constrained by inefficiency, where serenity is highly desired and where
simultaneously, capital accumulation and high levels of production is prevalent. Similarly, in
mid-nineteenth century New York City, Robert Moses’ vision for a more fluid, less congested
and more habitable living environment led to one of the city’s most significant transition era (see
Caro, 1975 for full account of Robert Moses’ accomplishments). Although the implemented
programs ended up becoming more destructive than constructive, the idea may have been
conceived out of the necessity to address the blight conditions of the city.
Baron Haussmann’s Paris is a similar example of attempts in transforming the city, in a
way that suited the ideals of the then emperor of France, Napoleon III. The transformations that
occurred in both cases although with different agendas – economic in New York and Symbolic
in Paris – are still highly visible today. It is conceivable that such motivations are what have
driven cities to become transformed or expanded over the years, producing outcomes such as
suburbanization, urban renewal and gentrification. For other cities, transformations have
2
occurred as a response to demographic change, climate adaptation or technology. Either way, the
patterns of evolution may lead one to accept change as being a crucial component for the
survival and growth of spaces or cities.
On how and why cities transform, several processes as well as rational actors are
combined in an array of arguments for and against ideologies perceived to be either beneficial or
deleterious to the city. These rational actors: policy makers, planners, architects, bankers and
bureaucrats, I will consider as custodians of the city and, while they may contrast in their
principles, they are interdependent and hold the key to the wellbeing of a city. The rationalities
argued by these actors include but are not restricted to economic growth, spatial or
environmental quality, competition, capital accumulation, urbanization, political power and
perhaps classism. In the end, the direction of urban development is often a result of the most
compatible ideas from participating actors. This leads us to the discussion on actors, who and
what their interests are and how they achieve their goals.
Following the works of Clarence Stone (1989) and Logan & Molotch (1987; 2007),
extensive analysis has gone into to the political economy of cities, producing concepts such as
urban regime theory and growth machine. Mossberger and Stoker (2001) describe the urban
regime theory as a dominant paradigm in the area of urban policy, used to explain the public-
private sector relationships in American cities. However, the concept has been successfully
adapted at various levels of governance in the US and UK (Mossberger & Stoker, 2001). While
Stone (1989) demonstrates the existence of different types of regimes, Logan & Molotch (1987;
2007) go further to define the relationship between regimes according to dominance. This growth
machine plays a central role in the direction in which the development of a city goes. They
determine the viability of certain municipal investments, influence the distribution of local
services and often play the leading role in the demand and supply of real estate.
As illustrated by Stone (1989) in his study of Atlanta, the growth regime primarily
included the business elite, banks, utility companies, major departmental stores and strong
political groups who all aspired to some mutual gain from a collective plan. It is in the workings
and coalition building of such arrangements that the developmental path of a city emerges,
usually inspired by material interest from each actor, and of course with the collaboration of
relevant government authorities. Developments that usually resulted from collaboration between
3
growth regimes could be shopping malls, stadiums, concert venues, water front developments,
Green or Brownfield revitalization projects or even completely new private cities as are being
proposed by advocates of the Charter City idea.
The ability of urban governments to adequately provide ‘public goods’ in the form of
social, transportation, physical infrastructures and housing is obviously reliant on its fiscal
capacity. However, most urban governments are increasingly unable to undertake this
responsibility due to various challenges from insufficient revenue to political or economic
instability. Harvey (1989) demonstrated this ineptitude of governments in highly capitalistic
societies, through their shift from traditional managerialism towards entrepreneurialism,
engaging more in governance than in government. This trend, associated with the change in
international division of labour and shift from industrial to service economy which occurred in
the early 70’s to late 80’s, resulted in the less-interventionist role played by nation states.
During this period, reforms that championed privatization, deregulation, corporate social
responsibility, and contributions from private institutions were sought as alternatives to stabilize
the economy. Although this condition holds truer in the global North considering the transition
from the Keynesian economic model to other welfare redistributive economic systems, it was
nevertheless apparent in the global South too. The global South underwent enormous decline in
infrastructure provision during the era of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) induced by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in reaction to debt servicing issues.
Notwithstanding these circumstances, demand by populations in metropolitan areas for services
such as affordable housing, quality public spaces, transportation and recreational facilities
continued to grow. Demand for public goods has increased more so because of globalization,
rapid urbanization, changing lifestyles, emerging economies, and environmental concerns. It is at
this nexus that it becomes imperative for governments – city authorities in this case – to apply
innovative means of retaining the viability of cities especially for cities in the global South.
Planning In Nigeria
Planning in most colonial African cities originated from either the UK Town or Country
Planning Act of 1936 (for Nigeria, see The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012; Ilesanmi, 2010)
or the associated planning ordinance of the colonizing country. These plans were often applied in
4
the colony under an assumption of the same level of the compliance and order as it was in the
colonizing country but without the same socio-economic components. In Nigeria, prior to a
comprehensive Planning act in 1946, the less structured township act of 1917 introduced the
most rudimentary spatial orderliness, however its primary function was to establish segregation
between European and native settlements (Aluko, 2011; The Nigerian Institute of Planning,
2012). Much after the promulgation of the 1946 Planning act, most parts of the country remained
unplanned and without access to infrastructure, this was because of the initial restriction of the
law to expatriate and European reserved areas (The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012;
Oyesiku, 2007).
Mabogunje (1990), understanding this dialectic argued against the raison d’être of urban
planning and policy in African cities as applied in capitalist societies where it was a product of
state intervention in mitigating class struggles over spatial configuration and capital
accumulation (Mabogunje, 1990, pg 123; Cooke, 1983). Upon independence in 1960, the focus
of the city plans were to accelerate economic growth in the most viable cities (The Nigerian
Institute of Planning, 2012), limiting development to certain parts of the country (State of
Planning). Other central motivations for planning in African cities included racial segregation,
resource extraction and sanitary improvement for resident colonials (Rakodi, 1986; Mabogunje,
1990).
From post-colonial periods until recent times, the inherited urban planning practices and
political economy strategies have remained prevalent. For instance in Lagos, despite efforts
dating back to 1964, to manage the city’s complexities, “it became a largely spontaneous
evolution in which an un-coordinated and incremental assemblage of structures gradually spread
across all available space (Ilesanmi, 2010, p. 247). In Nigeria, efforts by regional governments to
extend physical planning to most parts of the rapidly urbanizing areas were stifled by inability to
secure adequate capital needed to upgrade cities. The lack of a physical planning administration
at the national level made it difficult to initiate planning proposals that cut across regions (The
Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012, p. 8). The situation worsened from 1966, six years after
independence from British rule. The persistence of multiple coups by the military and a civil war
between 1967 and 1970 meant that urban planning became less of a priority to the national and
regional governments. The oil boom in the 1960’s and subsequent economic growth enabled the
5
implementation of strategic urban planning projects in several regions in the country however,
they did not provide for the unprecedented influx of rural dwellers searching for employment
into urban centers (The Nigerian Institute of Planning, 2012).
New Urban Policy and Reviving the City
Much like African cities, cities in western societies, historically, were not insulated from
the inevitable challenges faced by inhabitants of cities: overcrowding, pollution, reduced
mobility, unemployment and lack of physical infrastructure had always been evident in the most
advanced societies. As such, several reforms and ideas were implemented through urban
planning to improve the built environment as well as to strengthen local economies. Such
reforms included the slum clearance and Garden city ideas in 19th
century England, the City
Beautiful and Urban Renewal programs in early and mid-20th century US. In addition, there were
the post-World War II restructuring programs and city marketing initiatives (large-scale urban
development projects) induced by neo-liberalism from the late 1970’s. More recently, concepts
such as eco-cities, smart cities and charter cities are being advanced as possible urban
development schemes for future cities. Given that the central aim of this study is the analysis of
an urban development project (EAC) that draws inspiration from a hybrid (Neo-liberal City and
Charter City) of some of the above mentioned paradigms, it seems crucial to identify and explain
the associated paradigms.
But before I go into the explanation, it is important to illustrate how the “New Urban
Policy” helps to produce the kinds of transformations sought by city managers. Swyngedouw
et.al (2002) understand NUP as useful for repositioning the city on the competitive landscape,
disconnecting from traditional political and organizational forms and forming new political and
economic regions that operate beyond the local and as far as the global scale. Elsewhere,
Moulaert, et al., (2001, p. 100) describe NUP is “an ideological and class-based reaction against
the predominance of redistributive economics”. The new urban policy is expected to usher in a
new era of prosperity, a new and resilient urbanity effective enough to eliminate poverty from
communities irrespective of race or class (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002). This new urbanity
according to Swyngedouw at. al (2002), would be achieved through recreating the urban space,
relying on large-scale and symbolic projects, mainly for the purpose of attracting the outsider,
the investor, developer or the tourist. The millennium dome, also known as the O2
center in the
6
UK and Guggenheim museum in Bilbao seem like good examples of such projects, both being
built between 1997 and 2000.
In contrast to the forecasted claims of prosperity and vitality, the outcomes of the NUP
have been observed to be elite driven, unevenly beneficial and consequently engender social and
spatial inequalities, particularly in Europe (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002; Moulaert, et al., 2001, p.
99). In Harvey’s (1989) opinion this is manifested in a shift from managerialism to
entrepreneurialism. Whereas the need for an economic recovery may have spurred the idea of
neo-liberal cities in capitalist countries, the anticipated growth from entrepreneurialism measured
against eventual physical and socio-economic decline can be argued to be at equilibrium (Harvey,
1989). In a zero-sum game, this means gains accrued to some individuals will result in loss for
some. Mega-projects/events, place-making, cultural and global cities are among the tools used to
promote neo-liberal cities through public-private partnerships. Harvey (1989, p. 11) illustrates
that urban entrepreneurialism has opened up the urban spaces of advanced capitalist cities to
several kinds of development, even when the net effect has been the serial reproduction of
science parks, gentrification, world trade centers, cultural/entertainment centers, and shopping
malls. While the benefits of neo-liberal approaches include improved local-business climate,
recreational infrastructures and specific employments, new forms of socio-spatial conditions are
emerging in cities (Harvey, 1989; Hill & Feagin, 2006).
The Neo-Liberal City
A significant reaction to the global economic crisis of the late 1970’s, as well as to
failures of the developmentalism era was the introduction of free market liberalism also known
as neo-liberalism or the New Economic Policy (NEP). Free market liberalism meant the state
adopted a minimalist intervention approach towards economic and social affairs, conceding to its
inability to foster the needed societal development (Beall & Fox, 2009, p. 14). As an extension of
this economic shift, the neo-liberal city was one which promoted new property rights, mobilized
strategies for internationalization, territorial competitiveness, established public-private
partnerships and “networked” forms of governance (Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Beall & Fox,
2009). With regards to the new forms of governance, Hackworth (2007) contends that municipal
authorities act within a governance system as a market facilitator rather than regulate market
deficiencies. Webster (2001, p. 153) brings to our attention an earlier account of urban
7
governance radically proposed in Howard’s garden-city, spurred by the failure of the state to
create efficient and habitable cities.
The garden city idea refused to take-off perhaps because the type of governance being
proposed was still premature during that period. Harvey (1989) describes what can be argued to
be a neo-liberal city as one in which the state relinquishes its service provision role and assumes
that of a collaborator in an entrepreneurial activity. Thus objectifying the city and commodifying
the spaces within it through a series of social, political and economic processes, much like how
Logan and Molotch (1987; 2007) depict the commodification of places through the activities of
the market. This viewpoint sees urban governments taking a more proactive stance on economic
growth through strategic improvements in the built environment, which of course relies on the
monetary capacity of the private sector. Harvey (1989), using examples from Baltimore,
Glasgow, Liverpool and New York, suggested such forms of urban development were necessary
to increase the inter-urban competitiveness and rejuvenate cities in industrialized economies
amid rapid economic decline and instability but warned of imminent social consequences.
Theoretical Explanation of a Neo-Liberal City
The neo-liberal city can be partly explained by the theoretical conclusions adapted from a
study by Swyngedouw.et.al (2002). The study’s perspective although solely on Europe’s
economic geography posits the manifestation of a New Urban Policy (NUP), one which targets
place-specific interventions as a rubric for reinforcing the competitive position of metropolitan
economies in response to rapid globalization and liberalization. Swyngedouw.et.al (2002) argues
that Urban Development Projects (UDPs) – an aggregation of place-specific interventions – have
critical implications far beyond what its advocates propose. These UDPs are the resultant effect
of new forms of governance through which political, social and economic power relations within
the city are shifted (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002) to produce commodifiable spaces (Logan &
Molotch, 1987; 2007). Friedmann (2007, p. 9) points to the significance of this type of
governance in order to coordinate urban policies but also highlights the non-involvement of civil
society and social movements. For Hackworth, (2007), the neoliberal city’s over reliance on real
estate investment has advanced uneven development in the city such that there are occurrences of
consolidation of finance (public and private) for spatially selective investment, deregulated land
8
use statutes, disinvestment in public services that have low profit return and most importantly,
increase in downtown commercial mega projects.
Further to the notion of manufactured spaces, Harvey (1989, p. 6) suggests that the power
to organize spaces derive from a complex set of forces driven by diverse social agents. Soja
(1980, p. 210) similarly agrees thus; “space itself may be primordially given, but the
organization, use, and meaning of space is a product of social translation, transformation and
experience”. Following this narrative, Hackworth (2007) sees the transformed physical landscape
of cities as symbols of a new form of urban governance. Neoliberal programs have been
internalized into urban policy regimes in attempts to rejuvenate local economies, thereby
resulting in applications of policies that mobilize city space as medium for market-oriented
growth and elite consumption activities (Brenner & Theodore, 2002, p. 368). Overall one cannot
help but notice the inevitability of space being manipulated by human actors, however by whom
and for whom this space benefits is the crux of most debates surrounding spatial configuration.
Charter City
The ‘Charter City’ is a controversial (Caplan, 2010)
economic development idea yet to gain
prominence but has been promoted as a viable remedy to social, economic, political and
infrastructural deficiencies of highly urbanized cities, particularly in the developing world.
Charter cities are annexed regions within existing metropolitan cities that enjoy autonomous
governing systems different from that of the state, provincial or national laws (Macdonald-
Laurier Institute, 2012). While scholars like Paul Romer, Ronald Fuller and Bryan Caplan are
optimistic about the Charter City model citing its success in Hong Kong, others have challenged
its panacean claims (Cheong & Goh, 2013; Macdonald-Laurier Institute, 2012; Caplan, 2010).
These opposing views are incidentally held by political economists and human geographers
respectively. While the former views the city in terms of capital accumulation, market economies
and social classes, the later considers it as one that enables human flourishing by acknowledging
the priorities of civil society (Friedmann, 2012). The Charter City idea is an attempt at
replicating the developmental pattern of Hong Kong (Cheong & Goh, 2013) and is believed, at
least by its proponents, that it will deliver economic gains to participating inhabitants.
9
Charter cities are built on the premise of delivering highly productive economic zones,
which are completely administered and regulated internally, offering employment, housing and
other land-uses for only those who opt-in for it. According to the McDonald-Laurier Institute
(2012), an effective Charter City will be governed by a coalition of interests, independent and
not necessarily with ties to the host state. These new institutions and structures, more connected
with foreign governments than with the local, are likely to be more concerned with monetary
gains than the social and cultural practices inhabitants bring with them. The notion of a
privatized city anchored principally on profit captures similar principles found in the NUP,
except in the case of a Charter City, the idea is not to rejuvenate the local economy or improve
the urban fabric but create a new lucrative environment. This perception is echoed by a charter
city advocate who proposed thus:
“for firms and sovereign wealth funds capable of investing in large-scale urban
infrastructure projects, the rapid growth of cities can offer enormous opportunities for
high-return investment; these investments can, in turn, offer billions of people in the
developing world the chance to work their way out of poverty” (Macdonald-Laurier
Institute, 2012, p. 4).
From such a statement, one can postulate who the city really profits.
Returning to the idea of private cities, Webster (2001) reminds us that the concept of
annexed districts or cities as prominent in the Charter City model can be traced back to Ebenezer
Howard’s “garden city” idea – a plan purported to remedy the decay and poor living conditions
of early 20th
century London. Howard’s market-oriented “garden city” plan was centered on the
premise of private and secluded living which appeared to be a viable alternative for those who
can afford to be away from the congested, highly polluted, and inefficient parts of London at the
time. Projected to be privately governed, this innovative plan could easily serve as a prospectus
for would-be investors (Webster, 2001).
Elsewhere, Charter Cities have been suggested as a means of stemming mass migration
from developing countries into developed countries by creating in the former, pockets of high-
quality first world governance that is removed from traditional state laws (Caplan, 2010). This is
evocative of the new forms of governance observed in NUP, where urban and economic
10
development of a city or region is determined by special coalitions who are likely looking out for
their own interest. Hence, the origin and evolution of private cities or enclave districts have been
historically present in the urban planning discourse. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize
the importance of the Charter City idea to this discussion mainly for the urban governance
characteristic it beholds.
Urban Development Projects
In an analysis of UDPs in twelve European countries Swyngedouw.et.al (2002) in
summary claims thus:
1. Large-scale UDPs are part of a neoliberal “New Urban Policy” which is associated with
new forms of “governing” urban interventions, characterized by less democratic and
more elite-driven priorities.
2. Democratic participation are rarely supported, resulting in asymmetrical power relations.
3. The UDPs are poorly integrated into the wider urban process and planning system thus
making overall benefits are vague.
4. Most UDPs accentuate socioeconomic polarization through the working of real-estate
markets
5. UDPs reflect and embody a series of processes that are associated with changing spatial
scales of governance.
The theoretical arguments made by Swyngedouw et.al (2002) hold truer in the
European context however, a case could be made for the existence of a similar policy
instrument in Lagos where the social, political and economic context are different. Such
generalization, cautiously applied, could be made possible using Brenner & Theodore’s
(2002) overview of neoliberal mechanisms that have been adopted by some North American
and western European cities for over two decades. Table 2.1 displays features of localized
neoliberalization which are also visible in Lagos. As a precaution though, Brenner &
Theodore suggests, to fully understand patterns of neoliberalism in any locality, contextual
factors needs to be taken into account.
11
Table 2.1 Adapted from Theodore & Brenner’s overview of destructive and creative moments
of neoliberal localization
Mechanisms of
Neoliberal localization Moment of Destruction Moment of Creation
Restructuring urban
housing markets
• Razing public housing and other
forms of low rent
accommodation
• Elimination of rent controls and
project based construction
subsidies
• Creation of new
opportunities for speculative
investment in central-city
real estate markets
Restructuring strategies
of territorial
development
• Increasing exposure of local and
regional economies to global
competitive forces
• Creation of new
development areas,
technopoles, and other new
industrial spaces at
subnational scales
Transformation of the
built environment and
urban form
• Elimination and/or intensified
surveillance of urban public
spaces
• Construction of large-scale
megaprojects intended to
attract corporate investment
and reconfigure local land-
use patterns
• Creation of gated
communities, urban enclaves
and other “purified” spaces
of social reproduction
Interlocal policy
transfer
• Erosion of contextually sensitive
approaches to local
policymaking
• Diffusion of generic
prototypical approaches to
“modernizing” reform
among policymakers in
search for quick fixes for
local social problems
• Imposition of de-
contextualized “best
practice” models upon local
policy environment
12
The NUP acknowledged by Swyngedouw et.al (2002) fits with that illustrated by
Friedmann (2007) since both outcomes usually involve economic stability and “urban fortunes”.
Friedmann suggested that for policies in the 21st century to gain widespread legitimacy, three key
imperatives needed to be subscribed to: ecological sustainability, social cohesion and democratic
governance. Social cohesion and democratic governance are relevant for this discussion
especially as they both coincide with the conclusions reached by Swyngedouw.et al (2002). This
further strengthens the need to scrutinize UDPs, particularly in the debate whether they
contribute to processes of social exclusion and polarization, or foster social integration
(Swyngedouw.et al, 2002). Harvey (1989) thus cites some demerits of entrepreneurialism as
experienced in cities like New York, Baltimore, Houston and Denver: incentives for corporations
at the expense of the working class and the poor creates mismatched employment opportunities
and increased income polarization. Sadly, Fainstein (2009, p. 3; Klein, 2007) agree this is the
case in most parts of the world, the market is perceived as a key determinant and growth rather
than equity becomes a measure of achievement and limitation on government.
For Fainstein (2009) and Soja (2009), this is expressed in the form of their advocacy for
spatial justice in planning, for instance on mega-projects and equality; “Mega-projects should be
subject to heightened scrutiny…..” (Fainstein, 2009). Swyngedouw.et.al (2002, p. 545) observed
that the repositioning of cities on the competitive landscape by master planners meant a re-
creation of urban space primarily for the outsiders; investors, developers and tourists. Following
this perspective, it seems more reasonable that situating the political economy of a city within the
confines of competition need not mean that development should be achieved at the expense of
social and spatial disequilibrium.
New Urban Policy in Global South?
Research has shown evidences of the transposition of urban planning theories and
practices from the global North to the South, therefore it is not difficult to identify in cit ies from
the South context-specific strategies derived from the North. Steven Ward (2012, p. 483)
explains such planning transposition using a ‘typology of diffusion’, which he claims occurs
either through borrowing or imposition. For instance, with gated communities, suburbanization
and the mall-retail culture, there seems to be a process of ‘Westernization’ or ‘Americanization’
observed in Asia (Shatkin, 2008). Such manifestations appear more like ‘selective borrowing’
13
according to Ward (2012, p. 483). Furthermore, in the global south, the adoption of neoliberal
policies, for the most part induced by international financial institutions enabled widespread
foreign direct investment which bolstered the economies of some cities but in the same process,
gave rise to increasing socio-spatial conditions (Brenner & Keil, 2006, p. 191)
Traits that can be seen as derivatives of NUP in the form of mega-projects have been
documented in cities from developing countries such as the Olympics in Beijing, Rio and the
Shanghai World Expo (Gaffney, 2010; BROUDEHOUX, 2007), nevertheless they are nothing
close to those executed in Europe or the US and maybe UAE – an exception due to valuable oil
resource. However, such mega-projects are rare on the African continent until the recent 2012
World-cup in South Africa. Nonetheless, establishing the existence of a derivative of NUP in
Africa constitutes a challenge. Recently, UDPs in several African cities have been proposed,
most of which bear close resemblance in terms of costs and outcomes with those in Europe or the
US. Vanessa Watson describes the emergence of novel forms of urban development projects,
which promise to modernize African cities and transform them into havens for international
investors (Watson, 2013). Could this be a grand push towards the adoption of mega-project led
urban regeneration in African cities? Does this trend indicate the introduction of new modes of
urban governance dominant in industrialized societies?
Recent academic characterization of some sub-Saharan African cities as the “last
development frontier” for international property development (Bhan, 2013) suggests the
affirmative. Thus labeled, these African cities are regions seen as tabulae rasae’ or places where
the lines of proprietorship are blurred, where rules are yet to be made and thus afford the
opportunity to create spaces afresh (Bhan, 2013). For instance, in Kilamba city, Angola, the
government appropriated occupied land for Chinese developers to build what is now considered
one of Africa’s “ghost towns” (Cain, 2014). It is claimed that the Angolan government invoked
its authority over ownership and management of all land as a justification for dispossession. In
the same vein, Abengowe (2011, p. 187) wondered how a tabulae rasae condition could be
achieved in Lagos compared to Dubai where the geographic condition exists for such
accomplishment. A journalistic observation is seen in Jane Lumumba’s (a UNHABITAT
consultant) article, where she questions the wave of “New Cities” emerging in Africa (The
14
Outpost, 2013; Rockefeller Foundation, 2013). While majority of these projects currently exist
on paper, they have generated controversies, raised questions and doubts about their implications.
In contrast to the waterfront developments, museums and flagship projects associated
with the NUP in the global north, those in the south are more related to prime real estate and
city-wide interventions that appear to be distant from the realities of majority of the inhabitants.
In a report on the future of countries in the Greater Horn of East Africa (GHEA), an analysis of
several proposed satellite cities in the region. It was suggested that these satellite cities may
prove to be valuable in dealing with the regions urbanization challenges (Society for
International Development, 2010). “Satellite cities are a new development, particularly in their
being promoted by businesses (mostly) as the future of well-organized urban spaces” (Society
for International Development, 2010). As claimed by one of the developers, the satellite city
model involves acquiring a large parcel of land outside a highly urbanized city, furnished with
adequate infrastructure such that it attracts people (Society for International Development, 2010).
Visually these plans literally fit what Watson (2013) describes as ‘urban fantasies’, as they emit
visions of secluded luxury living, draped in modernist architecture with infrastructural provision
that matches that of cities in developed countries. Elsewhere, there is rising interest by investors
on the continent, “they are quickly coming to the realization that cities are going to be the main
drivers of growth in Africa” (Ford, 2012) . Some observers have noted, these cities may herald
the “new Africa”, the creation of a futuristic city that may first appear on the continent instead of
the west (MSN Innovation, 2013).
Urban planning in the global south has historically trailed the trends and practices
established in the developed countries. As such physically planning in the global south is replete
with ideas typically from nations with prominent planning practices, although these practices can
sometimes be a hybrid of ideas from different sources. The EAC is an example of such. Common
challenges associated with urban planning in the global south include, high informal sector,
perceived under-civilization, lack of legibility, economic stagnation, slum dwellings and more.
To overcome these issues some cities may uncritically adopt modernist and neo-liberal
approaches anticipating that it would transform and develop their cities. Based on Ward’s (2012,
p. 482) categorization of planning diffusion, EAC resembles a ‘negotiated imposition’ of
planning. In which local influence is low and external role is high, and planning is based on
15
external traditions with less consideration of local impact. Similarly, Gaffney (2010) and
Broudehoux’s (2007) illustrations of mega-events in Rio de Janeiro and Beijing respectively,
reflects the often ignored consequences of neo-liberal city planning where contemporary
governance focuses more on international prominence instead of addressing local needs. This is
perhaps measurable and fits with NUP
EAC and the Influence of Modernist Planning
I have prematurely introduced the case study (EAC) in this part to discuss its visual
similarity with modernist planning ideas. A full description of the case study will be given in a
later section of this investigation.
A predominant feature in the EAC project is its modernist planning backdrop, with its
high-rise glass buildings, wide roads, limited pedestrian paths and massive monuments in public
spaces. While most major African cities still maintain their modernist structures and layout,
many of the land-uses have gradually adapted to contemporary uses and may be considered
inefficient by those who view the city as a commodity. The transformation is typically as a result
of what most inhabitants in African cities consider as pertinent to their survival, where the need
to earn a living trumps aesthetics and orderliness. Modernist planning principles emphasized a
different type of cityscape, one in which buildings are designed efficiently to maximize land-use,
roads are overwhelmingly appropriated for automobile use, activities are sparsely located and
confined while street level activity is hidden or eliminated.
Robert Fishman (2012, p. 28) interprets the ideas of the most prolific modernist planners
of the twentieth century, claiming that “they rejected the possibility of gradual
improvement…and did not seek the amelioration of the old cities, but a wholly transformed
environment”. As seen in most North American cities, modernist planning was adopted by city
planners who imagined the future of cities to be a complete departure from pre-industrial era
where city streets were viewed as disorderly, unsanitary and lacking appropriate distinction
between public and private realms. This view is not any different from those held by the
proponents of EAC and similar UDPs. Modernist planning according to Holston (1989, p. 101),
views the street as a cesspool of disease and an impediment to progress since it failed to
accommodate the needs of the machine age. Yet, the reality of today’s African city is one that
16
cannot abide by such notions as the cultural and social dynamics requires a context-specific
approach. Watson (2007, p. 216) while analyzing the shortcomings of urban modernism, agrees
that it fuels further social and spatial marginalization as it is never consistent with the way of life
of majority of inhabitants in growing and largely poor cities.
While modernist approaches in some cases derive from public health concerns,
technological innovations, improved living conditions as well as genuine intention of
egalitarianism and nationalism, its focus on architectural and social organization attempts to
distort the natural dynamic use of spaces (Holston, 1989). This makes it more of an imposition of
a supposed desirable physical environment. The spatial and structural plans of EAC illustrate a
built environment envisaged to bring order, create a visual appeal as well as foster land-uses and
activities that are not characteristic of major social and cultural values. Observed from the
proposal documents alone, EAC resemble attempts at re-inventing the wheel of modernist
practices even when some cities are abandoning such practices and opting for a more human-
scale developments. From the design, the emphasis on automobile through the creation of
extensive motorways suggests a commitment to the continued domination of the car even when
the district does not particularly connect to other parts of the city. In addition, it seems the
designers of the new city could not resist the allure of the symbolic glass skyscrapers, perhaps in
desire of an iconic skyline.
In addition to order and legibility, modernist planning facilitates the easy administration
of cities by the state, for instance tax collection, infrastructure provision, identification and
control; however in this context the private sector seems to be assuming that role. This makes it
easier for the developers to enforce their own rules of engagement which might differ from the
state allows. In this sense, James Scott (1998) compares the modern city to a beehive constructed
by a beekeeper; highly orderly and legible for honey extraction. Scott argues that high-modernist
ideology is one of four elements necessary for what he describes as fiascos in global south
countries, demonstrating the failure of the many social engineering schemes employed in places
like China, Russia, Tanzania, Mozambique and Ethiopia (see Scott, 1998). Scott describes the
vision of proponents of high modernism as seeing rational order only in visual aesthetics, for
them an efficiently organized city was one that looked regimented and orderly from a
geometrical sense but rarely takes into account the essential demands of inhabitants.
17
According to Scott, modernist approaches could spur reform if planners – or developers
in this case – negotiated with organized citizens on what changes are necessary for the city (Scott,
1998). This implies the potential of these plans, to not just be embraced by the majority but
become a useful mechanism to address the most pressing city needs.
City Typology
It is difficult to find the most appropriate label for these emerging new cities; they could
be anything from a Satellite city, Eco-city, Smart-city or Private city depending on its core
function or supporting rhetoric. This distinction is important in the analysis to help distinguish
between the rhetoric symbolization of EAC and what it is in reality.
Satellite cities are understood to be smaller cities in close proximity to, but somewhat
independent of a larger metropolitan city. They often have similar land-use activities present in
larger cities such as downtowns or commercial districts as well as residential neighborhoods and
industrial parks but are usually separated by a physical barrier such as water-bodies or a green
belt. A Satellite city may be self-sufficient and physically separated from the central city but may
as well be counted as part of it.
The idea of an eco-city was conceptualized by Richard Register in 1975 at Berkeley
University, California. Simply defined, it is “an urban environmental system in which input (of
resources) and output (of waste) are minimized” (Register 2002; Rapoport & Vernay, 2011).
Although some have argued the ambiguity of the definition (see Roseland 1997; Joss, 2011) the
key premise lies in ecological and economic health of a city. This involves the focus on carbon
waste, global climate and urbanization processes (Joss, et al., 2013).
The concept of a smart city, similar to eco city has been attributed to the need for future
cities to be able to provide quality of life drawing from environmentally sustainable and efficient
practices. Although yet to be clearly defined, Oberti & Pavesi (2013) perceive of a smart city as
one that integrates the environment, people and technology in a ways that are most efficient. In
recent times the word smart has been used to describe digital technology, added to city, implies a
highly innovative future urban environment.
18
Chapter 3 City and Project Profile
City profi le
Lagos, the former national capital of Nigeria is one of the 36 states in the country with a
population of almost 15 million people in the metropolitan area; it is the largest city in sub-
Saharan Africa (Olokesusi, 2011) and arguably the most populated in Africa. According to UN,
Lagos metropolitan area is considered a megacity based on the definition of a megacity –
agglomeration of 10 million or more inhabitants. To many outsiders Lagos is a city; it is however
also a state, therefore making proper identification confusing. In 2012, Lagos State was recorded
to have a total population of 21 million with 12 million residing in the metropolitan area
according to the Federal government. However, the state government documents revealed an
estimated 18 million inhabitants residing in the metropolitan region, making the figures
represented by the federal government controversial (Lagos State Government, 2014). Lagos’
population growth is currently increasing at around 5% per annum, compared to roughly 4% and
2% nationally and globally (Oshodi, 2010). The city region covers around 1,545 km2 , 20% of
which is water and swamp and the city has a current population density of about 5,000
persons/km2
(Filani, 2012). In comparison, Lagos is seven times larger than Amsterdam with a
total area of 219 km2 .
Fig 3.2 Map of Lagos
Source: http://www.maphill.com/nigeria/
19
Source: Oduwaye & Lawanson, (undated); Department of Surveying and Geoinformatics,
University of Lagos
20
Prior to Portuguese exploration and until 1472, Lagos had been originally known by its
native Yoruba name Eko. It was a fishing and farming island situated between a lagoon and the
Atlantic Ocean (Filani, 2012; Olokesusi, 2011). The name Lagos was derived from the
Portuguese word for “Lakes”, inherently from the multiple islands that formed the historical city
(Ifesanya, 2012). Lagos was one of the central points of slave trade until mid-nineteenth century
when slavery was abolished; it later became a settlement for returning slaves some of whom had
come from Brazil (Filani, 2012). As a former British colony from 1861 to 1906, Lagos served as
a transit node for resource extraction and trade (Ifesanya, 2012; Britannica, 2013) as well as
functioning as the national capital and the center for socio-cultural diffusion from – much of
which is still visible in the contemporary landscape and cultural practices. Lagos is physically
the smallest state, compared to all other states in the country but the most economically vibrant,
urbanized and thus leading destination for migrants in the region. The state occupies about 0.4%
area of the country but accommodates approximately 10% of the national population (Lawanson,
2010).
The physical growth and development of the city is attributable to its economic and
political role in the country (Filani, 2012; Oduwaye & Lawanson, undated). The city’s
population is claimed to be growing at a rate ten times faster than New York and Los Angeles
with an estimated inward migration of about 600,000 persons per annum (Fashola, 2010; Oshodi,
2010). The city is considered to be the 10th fastest growing cities in the world and the 6
th most
populous city after Tokyo, Mexico city, Bombay, Sao Paolo and New York respectively (UNDP,
1999; UNHABITAT, 2008b).
21
Fig 3.3 Megacities around the world
Lagos state is divided into 20 local government councils and 37 local community
development areas (Lagos State, 2014), the name Lagos is used concurrently to describe the state
as well as the metropolitan area which consists of 16 local government areas. The state accounts
for 90% of the country’s trade as it holds the major air and seaport; it generates revenue of up to
$80.6bn accounting for up to 36% of national GDP and 62% of national non-oil GDP (African
Business, 2010; Lagos State, 2010). The location of several multi-national companies, banks,
and institution headquarters makes it one of the most globally connected cities in Africa.
Accompanying such development are the various challenges which, although
synonymous with mega-cities (Ilesanmi, 2010; Kötter, 2004) have become deleterious and are
stifling the continued development of the city. Physical deterioration in the city was brought on
by inconsistent leadership in the state from 1967-1999 (Filani, 2012), a consequence of national
political instability resulting from military dictatorship. These challenges include but are not
limited to widespread shortage of water supply, inadequate waste disposal, decrepit
transportation and social infrastructure. Also persistent are high levels of noise and air pollution
from the concentration of uncoordinated activities. The proliferation of informal settlements and
Source: Kötter, 2004; http: //www.megacities.uni-koeln.de/documentation/megacity/map/MC-2015-PGM.jpg
22
commercial activities are also prevalent in the city, resulting in many parts being considered as
slums according to UN Habitat standards (Olokesusi, 2011). The UN Habitat defines a slum as a
dwelling in an urban area that lacks five key provisions; durable housing, sufficient living space,
access to safe water, adequate sanitation and security of tenure (UN-HABITAT, 2007).
These complex deficiencies have generally been accompanied by non-compliance of
planning laws and regulations, ad-hoc or self-provision of basic infrastructure which has further
buried the city in its own desolation. Following this, Ilesanmi (2010, p.246; Gandy, 2005;
Koolhaas, 2001) identifies two dominant discourses that present an analysis of Lagos, citing
Mathew Gandy and Rem Koolhaas’ depiction of the city respectively. The first one describes an
urban apocalypse, characterized by poverty, violence, disease, uncontrollable growth and dearth
of infrastructure. The other more optimistic view portrays the phenomenon in Lagos as a neo-
organicist and self-regulatory response to the chaotic aspects of the city, rather than focusing on
the deficiencies, this perspective celebrates ‘the ingenious, alternate systems created from the
city (Ilesanmi, 2010, p. 246)
In the last fifteen years since Nigeria returned to democratic rule, the city has experienced
significant improvement in infrastructural and economic growth. One of such outcomes was the
launching of the Lagos Mega-City Regional Plan; a project expected to transform the city into a
model mega-city in Africa. The government in 2004 devised and implemented new initiatives
based on a 10-point development agenda (Olokesusi, 2011; LASEEDS, 2007). These new
initiatives, according to Olokesusi (2011) are meant to bridge the urban divide, beginning with a
Model City master plan for all districts within the metropolis. Since the new government,
tremendous reforms have and still are being implemented to transform the physical image of the
state. This includes the innovative Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) lanes, improved road networks and
traffic control, public parks, city beautification and renovation of landmarks, waste collection
and of course, the EAC project under review (African Business, 2012).
It is perhaps the intricacies and volatility of Lagos, that has drawn the attention of
international observers; architects, urban theorists and planners all subjecting the city to scrutiny
(Ilesanmi, 2010). Lagos portrays ‘the paradoxical characteristics of the contemporary African
city as a dysfunctional yet dynamic urban form’ (Gandy, 2006; in Ilesanmi, 2010). Jameson
(2003; Ilesanmi, 2011, p.244) expresses, in reference to Lagos, how a typical African city can
23
continue to function in the face of acute deficit of basic infrastructure (Ilesanmi, 2010). “The
vitality of Lagos’s economy and its nodal position…… explains its growth despite the
breakdown of many basic infrastructure.….” (Abiodun, 1997; Ilesanmi, 2011). Notwithstanding
the infamous reputation of the city, it remains a destination for businesses, tourists and
technological innovation or as Gandy (2005, p. 38) posits: …” the venue and focus for a radical
urban agenda”. It is not surprising therefore, that the city while home to a large mass of poor
populations is ironically home to the 43rd richest person in the world (Forbes, 2013).
Eko Atlantic City (EAC)
The rise of a Nigerian Manhattan? That was the question posed by an editorial (African
Business, 2013) illustrating the supposedly biggest single construction project in the country.
The Eko Atlantic City project (EAC) is a three-fold urban transformation project, purported to (1)
address some of the physical and planning challenges being faced by Lagos city, (2) improve the
global competitiveness of the city by boosting its local economy through attraction of foreign
investment and (3) respond to the global climate crisis which is assumed to be the cause of the
surging Atlantic ocean shoreline (Eko Atlantic City, 2012). This new city, under construction, is
situated on the southern-most edge of the metropolitan area, adjacent to a number of creeks and
where the Atlantic Ocean meets land. EAC is located about 5km away from Lagos Island, the
historical core and central business district, it is also bordered to the north by Victoria Island, the
more recently annexed central business district and one of the most affluent neighborhoods in the
state.
The new city will cover a land mass of about 9km2
and will comprise, mixed-use high
density structures that will function as commercial, institutional, residential, recreational and
light retail spaces. The project is the result of a strategic partnership primarily between local and
international private investors and the state government but with support from the federal
government as well as other vested interests such as local banks and other corporate institutions
(Eko Atlantic City, 2012). The chief developer of EAC and contractor for the ocean revetment is
South Energyx group, a subsidiary of Nigeria-based Chagoury Group (Eko Atlantic City, 2012).
EAC is one of the many urban renewal projects embarked on by the state government to
revitalize the physical and economic condition of the state and city. Its PPP arrangements
resembles more of an outright privatization (The Canadian Council for Public-Private
24
Partnerships, 2014) where there is a full divestiture of (public) asset, although it is claimed that
the project will be managed by the private sector on a 78-year lease (Awofeso, 2010). Upon
completion, EAC will serve as an auxiliary to the two existing commercial district as well as
accommodate residential, retail and recreational land uses. EAC is also expected to boost
Lagos’s reputation of becoming the financial epicenter of West Africa by 2020, in addition to
providing opportunities (Eko Atlantic, 2013)
Image 3.1 & 3.2 Computer generated images of EAC
In an interview with the BBC, a government’s spokesperson while recognizing the
heightened level of population in the city, opined that the construction of EAC will help drive
populations from the centre of the city into areas like the new development. The new city is
expected to be home to around 250,000 new residents and will provide employment for up to
150,000 workers (Awofeso, 2010; African Business, 2013; Eko Atlantic City, 2012). The EAC
project continues to gather attention from academics, professionals and the media, with aliases
such as a “new city within a city”, “Africa’s first smart city”, the future “Hong Kong of Africa”,
the “new gateway to Africa” and Lagos inc. (African Business, 2010; Eko Atlantic City, 2012;
Abengowe, 2011).The project has been proposed as a gateway to the African continent, and
imagined to significantly improve the infrastructural and congestion issues the city is facing
( (Eko Atlantic City, 2012; Watson, 2013).
EAC will be constructed from land reclaimed from the Atlantic Ocean, and to borrow the
literary giant Prof.Wole Soyinka’s phrase, it “rises like Aphrodite from the foam of the Atlantic"
(Eko Atlantic City, 2012). Land reclamation, one of the prominent features of the project is
Source: www.ekoatlantic.com
25
viewed as an engineering masterpiece. A land reclamation process applied in creating little
islands in Dubai called “Terraforming” requires dredging of sand from the seabed to re-fill the
ocean from the shores (Abengowe, 2010). Ninety five million cubic meters of sand will be
dredged from the marine shelf to fill 900 hectares (9km2) of land (Eko Atlantic City, 2012).
Upon reclamation, the land will then be protected from further surge using a wall built from
individual pieces of inter-locking concrete (Accropode), this wall will be known as “The Great
Wall of Lagos” (Eko Atlantic City, 2012). As well as securing the new land, the wall will
simultaneously act to protect the coastline from further erosion, a condition attributed to the
overflowing ocean waves.
Image 3.3 From top left; Reclaimed land seen from space, aerial view of reclaimed land.
Bottom, location of EAC relative to city
The developers claim the eco-friendly project will set a standard for creating high quality
living spaces while reducing environmental impact, the new infrastructures, it is claimed will be
efficient enough to allow it earn carbon credits (Eko Atlantic City, 2012). According to the
images in the project brochure and website, EAC elucidates nothing short of modernist planning
Source: www.ekoatlantic.com; google earth EAC
26
with a good measure of exaggerated landscapes, although such images are reminiscent of actual
cityscapes in Singapore, Hong Kong or Dubai. The structures in the new city will comprise
mostly skyscrapers situated along tree-lined wide boulevards providing up to six-lanes. The new
city will be sectioned into different districts comprising; a business district likened to New
York’s Fifth Avenue or Paris’ Champs-Elysees, a Manhattan styled area with high-rise condos,
waterfront, restaurants and shopping facilities (Eko Atlantic City, 2012). In addition, there will
be a coastal promenade built around the residential area and meant to serve as recreational and
light commercial area with bars, restaurants and cafes, they will also be a marina for yachts and
sailboats (Eko Atlantic City, 2012).
Other promised infrastructure include a light rail transit, 24-hour power supply,
promenades, shopping malls, an eight-lane highway, waterway transport infrastructure, and parks.
EAC is envisioned as a high-class business district and tourist centre expected to attract global
investment, making Lagos the most prestigious business hub in Nigeria and West Africa (African
Business, 2010). The projected cost of the city is around $3bn, and is expected to be 100%
financed by the private sector, thus with the potential of producing profit equivalent to the risk
taken by investors. Residential and commercial spaces are expected to cost between $825 -
$1,066 /m2, and an estimated 14% of space had been sold in 2011 (Abengowe, 2010). By
Nigeria’s building standards of a plot of land for a single family house, the above cost translates
into around $700,000 per plot.
Fig. 3.3 Project Time Line
In spite of the hype EAC has generated, it is not without criticism. Abengowe (2010, p.
187), notes that Lagos is assuming a position in the race to join the club of global cities
exploiting megaprojects as a mechanism to accomplish an image and identity transformation.
2005 Contract
for shoreline protection
July 2006 Concession for land reclamatio
n
April 2008 EAC
Inaugurated
April 2009 First
portion of land
reclaimed
June 2009 Constructi
on of Great Wall of Lagos
Aug 2010 Design made public
Mar 2011 2.4M sqm reclaimed
May 2011 Phase 1
completed
Dec 2011 Foundation for 1st highrise
Feb 2013 5M sqm
reclaimed
Aug 2013 Foundation for 1st of 15 bridges
Nov 2013 Buildings
take shape
Source: www.ekoatltantic.com
27
Other critiques say the neo-city “bypasses the malfunctioning capital cities rather than address
broader problems”; it will only work for the rich who crave distance from urban madness
(Kihato & Karuri-Sebina, 2012, p. 34; Think Africa Press, 2011). Figure 3.3 shows a
summarized version of an up-to-date project time line as documented on the project website.
Table 3.1 Stakeholders
Stakeholder Location Role
Lagos State Government Nigeria Public-Private Partner
First Bank Nigeria Financial Partner
Guarantee Trust Bank Nigeria Financial Partner
First City Monument Bank Nigeria Financial Partner
Access Bank Nigeria Financial Partner
BNP Paribas Fortis Europe Financial Partner
KBC Belgium Financial Partner
Dar Al-Handasah Lebanon Consultant
Royal Haskoning Netherlands Consultant
MZ Architects Lebanon Consultant
ar+h Architects Lebanon Consultant
Dredging International Belgium Contractor
South Energyx Nigeria Ltd. Nigeria Developer
Orlean Invest Nigeria Developer
New Cities in Africa
Urban challenges in large African cities can be perceived to be similar in nature; as such
the ideas for solution will most likely share the same characteristics. Rakodi (1997, pp. 17-66)
underscores some of the urban management challenges in African cities as rapid and unplanned
urbanization, centralization of economic growth in major cities, disinvestment in infrastructure
and services as well as growing informalization. Although Rakodi saw these challenges as more
prevalent in Nairobi, Lagos, Cairo and Johannesburg she suggested the possible generalization
for most large urban centers in Africa.
Source: www.ekoatltantic.com
28
Besides the domestic forces exerting pressures on African cities, Rakodi cites other external
events such as Africa’s biased incorporation into the world economy, colonization, and shrewd
policies of international financial agencies, as accelerants for decay in African cities. Lately, if
the recent “grand plans” emanating from African cities are anything to go by, then it is possible
the emerging trend in urbanism and infrastructure delivery are a response to the urban challenges
on the continent (Kihato & Karuri-Sebina, 2012).
For this reason, it is clear Lagos is not alone in its proposition for an ultra-modern new
city. Many other African cities, particularly in the east and west of the sub-Sahara, are slowly
adopting the blank slate approach towards creating a more economically viable and urban centers.
The “blank slate” here refers to the acquisition of vast rural or reclaimed land, for complete new
towns or cities expected to elevate the physical conditions and create new economic
opportunities of a mother-city.
Table 3.2 Proposed new cities
Project City/Country Expected
Residential
Population
Primary
Function
Area
size km2
Estimated
Cost USD
Status Site
EAC Lagos/Nigeria 250,000 Upper
class
residential
10km2
$3 billion Under
construction
Land
reclaimed
from sea
Tatu City Nairobi/Kenya 70,000 Mixed
income
residential
10km2 $5 billion Under
construction
Agricultural
land
Konza Techno
City
Machakos/Kenya 30,000 ICT 20km2
$3 billion Planned Agricultural
land
Cite de Fleuve Kinshasa/DRC Unknown Upper
class
residential
2km2
$1 billion Built Land
reclaimed
from river
Hope City Accra/Ghana 25,000 ICT 1.2km2
$10 billion Planned Vacant land
In most cases, these proposed projects are integrated into main city’s master plan with the
exception of Kigali, where the plan is considered as the city’s master plan itself and is expected
to completely replace the old city (Watson, 2013, p.4). This approach, a huge contrast to the
conventional incremental urban development is being stimulated by situating potential sites for
Source: Watson, 2013; Society for Development, 2012
29
technological innovation, business and high-end real estate, in anticipation that these sorts of
activities will attract investment. Cities like Nairobi, Kenya; Kampala, Uganda; Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania; Kigali, Rwanda, Accra, Ghana and Kinshasa in Democratic Republic of Congo are
some of the top contenders for the twenty-first century African city. Portrayed either as a new
city, tech-city, smart-city or eco-city, these proposed projects like EAC bear a lot of resemblance
with each other, suggesting new ways in which urban Africa is to be envisioned in the future.
These large-scale Greenfield projects on the edge of large cities, spread across sub-
Saharan Africa and are marketed as “functional”, “desirable” and “sustainable” alternatives to
the present derelict conditions found in some cities (Kihato & Karuri-Sebina, 2012, p. 34).
Elsewhere, the Society for Development (2010) describes this trend as the “wave of the future”,
describing the mushrooming of ‘satellite cities’ in the Greater Horn of East Africa. In another
response to the orientation towards such ideas in urbanism and infrastructural delivery, some
have coined the term neo-city to describe this recent phenomenon (Kihato & Karuri-Sebina,
2012)
In addition to the response to their common challenges (rapid urbanization and degrading
physical environment), a peculiar characteristic to these plans are the proposed architectural
designs, physical layouts and land-uses which are highly enmeshed in modernist planning
traditions. The images from these plans are replete with skyscrapers with the infusion of an
iconic structure, wide boulevards with perfectly manicured trees, water-bodies surrounded by
elaborate structural designs providing a serene recreational ambience. The wordings used in the
brochures and information pages of these plans present an over-romanticization of an ideal work
and living space in a typical African setting. Words like “luxury”, “world class” or “exclusive”
are deliberately used to attract the affluent, which are the targeted clientele. Other spatial and
locational attributes of these cities include their situation on reclaimed land (Lagos and Kinshasa)
often on the urban fringe. Watson (2013, p.4) summarizes the commonalities between these
plans thus:
• They are large scale and involve the re-planning or restructuring of large parts of an existing
city
• They are graphically presented as visions of future cities, evoking the skylines of cities like
Dubai, Shanghai or Singapore.
30
• There are clear attempts to link these visions to contemporary rhetoric on sustainability, risk
and innovation on the assumption these will modernize Africa.
• Information on these plans is mostly found websites of global consulting companies, or on
government websites with links to the administering private sector companies
• The project’s location in the legal or governance structures of a country is ambiguous –
where formal city plans exists the proposed plans may be parallel or over-ride them.
• There is no indication of a democratic or participatory debate in the decision-making process.
Following the commonalities outlined by Watson, one can draw linkages with attributes
of NUP. Such linkages can be seen in the following; use of mega-projects as mechanisms to
selectively bring development to a city, fuzzy urban governance where clear lines of authority
cannot be established between the private and public sector. Speculation – which Robert
Fishman (2012, p. 32) define as “the blind force of chance and profit”, and lastly, the avoidance
of any participatory action in the decision-making process. The Eko Atlantic city is a suitable
example of Watson’s view about the association of ‘new city’ visions to the rhetoric on
sustainability, risk and innovation. These connections can be seen in the marketing brochure for
EAC. Apart from the commonalities shared by these projects, it is difficult to generalize the
driving factors behind them, although support from the political elite, projected urban population
and a rising middle class have been argued to play a role (Watson, 2013, p.11). Perhaps on one
hand, there is an awakening towards the reality of established city models in the global North,
South-East Asia and middle-east prompting leaders in African cities to assume such models
might be the antidote to the uncontrolled growth being experienced in their cities. On the other
hand, the assumption could be valid that, the keen interest by international property companies to
develop anew on a large scale, especially post 2008 global crisis may be an outcome of the
deflated and unprofitable real estate elsewhere (Watson, 2013, p.3).
Either way, one would have to take contextual factors into consideration in order to
establish the real motives following this trend. But one thing seems clear, African cities are
looking towards the future with bold and ambitious plans. In regards to expected population
increase, the populations these projects are targeted towards are by far different from the typical
population expected to emigrate; leaving one to wonder about the spatial needs of the larger
existing populations. According to Deloitte (2012), the rising middle-class – including returning
31
Diasporas – in many African cities appears a plausible factor for the push for such ultra-modern
environments. This phenomenon is seen in the adoption of western consumer culture, willingness
to pay for functioning infrastructure and a higher taste for quality goods and services. The jostle
for the “African Manhattan”, “world-class African city” and “African model city” titles are
reasons EAC and the likes should be examined seeing the emphasis is on ‘image’. The nuanced
competitiveness yet elusive reality is what makes them ideal as subjects of study. Watson (2013)
agrees that the frequency of references to become “world-class city” suggests more complex
rationales exist in the thrust towards this developmental paradigm.
Projects like EAC are gaining traction and are slowly becoming an accepted urban
intervention strategy in Africa. They come across as an expression of ambition which reflects
their expectation of near-term prosperity (Society for International Development, 2010). With no
evidence of a coordinated action amongst the varying city governments, the project initiation
processes follow a similar pattern. The government acknowledges the demand for a major urban
intervention (real or perceived) and partners with the private sector (usually international
corporations) by providing the land or resource on the condition that a highly attractive and
enabling urban environment is created (Kihato & Karuri-Sebina, 2012). For instance, ocean
surge in Lagos, population congestion in Nairobi, security in Kampala and service upgrade in
unplanned settlement in Dar es Salaam (Eko Atlantic City, 2012; Society for International
Development, 2010).
It is important to note, however, that many of these plans are still in the conceptual
planning stage and are yet to begin as a project except EAC and Cite de Fleuve in Kinshasa
which are both ongoing. The justification for these projects appear to be drawn from an array of
sources, from within and beyond the continent, however there is consistency in the underlying
discourse that surrounds the key ideas and they range from political status, to commercial gains
or physical improvement (Watson, 2013).
Accumulation by dispossession?
In what seems like a justified basis for initiation (shoreline protection), the EAC is almost
lacking in criticism on the grounds of proprietorship, at least based on the investigation so far. In
32
almost all the literature covering the project, there has only been passive reference to who owns
the land on which the new city is being built, land which technically is being man-made. To this
effect, an environment expert commented that “the sand being dredged for the project
is …….our common wealth. Any collateral damage to the eco-system constitutes damage to our
common wealth” (Aradeon, 2012, p. 4). Although the popular narrative is that the portion of the
ocean being reclaimed had existed previously but had receded due to heavy tidal waves during
the last century. Either way, the government has granted concession of the ocean edge to the
private sector to erect reinforcement against tidal waves and in the process, the consortium is
permitted to build a massive private city for the extremely wealthy.
David Harvey’s work intuitively comes to mind on pondering on the dynamics of the
acquisition process. His theory on “accumulation by dispossession” resonates with the planning
of the EAC, especially as the project “coincidentally” attempts to resolve some of the most
complex issues facing the city while primarily working to mitigate environmental degradation. In
The ‘New’ Imperialism: Accumulation By Dispossession, Harvey (2009) demonstrates new ways
in which geographical expansion and spatial reorganization are useful means of absorbing
surplus capital, which if left floating may naturally become devalued or result in loss of future
capital gains. This absorption, according to Harvey is best achieved either through major long-
term investment in the built environment or through the opening up of new production spaces
elsewhere – processes that may involve the temporal displacement or use of commercial laws to
acquire commonly owned resources. In both ways a foundation is laid for production and
consumption over a long period of time, which in the process ensures the cycle of capital is
maintained and channeled to other future destinations.
Harvey (2009) underscores four key policy elements essential for capital accumulation to
occur under the “new imperialism”: privatization, commodification, management and
manipulation of crises, credit system. These elements, relates to EAC in two main ways ; 1) they
help explain the allocation of the resource (Seabed) to the developers under the terms of
addressing an environmental crisis and, 2) privatization and commodification of the land and
ocean front. . In the first instance, transition from the initial objective of protection to building
prime real estate only seems like an opportunity for ambitious politicians and those contracted to
provide public goods to maximize available profit-potential at the expense of undermining
33
collective property. In the second, the reclaimed land will be held on a 78-year lease by the
developer (Awofeso, 2010) but no specific details has been uncovered on who the land will
belong to after then. According to the project details, the infrastructure and services will only
cater to those residing within the district. In addition, the ocean view and prestigious location is
being pitched as a commodity to buyers. Some may wonder how a portion of the ocean may be
collectively owned and taken advantage of if no one is able to claim its usefulness. In fact,
according to John Locke’s theory of property, private ownership of nature (land) is conferred on
the individual who exerts labour on it (Vaughn, 1978). This theory does favorable justice to the
advocates of this new city. In this sense, the developers can make a case for the saying “nothing
ventured, nothing gained” in defending their right to maximum profit for their investment.
It would be interesting then, if inhabitants of Lagos would be allowed to encroach on the
Atlantic Ocean to reclaim land while claiming to protect against erosion. In the end, Harvey’s
(2009) idea on the management and manipulation of crisis to create an environment for capital
accumulation plays out here. In support of this notion is Lefebvre’s (1991) contribution to the
debate on capital accumulation, which led him to deduce that the long-term survival of
capitalism is hinged on the “production of space”.
34
Chapter 4 Social Inequality
Early theories on social-spatial inequali ty
Around the world inequality has been shown to become widespread with increase in
wealth. White et al. (2008) in a socio-spatial study of China, subscribe to this perspective arguing
that increasing inequality almost inevitably follows economic growth. The impact of inequality
on economic performance is expressed through degrees with which it exists in a society, higher
levels of equality has been observed to generate equally higher levels of overall growth
(UNHABITAT, 2013, p. 16). For instance, economic and social progress is easily achieved in
more equitable societies. Accordingly, the UNHABITAT agree that inequality in all its forms is
destructive to any society, especially when excessive, it threatens social stability and sustained
economic growth (UNHABITAT, 2008, p. 82). As important as the dialogue on equality should
be kept on the front burner of societal discourse, I will exercise restraint on the generality of the
topic and restrict it to how it materializes in the use and allocation of spaces.
Literature on social inequality and class struggles have long been documented in the
works of Karl Marx and Henri Lefebvre, it has however being furthered by the likes of David
Harvey, Edward Soja and Susan Fainstein. Lefebvre in particular, developed scholarly interest in
the relationship between space and society, illustrating how the process of ‘production of space’
through power struggles in the society involves creating spaces, not as a material product but as a
form of facilitating modes of production and reproduction (Lefebvre, 1979) Indeed this implies
that “Space itself may be primordially given, but the organization, use, and meaning of space is a
product of social translation, transformation and experience” (Soja, 1980, p. 210). In other words
spaces are constructed as a result of precipitated social actions and interactions. Soja (1981),
attempted to reintroduce the concept of space as an essential component within social analysis
and class struggle, emphasizing the imperative incorporation of spatial relations and concepts of
space into discussions on social dynamics. Soja’s (1981) argument was that scholars often
approached the social and spatial aspects of the human environment as mutually exclusive and as
having a causal-effect relationship instead of the inherent intertwined relationship that reinforces
the outcome of each other.
Likewise, Lefebvre reminds us that the space and its political organization articulates
social relationships but also responds to them (Soja, 1981; Lefebvre, 1978, p.25). This notion
35
explains the boundedness of the social, material and representational practices of the human
environment (Gaffney, 2010), lending one’s understanding of not just one or the other but of the
relationship and outcomes between them. The social and the spatial components of spaces
therefore go together.
Although one can hardly ground the concept of socio-spatial inequality academically,
several discourses that surround its meaning have emerged and have been furthered in various
disciplines. What makes the term more complex to define and thus difficult to apply is it’s broad
and close characteristic with socio-economic inequality – a term related to the classification of
people according to social and financial status. In this study, socio-spatial (in)equality,(with
emphasis on space) specifically refers to the accessibility of societal goods that improves the
quality of life of urban dwellers. This implies the distribution of development within the city, the
approach towards valuing the wholeness of the city rather than parts of it which seem
economically viable. Socio-spatial disparity in this context is manifested through the over-
concentration or lack thereof of investment in public infrastructure in distinctive areas based on
the socioeconomic characteristics. Wulff & Reynolds (2011) broadly define social-spatial
polarization as “the growing gap between rich and poor households in both socio-economic
position (‘socio’) and geographic location (‘spatial’)”. For Giddens (1993) though; social
inequality is the socially conditioned difference in access and use of resources (Giddens, 1993;
IFESANYA, 2012). Therefore access to education, social service, employment, infrastructure
and health care are what promotes equality.
Depending on the literature, social-spatial inequality may be analyzed as an integral
phenomenon or unitarily as a sub-topic. As such, where possible, each of the aforementioned
dimensions on inequality will be discussed independently and with eventual synthesis. A
simplified characterization for socio-spatial inequality following Giddens’ (1993) definition can
be explained as the disproportionate distribution of common-good resources where the ‘socio’
refers to social and economic opportunities and the ‘spatial’ the physical attributes of a location.
The social and spatial aspects of the human environment are mutually reinforcing, hence in the
context of urban planning one cannot address one without the other.
36
The Urban Divide
It has been discovered that while income inequality is a key divisive social factor, spatial
inequality is a consequence of both socioeconomic disparities and larger processes of urban
development, governance and institutionalized exclusion of specific groups (UNHABITAT,
2008, p. xv). David Harvey (2008; in Ifesanya, 2012) recognizes this duality in contemporary
cities, mostly in the global South. He argues that these cities consists of neighborhoods with
exceptional social and physical services interspersed among shanty towns lacking basic service
such as, access to water or sanitation. The urban spatial divide goes beyond a reflection of
income inequalities among households; it is also a result of inefficient land and housing markets
(UNHABITAT, 2008, p. 82). That said, there are often forces (class, race, gender) associated
with the disproportionate allocation of resources which brings about uneven development. Social
and economic opportunities are obtained from accessibility to employment, social capital,
infrastructure, welfare service, quality education, housing, health care and sometimes food.
The spatial aspect of the aforementioned inequality variant, is analogous to Soja’s
concept of spatial (in)justice which he cites as resulting from fundamental actions such as
political organization of space and locational discrimination (Soja, 2009). Apparent in such
arrangements are the activity of certain groups which determine the physical advantages
available to people in a society. To support this assertion Kanbur & Venable (2005) sees the
significance of spatial inequality especially when spatial differences are accompanied by
political and ethnic tension. On a national scale Kanbur & Venable (2005, p. 11) define spatial
inequality as “inequality in economic and social indicators of wellbeing across geographical
units within a country” Elsewhere, Brenner & Theodore, (2002, p. 366), while analyzing the
implications of neoliberal ideologies on cities argue that the intentional withdrawal of state
support for declining city-regions and removal of traditional redistributive regional policies have
led to new forms of socio-spatial inequality, polarization. It seems at least, there is a consensus
on the existence of spatial inequalities however; Kanbur & Venable (2005) claim there is
insufficient understanding of the determinants of spatial inequalities in a globalizing world.
The concept of socio-spatial inequality although prevalent in the field of human
geography, has been applied in disciplines such as public health, economics, urban planning and
public policy. The socio-spatial challenge in some cases is argued to be an outcome of market
37
forces and local policies administered to improve city competitiveness (UNHABITAT, 2009;
Watson, 2007). A more hopeful view sees spatial segregation as inevitable and not always bad,
considering humans have self-segregated along language, ethnicity or profession for thousands
of years (UNHABITAT, 2010, p. 108).
Experience from neoliberalism – notion that the free-market will foster trickle-down
benefits – has come to show that, unfettered market dominance is followed by greater inequality
and greater monopoly power (Harvey, 2009). The more integrated a city’s economy is with the
global economy, the higher the level of inequality (UNHABITAT, 2010, p. 112; Kanbur &
Venables, 2005). Therefore, as identified by UNHABITAT, urban planning remains an essential
tool to adjust socio-spatial imbalances and other urban development issues in the society
(Watson, 2007). A global report on planning sustainable cities identifies increasing socio-spatial
challenges as one of the factors that must be considered for future urban planning, especially as
it’s greatly shaping how 21st century cities are experienced (SUSTAINABLE CITIES, 2009).
Watson (2007) contends that for the most part of the 20th century until recent, the market,
political elites and the growing middle-classes advocated modernist planning because it provided
quality of life which they desired. For Watson, an important consequence was the economic and
spatial exclusion of those unable to take advantage of land ownership and development (Watson,
2007 p.154). Perhaps the preponderance of immense inequality prompted the notion of an
“inclusive city”. The ideal of an inclusive city, a scholarly response to urban disparity, holds as a
basic premise that cities should provide opportunities and supportive mechanisms that enable all
inhabitants maximize their full potential and obtain their fair shares of the “urban advantage”
(UNHABITAT, 2008, p. xxi). Scott Campbell (2012, p. 424), analyzing social justice in cities,
suggested that a more even distribution of resources among social groups within the spaces of
cities and nations creates a wider positive effect.
Factors such as fear of crime, unaffordable housing, real estate speculations, and in some
cases, urban renewal strategies, are responsible for continued urban fragmentation leading to
unplanned and unmitigated spatial forms. Socio-spatial change in cities has been induced
through processes of urban growth under the premise of socioeconomic advancement, including
mega-events, flagship projects and waterfront developments. The outcomes of such progression
are the new spatial forms and processes planners and policy makers would eventually have to
38
confront (Watson, 2007). Gaffney (2010, p. 8) in his analysis of Rio de Janiero demonstrated the
impact of the mega-events on socio-spatial dynamics, emphasizing the accessibility issues and
displacement of the poor as well as service priority given to international guests and well paying
locals before and during the event.
Mega-events such as the Olympics and other big sporting events, require that capital be
concentrated in some parts of the city, while depriving others and thus exacerbating socio-spatial
polarization (BROUDEHOUX, 2007). For proponents of mega-event led urban regeneration, the
common rhetoric is often that concentrated capital projects will bring about development and
multiplier effects which may include physical improvements, increased employment and real
estate value. It seems appropriate at this point to invoke Flyvbjerg’s “Machiavelli megaproject
formula as befitting of the proposal process of megaprojects in some European cities;
(underestimated costs) + (overestimated revenues) + (undervalued environmental impacts) +
(overvalued economic development effects) = (project approval) (Flyvbjerg, 2005, p.18). The
implication of such formulas may mean that the true benefits of the projects are skewed; only
accruing to groups with stronger socio-political and economic standing in the society. Dominant
discourse about urban planning presumes it to be a constructive mechanism with which urban
interventions can be implemented for the common good. However, certain analysts make the
point that urban planning does the opposite: serving to promote social and spatial exclusion
(Watson, 2009).
For Fainstein (2012, p. 161), this contradiction is displayed in the justification for
planning as means by which a good city is created by experts on the assumption it is in the
general interest. Rather than impose a deliberate pattern of development on the urban terrain, the
process of arriving at the choice of planning should not be taken for granted (Fainstein, 2012). In
the same vein Valentin et. al, (2007, p. 51) agree that urban planning is the outcome of official
policy frameworks aimed at reshaping social space. They acknowledge this may have
unexpected consequences that negatively impact socio-spatial conditions. It is irrational to
suggest the human environment is devoid of power struggles such that rules benefit everyone at
the same time. Nonetheless, it is imperative to consider the effect of overall loss or externality
resulting from widespread inequality. In planning this means intervention beyond
acknowledgment or pacification, but of actual improvement in the quality of life of those on the
39
bottom rung of the socioeconomic ladder. Such effort, by planners and city administrators may
constitute a never-ending attempt at ensuring the urban opportunity is available to a vast majority.
The social dimension of inequality, fairly significant as the spatial aspect fosters disparity
beyond access to infrastructure and improved living conditions, it bores into the personal
relationships individuals have with society and shapes their thought process. Socially deprived
individuals are less likely to achieve their full life potential compared to their socially
advantaged counterparts, thus creating a potential poverty-cycle. This tendency is reflected in the
“neighborhood effect” – the assumption an individual living in a deprived area has less social
opportunities than another individual with the same social characteristics elsewhere (Cassiers &
Kesteloot, 2012). UNHABITAT, (2008, p. 54) reports that “the partitioning of urban and social
spaces not only derives from the historical partition of wealth and poverty, but is also a result of
pronounced, enduring intergenerational inequities”.
The forms of social capital associated with the urban advantage are barely taken
advantage of by inhabitants in areas distant to major employment areas or areas with high
propensity for socioeconomic and cultural diffusion. This potentially creates a community of
closed-minded and socially regressive people. White et al. (2008, p 116) observing empirical
literature, note that spatial inequality is linked to higher levels of local violence and civil strife in
Latin America. They further argue that socio-spatial inequality is connected to inferior health
outcomes, it erodes social cohesion necessary to acquire social capital which then contributes to
low quality of life (White et al.,2008; Kawachi et. al, 1997; UNHABITAT, 2008).
Further to this notion, Cassiers & Kesteloot (2012, pp. 13-15) in a study identified three
spheres in which spatial inequality have been discovered to reinforce social unevenness in
Europe; 1) the limitations on opportunities for individuals disconnected from employment areas,
otherwise known as “spatial mismatch”, 2) the lack of social capital or the concentration of
socially deprived populations in segregated areas resulting in reduced chances for upward
mobility, 3) the production of new socio-spatial configurations emerging from flexible
accumulation for instance; gentrification, gated communities, urban sprawl, selective migration
and immigrant ghettos and enclaves. Within the third sphere, socio-spatial inequality is visibly
prevalent and thus requires exploration.
40
Socio-spatial inequality in Africa
Literature on general inequality in Africa has produced an array of facts and figures; with
scholars, international agencies and NGO’s continually documenting the unfolding processes
that create and sustain inequality. Such literature includes the works of UNHABITAT, CITY
ALLIANCE, and UNDP. However, qualitative analysis is needed to understand recent urban
developments in the context of rapid and uneven economic growth in Africa. In particular,
sociological theories such as NUP and neo-liberal city agenda need to be examined to help
analyze and test their limitations in the African contexts. Thus far, common themes of socio-
spatial inequality explored in the context of African urban development include gated-
communities, mass displacement or slum clearance, monopoly of civic services, spatial
segregation and inaccessibility to social infrastructure. For instance in Nairobi, Dill & Crow
(2014) observed concentration of households in need of water in certain areas of the city. South
Africa for example, due to apartheid and segregation policies has the highest income inequality
on the continent (UNHABITAT, 2010, p. 25).
In Lagos also, the World Bank (BBC UK, 2010) reported 70% of the population live in
slums; living conditions that do not provide the most essential habitation needs. Major African
cities such as Nairobi, Lagos, Johannesburg and Kinshasa are known to be highly urbanized
inherently due to their centrality in the national and global economy. This has resulted in the
intensification of the rural-urban migration dynamic leading to the inability of the city to
accommodate growing populations. The situation is also complicated by the physical expansion
occurring in African cities, where peri-urban spaces are being transformed integrated into the
urban. Accompanying such trend is an increasing disparity in spatial configuration and uses,
separated between planned and unplanned land-uses (Okpala, 2009). Cites Alliance an NGO
observed that three quarters of urban dwellers in Africa reside in slums (Okpala, 2009; Cities
Alliance, 2006:2). It seems though, just like cities in Europe, that repositioning the urban
economy takes priority over issues concerning socio-spatial exclusion (Watson, 2007, p. 223).
The socio-spatial reality in Lagos
Socio-spatial inequality in Lagos is very pertinent considering the level of wealth
available in the country and the growing importance of Nigeria in the global economy. The view
that Nigeria’s – and possibly Lagos’ – economy along with others in the same category (Mexico,
41
Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey), will shape global economic development in the next decade is as
crucial as how that impact will manifests in the country. If the assertion holds true that the
country will become one of the most successful places for global investment, then it is expected
such investment will “trickle-down”. Contrary to this opinion, a UN report claims that “Lagos is
characterized by sharp inequality, with widespread poverty amid substantial wealth and
corruption in Africa’s largest oil-producing country” (UNHABITAT, 2010, p. 28). Lagos’ level
of inequality measured according to UNHABITAT (2010) gini coefficient is very high at 0.64.
See table 4.1 below for gini coefficient scale. In today’s Lagos, this extremely high inequality
can be noticed in the lavish expression of luxury cars, houses and extravagant social events,
while at the same time one wonders why so many remain in abject poverty. The spatial divide in
Lagos was captured in a speech delivered by a former governor of the state:
Metropolitan Lagos means so many different things to its diverse inhabitants and visitors. To
some, it is the centre of civilization, sophistication, wealth, opulence and the haven of the elite. To
others, it is the heart of decadence where only the fittest survive, a jungle city of chaos where
nothing works but for pickpockets, armed robbers and fraudulent characters.
(Governor Raji Rasaki, 1988).
Table 4.1
Gini coefficient # Inequality level
<0.299 Low
0.3 to 0.399 Relatively low
0.4 to 0.449 Relatively high
0.45 to 0.499 High
0.5 to 0.599 Very high
> 0.6 Extremely high
Source: UNHABITAT (2010)
42
Image 4.1 Socio-economic profile of metropolitan Lagos. Based on the cost of a 2-bedroom
unit
Image 4.2 Aerial view of Victoria Island, one of prestigious neighborhood
Source: Ifesanya, 2012
Source: Author’s analysis
43
In order to understand the socio-spatial conditions of Lagos, I must therefore revisit the
key themes (transportation, housing and the built environment) mentioned in chapter one, which
are areas for the evaluation of socio-spatial inequality. It is more meaningful to consider these
themes notably for their correlation with the city’s perceived challenges. Each one of these will
be discussed independently to provide insight into their condition, distribution and evolution
within the metropolis. However an in-depth analysis will be carried out in subsequent parts of the
study. Based on land and real estate values, I have categorized areas within the metropolis from
high-income, medium-high income, medium-low and low-income. A UNHABITAT observation
substantiates the socioeconomic profiling in figure thus; “In Lagos, the rich and well-serviced
neighborhoods of Ikoyi, Victoria (Eti-Osa in map) or Apapa contrast sharply with overpopulated,
under-equipped and unsafe areas like Mushin, Shomolu or Iju (UNHABITAT, 2010, p. 109).
Table 4.1 shows a compilation of the city’s challenges as obtained by City Alliance. In
highlights are those relevant for this study.
• Uncontrolled urban sprawl
• Inadequate and overburdened infrastructure
• Housing shortage
• Social and economic exclusion
• Large informal sector arising from large in-migration of unskilled labour
• High youth unemployment
• Inadequate funding of urban development
• Rising crime and insecurity
• Cumbersome judicial processes resulting in delays and denial of justice
• Low-level preparedness for disaster management
Transportation
It has been established that “the existing public transport system in Lagos is grossly
inadequate and therefore unable to meet present and future travel demand of citizens”
(LAMATA, 2014).Considering factors such as the local economy, income and cost of
automobiles, public transportation is assumed to be the primary source of mobility for residents
Source: (Filani, 2012)
44
of Lagos. Although the growing middle-class is contributing towards the increase in automobile
ownership, public transit remains the main choice. The public transport system which comprises
the barely functioning rail system, buses, taxi, ferry and the two and three-wheeled motorized
vehicle, are all expected to accommodate the 7 million trips generated daily (Taiwo, undated).
The rail system although currently dysfunctional, is being invested in, existing railway corridors
are being restored and new lines have being proposed. Lagos’s road network is one of the largest
and extensive in West Africa, and by virtue of the city’s population and level of activity,
experiences one of the worst congestion in the region (Olokesusi, 2011).
Lagos, like many cities around the world is contending with high amounts of traffic
congestion, inadequate road infrastructure and unsustainable modes of transportation. The
burden of which, falls on the poor who comprise majority of the population. In 2008, the
government implemented the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) and proposed a light rail system (LRT) –
under construction since 2009 – both systems are meant to alleviate the transportation challenges
in the city (LAMATA, 2014). The BRT, a public-private initiative, operates on major express
routes and central arteries, particularly to and from the central business district as well as main
activity nodes. Majority of the city’s daily commute occurs from all directions of the city
towards the island, where two adjoining CBD’s are located.
Source: Google images Image 4.3 Public Transit Modes in Lagos
45
It seems logical to expect a higher volume of traffic to and from the CBD during peak
periods but in Lagos, the metropolis experiences frequent traffic gridlock outside peak periods.
Besides the trips generated from different parts of the city towards the major employment district,
significantly larger number of trips are generated between several other origins to other smaller
but denser commercial areas. As such, the efficiency expected from a functioning mass transit
system, especially in such a mega-city, is grossly lacking thus making travel in the city gruesome.
In fact it is typical to experience high volumes of slow-moving traffic during off-peak at almost
every part of the city. While people seem to have accepted the tiresome and discomforting
experience from being in traffic jams, the choice of travelling in private cars is becoming a more
desirable option even at the risk of further chaos. This of course, creates a vicious cycle that
moves farther away from the common good.
The BRT although a significant improvement in the system, has been argued to be
insufficient to address the transport challenges in the city (Ogunlesi, 2012). In addition to the
BRT, there are the other available bus services such as the low and high capacity buses which
have been deemed precarious due to their unsafe physical condition and undesirable appearance.
The ferry service which mostly serves communities surrounded by water operates sub-optimally,
only three of the seven main routes identified function (Olawepo, 2010, p. 282). Water transport
holds great potential for the city’s transport system even though it remains largely untapped,
constituting less than one percent of overall traffic in Lagos (Olawepo, 2010). Furthermore,
motorcycles, locally known as “okada” have been recently barred in the metropolis due to the
extreme danger it poses to commuters and other road users. While a welcoming idea, there has
not been considerable effort to offset the loss of services.
The surge in earning capacity of some of the city dwellers have resulted in higher
automobile ownership, this is particularly true of some neighborhoods that are solely dependent
on the private cars for mobility (Oloto & Adebayo, 2011). Implicitly, around 10 million
Lagosians are left to rely primarily on the insufficient service of the BRT, ancillary bus services
and private automobile for mobility.
Elsewhere, Olawepo (2010) summarized the problems of transportation in Lagos thus:
• The problem of old narrow streets in most of the unplanned areas of the city
46
• The emerging incursion of transport infrastructural facilities into the residential areas as a
result of growing traffic volumes on Lagos roads.
• The problems of haphazard development and slum expansion affecting traffic flow and
movement.
• Traffic congestion resulting from increased vehicular volumes, human and commodity
movement across the city.
• The incessant traffic hold ups and delays resulting from human problems, behaviour and
mistakes as well as road bottlenecks on Lagos roads.
• Infrastructure facilities for non-motorized transport are limited throughout the
metropolitan area, while sidewalks, pedestrian bridges and crossing facilities are in short
supply.
Housing
To meet the housing demands for around eight million Lagosians, an estimated 40,000
units per annum will have to be delivered on a yearly basis for over ten years (Filani, 2010;
Oshodi, 2010). Evidence of over-crowding and proliferation of slums point to the shortage in
housing supply in the city, notably for the poor. The acute housing shortage is reported to
account for up to 31% of the national housing deficit (Oshodi, 2010). Densities of around 150 to
2500 persons per hectare have been recorded in high and low income neighborhoods respectively.
This is quite parallel to occupancy rate of 1.4 to 8 persons per room in low and high density areas
respectively (Oduwaye & Lawanson, 2010).Such scenarios imply the steep gradient in housing
affordability. To this effect Ilesanmi (2010, p. 165) suggest that “a highly significant
characteristic of Lagos is the enormous socio-economic gap between residents of different social
class.
Housing remains in short supply partly due to the high cost of land and the complex land
acquisition process, especially for the majority who are low-income (Olokesusi, 2011, p.13).
Agbola & Agunbiade (2009) assert that two-thirds of the city residents live in slums, a figure
attributable to the land-use behavior of rural migrants and settlement pattern in unplanned areas
of the city. The implication of such shortage was reflected in the increase of slum settlements by
almost 60% from 42 in 1985 and to over 100 by 2010 (Oshodi, 2010)
47
Image 4.3 Visible extremes of housing in Lagos
Housing stock in Lagos is also being further diminished, particularly in neighborhoods-
in-transition, where commercial activities are rapidly growing and property owners due to
demand for spaces are converting residential structures for commercial purposes. In other
quarters, some residents believe that housing is only an issue for non-residents and that perhaps
the issue of housing affordability rather than availability should the case in the city (personal
conversation). Oshodi (2010) contends that while there is a shortage for housing for low-income
inhabitants, there is sufficient supply of housing for those in the high-income bracket. Lagos
boasts of considerable stock of quality housing mostly situated in the historical and up-coming
highbrow areas, others are scattered around the city but often haphazardly, creating a mixture of
varying building typology. The latter morphological arrangement is evident in the distribution of
slum settlements across the city. Consequently, there are three identifiable spatial patterns of
housing in Lagos; the high-density-low-quality residential, the medium-density-medium-quality
residential, and the low-density-high-quality residential areas (Aliu & Ajala, 2013, p. 3; Aluko,
2000; Oduwaye, 2005).
As desirable as homeownership is, it is hardly realistic for Lagosians. The economic
hardship and unfair treatment by landlords is one reason many inhabitants would prefer to own a
home, even when it is illegally constructed or sub-standard. Besides being extremely costly, the
land acquisition process and informal proprietorship arrangements make it more difficult to
secure property. The land development charges are also a disincentive for the provision of low-
Source: Google images
48
income housing (Lawanson & Oduwaye, 2010; Olokesusi 2011, p.18). As such then, the
numbers of renters in the city are overwhelmingly higher than that of home owners. This
phenomenon is responsible for 90% of the housing supply being provided by the informal private
sector (Oshodi, 2010). The housing situation in Lagos isn’t peculiar to the city; the trend is
archetypal of the financial and housing policies and practices in Africa. In Nigeria for example,
88% of the homes are self-built, with little or no mortgage commitment (Oshodi, 2010; Mortgage
Banking Association of Nigeria, 2010). The lack of credit and other monetary facilities creates a
disincentive for private developers to mass-produce homes, a situation impaired by the
inconsistent social, economic and political climate.
The housing situation is exacerbated by the extremely costly and highly bureaucratic land
acquisition process; this discourages participation leading people to construct erratically and
without official permits (Oshodi, 2010). Notwithstanding the private sector still accounts for
majority of the housing stock in Lagos. This practical process involves an individual purchasing
land and building for personal or for income generation. For those who can afford to build, they
would have had to put up with extreme increase in building materials over the years, for instance
a 555% increase in granite between 1997 and 2005 or a 7,600% increase in Sharp Sand from
1986 to 2010 (Oshodi, 2010).The economic vitality of Lagos – perceived or real – by virtue
attracts more populations, resulting in an overwhelming demand for housing, a commodity
exceedingly under-supplied. “Land is to Lagos what oil is to Nigeria” (Olokesusi, 2011), this
picture is clearer considering that the revenue generated by the Land Bureau increased from
$42,000 in 1999 to $110 million by 2008. Whether such revenue reflects in housing provision is
beyond the scope of this study; however the information is notable enough to make aware of the
income generating potential of the land market.
As at 2006, the Lagos State Property Development Corporation (LSDPC) had supplied
14,972 units, 3788 units and 1,722 units of housing for low-income, middle and upper income
groups respectively and yet most Lagosians still lack access to decent housing (Olokesusi, 2011,
p.18). In 2010, the state government in partnership with the World Bank had instituted a slum
improvement plan for around 1.1 million residents in the city (Olokesusi, 2011; Alausa Alert, Jan
2010 p.14).
49
Image 4.4 Distribution of slums in Lagos
Source: Ifesanya, 2012
50
In reality, the housing situation in Lagos is forcing the expansion of the city beyond its
seams. Rural and vegetative land are being encroached on, homes are being built across and
beyond initial boundaries of the state. At the same time, majority of the old and existing stock
remains largely under-utilized, especially those within the high-density-low quality category. In
a study of residential polarization in Lagos, Aliu & Ajala (2013) suggested gentrification could
potentially arrest the chronic shortage of housing. They concluded that gentrifying old and
dilapidated structures in low income areas will increase the number of quality residential units
and contribute to the sustainable growth of the city
Physical attributes
To analyze the physical attributes of a city on an aggregate scale is a complex task;
instead I will examine different components of the physical attributes in order to present a
description albeit incomplete of the public environment in Lagos. While the physical attributes of
a place varies depending on geographical and cultural context, those strategically discussed here
include; the quality of spaces (general aesthetics and functionality) and social facilities. I find
these most relevant to the case under study because of their over-emphasis in the new city.
Lagos’ “physical and social geography is exemplified by squatter settlements, traffic
congestion, roadside markets, overstretched and inadequate infrastructure” (Amadi, 2012, p. 1).
Mathew Gandy (2005) once described the environment of Lagos as a “smoky expanse of
concrete and shanty towns….” an illustration of one of the significant landmarks highly
observable (especially by visitors going from the airport to the high-brow hospitality district of
the city) from the top of the bridge connecting the mainland and island parts of the city. This
view, a sea of make-shift floating slums extending for kilometers along the Lagos lagoon with
smoke bellowing from it, represents an iconic attribute of the physical conditions of the city.
This symbolic location hasd attracted the attention of urban planners, architects and the
international media alike. (see Rem Koolhaas on Lagos and BBC documentary “Welcome to
Lagos”).
Metropolitan Lagos can be divided into 3 main districts namely; the island – a
combination of the ancient city core, business and entertainment district and the most affluent
part of the city. The mainland, areas away from the island which form the largest part of the city,
51
they are predominantly occupied by medium-low income settlements. And lastly, the peri-urban
– areas typically bordering rural towns habited by mostly low-income. Some parts of the peri-
urban are recently being explored for but speculative real estate. For example the Lekki-Epe axis
which has seen intense development in the last decade. It is worth mentioning that the “new city”
is been constructed on the island, perhaps the most favorable location. Many residents of Lagos
seem to disregard the ‘quality’ aspect of public spaces, seeing that people go about their lives
unhindered by conditions that may seem overly chaotic and nightmarish to an outsider. Apart
from the central business districts and a few other key residential and commercial areas, most
parts of the city have being fraught with planning fatigue for decades save for the transformative
efforts by the current state government. In a concluding statement of a governance review of
Lagos, Filani (2010) contends that the city only began to experience positive changes in the last
decade after a long period of neglect.
Image 4.5 Life in a dual city
Source: Google images, Ifesanya, 2012
52
From top left; Market scene in Lagos, a protestor expresses concern over inequality.
Bottom; The only toll highway in the city, leading into the highbrow Lekki neighborhood.
The multiplicity of unregulated land-use activities render most public spaces undesirable
and are thus left to the whims of the general public to manage. In what Gandy (2005, p. 52)
describes as “amorphous urbanism” the metropolitan area of Lagos, by and large, has developed
independently of the efforts of city planners. In this sense, Abengowe (2010, p. 53) recounts how
public life for Lagosians in the unofficial economy is tied to commerce and livelihood wherein
roadsides and sidewalks are contested territories for individual choice of activity. These
contested spaces can simultaneously hold street vendors, market stalls, bus-stop, pedestrians, and
the loitering public. This scenario would have been peculiar to low-income neighborhoods or
markets but is more apparent on most commercial streets, transit corridors, in and around bus
terminal and even along major highways and bridges. In other words most spaces are neutral and
even when assigned for specific purposes they hardly function as that. Where these kinds of
conditions prevail, one can expect that the need for legibility has been vividly replaced by the
need to meet survival demands.
Lawanson & Oduwaye (2010, p.8) agree that the dominant urban poor, who in the
process of meeting their needs, are transforming the city in ways conflicting with official laws
and plans. Yet, what remains visible however is the reduced intensity and sometimes absolute
non-existence of such scenarios in some neighborhoods, a natural reflection of the socio-
economic composition. Using a different set of categories, Aliu & Ajala (2013) confirms the
spatial differentiation of metropolitan Lagos according to density, indicating the residential
polarization observed between high-residential density (HRD), medium-residential density
(MRD) and low-residential density (LRD). Results from this study will be elaborated upon in the
discussion chapter.
53
Chapter 5 Findings
This chapter mainly analyzes two data sets collected about the city and the project under
study. They include expert opinions obtained through interview from relevant professionals and
academics, as well as empirical data and graphic representation of data obtained from secondary
sources. Each of these data sets present different but inter-related information. They will be
synthesized to form a larger part of the findings in order to substantiate the query whether
projects like the EAC exacerbate socio-spatial inequality in Lagos. Results from the expert
interviews (qualitative data) reveal a perception of the project from a professional standpoint,
and help contextualize the quantitative data. The quantitative data, essential for comparison with
the key provisions of the EAC, shows the performance and distribution of infrastructure within
the city. Due to limitations in accessing raw data, I have relied on reported key statistical figures
and where possible re-organized individually retrieved data for the purpose of clarity. The
analytical techniques used to analyze the data are; coding and classification for the interviews,
statistical inferences such as frequency, percentage as well as illustrative graphics such as maps.
Transportation
The Lagos Metropolitan Transport Management Agency (LAMATA) was inaugurated in
2002, and has established a long-term public transportation infrastructure improvement to meet
to growing demand of the inhabitants of Lagos. This is expressed through a 30-year Strategic
Transport Master Plan which intends to; increase transport choices for all users through the
creation of multi-modal and integrative transport system. Included in this strategic plan is the
Lagos Urban Rail Network (LURN), an urban rail-based system running through seven major
traffic corridors that extend beyond the metropolitan area and into other regions. The integrated
system is expected to be efficient, attractive, affordable and easily accessible (LAMATA, 2012).
Currently, two (Blue & Red line) of the seven proposed Light Rail Transit are at advanced stages
of construction and is expected to be running by 2015 (LAMATA, 2014). The Blue line is a
27km rail with 13 stations running westwards from the CBD (Marina) to the outskirts of the city
(Okokomaiko). At initial commencement it is expected to accommodate 400,000 daily trips and
upon full operation should cater for up to 700,000 daily trips. This service is anticipated to
complement the existing Lagos-Badagry expressway which is being expanded from a 4 to 10
54
Fig 5.1 Existing rail and road network
Fig 5.2 Proposed rail network
Source: LAMATA, 2014
EAC
Source: LAMATA, 2014
55
lanes to meet current transport demands as well as accommodate projected growth (LAMATA,
2014). Asides from the rail infrastructure, the system will be connected at various parts to the
BRT as well other non-motorized transport facilities such as pedestrian and over-head walkways.
Despite its shortcomings, the current BRT system has also been bolstered by the
continued extension of routes, buses and stations. The system currently has about 220 high-
capacity buses in its fleet, ferries around 200,000 passengers daily and has created indirect
employment for around 500,000 residents (LAMATA, 2014). In addition to the BRT operated
through PPP, the Bus Franchise Scheme (BFS) is another pilot project meant to facilitate the
involvement of private stakeholders in the transportation sector of the state. In both cases, the
city provided complete infrastructure through a line of credit ($40bn) provided by the World
Bank, while the private sector provides, operates and manages the fleet. The state-funded
infrastructures include, bus shelters, terminals, road markings, road segmentation and other
traffic management facilities (LAMATA, 2014). However, while these schemes are in operation
some routes will not become fully functioning until December 2014 (LAMATA, 2014).
Nonetheless, the bus system has enabled fair reduction of up to 30%, the system has also reduced
journey and waiting times by 40% and 35% respectively, while planned state investment has
risen 50-fold (LAMATA,2014).
Fig 5.3 Proposed BRT routes
Source: LAMATA, 2014
56
In addition to the improvement of the public transportation network, there has been a
proposal to install a Cable Propelled Transit (CPT) or aerial cable car. This is expected to serve
areas – interestingly within the neighborhood of EAC – not covered by the Strategic Transport
Master Plan (LAMATA, 2014). It is hoped that such a project will attract more private funding
for the transport sector. Considering such systems has been known to be cost-effective and more
suited for touristy, mountainous and steep-sloped locations – for instance the Swiss Alps,
Caracas in Venezuela and Rio de Janeiro (UrbanLand, 2014) – it remains questionable how
adaptable the system will be given Lagos’ enormous mobility traffic. To further meet the
transportation demands of Lagosians, five jetties are being constructed to maximize the potential
of the surrounding lagoon by ferrying inhabitants from different distances to the islands. In total
these jetties cover a floor area of around 63,000km2
with additional floating jetties covering
6,400km2; they are mixed-use structures with light commercial spaces, banking offices, and
restaurants. They have also have a total parking capacity of 830 and 80 spaces for cars and buses
respectively (Lagos State Waterways Authority, 2014).
It is claimed that the monthly ridership of the state waterways system has increased 2.7
times from 494,010 in June 2010 to over 1.8 million passengers in July 2013 (Lagos State
Waterways Authority, 2014; Vanguard, 2014). Following this trend, there are speculations that
monthly ridership might reach 2 million considering the increase in the number of people opting
to travel by water. In spite of the greater potential for water transportation, waterway travel only
still accounts for 1% of the motorized trips in Lagos (Moboreola, 2014). There are around 200
ferries operated by about 50 private individuals and groups (NewsWire NGR, 2014).
Beyond improving the transportation system in the city, commitment to investment in the
sector has been encouraged by the revenue generating potential created by overwhelming
demand for transport services. The viability of the sector is likely the reason why the state
governor claimed, in a presentation to a business consortium in Hamburg, Germany, that there is
a potential 50% annual profit for investments up to $100 Million (Fashola, 2010). As a result of
continued investment, it is almost certain that public transit will be improved for many while the
sector will likely increase in profitability. In this instance, equity concerns appear to have being
accounted for. The state’s investment in multi-modal transit facilities beyond roads and
highways points to a concern for majority of the inhabitants. Overall, the city authorities have
57
been fair in their attempts at alleviating the problems associated with transportation within the
metropolis and beyond.
Housing
While the state authorities continue to encourage private partnership in delivering
housing, housing shortages remain largely unaddressed particularly with budgetary allocations
for housing declining from 4% to 2.7% between year 2000 and 2010 (Lagos State Ministry of
Housing). Housing provision is administered by three government agencies, the state’s ministry
of housing, the Lagos State Development and Property Corporation and the Lagos Building
Investment Corporation. Between the agencies a total of 6,930 homes were provided between
2008 and 2011, 15% of which were for upper income groups. An additional 1,887 units were
also delivered through private participation schemes within the same period (DIGEST
STATISTICS, 2012). In 2012, the state embarked on a Home Ownership Mortgage Scheme
targeting 10,000 housing units but has only succeeded in providing 5,626 units (Business Day,
2014; Lagos State Ministry of Housing, 2010), yet most of these come at unaffordable costs. For
example, the average price of a 2 bedroom apartment in the new scheme is about $70,000, in an
economy where the minimum wage is around $110 monthly and inhabitants are committing
between 40% and 70% of their income towards housing (Oshodi, 2010; Akinmoladun and
Oluwoye, 2007, Roland Igbinoba Real Foundation for Housing and Urban Development, 2009).
In what seems like a deliberate withdrawal from the provision of low-income housing,
the state government in 2007 was believed to have provided 45,000 medium to high income
homes in the highbrows of the state in the hope gaining higher returns on investment (Olokesusi,
2011). In addition, a reported 80% of the state-supplied housing in 2009 was located in the high-
brow Lekki area of the city (Ifesanya, 2012, p.219). Based on a report Spotlight on Lagos
Residential Development (Ifesanya, 2012, pp.218-9; Residential Auctions Company (RAC),
2011), it was gathered that the housing ministry and its ancillary agencies produced around
15,000 units of the 2.4 – 3.6 million units required to offset the housing demand for the period
between 1996 and 2011.
58
The focus of the government in providing housing principally for middle and upper-
income groups indicates their unwillingness to ameliorate the housing condition of majority the
inhabitants. The reluctance to provide affordable housing is counterproductive in spite of a
greater chance of profit, especially if one takes the concept of scale economies into consideration.
Following this, it appears the state has given up hope for housing the poor and expects the
market to correct the housing imbalance. The second assumption seems explainable by a study
showing the public housing mismatch in Lagos. The study shows that less than 140,000 units of
the 1.4 million units needs were supplied between 1980 and year 2000 (Ifesanya, 2012, pp. 219-
220). This is almost double what is being projected for EAC. With such actions one ponders
whether the state’s policy on housing is equitable?
Interview Responses
In order to obtain expert opinion on the subject matter, a total of 19 respondents
(academics and practitioners) were contacted, however only nine completed the questionnaire,
three respondents declined to participate including one who cited security reasons. Four
respondents who earlier agreed to participate later refused to proceed upon receiving the
questionnaire (on 2nd
contact) while three did not respond to initial contact. Two of the
successful respondent reminded me of the sensitivity of the case and expressed concerns about
the government being cautious about information surrounding the project. The opinions
expressed by the interviewees on the topic were of slight variations; generally many of the
respondents agreed on most aspects of the interview and differed on few. Each of the
respondents interviewed had a high familiarity with the project, with some having visited the site
as an observer. See appendix for the questionnaire administered.
Regarding the motive behind the project, profit was largely considered by most
respondents as the primary goal. This is quite notable considering the state authorities have been
pushing an agenda to attract investment into the city. Other motivations reported to be leading
the project include environmental (shoreline protection), political, symbolism, meeting the
housing needs as well as decongesting the city. In order to create the conditions for profit or
capital accumulation, the city authorities believe in a radical modernization of the built
environment enough to boost the confidence of investors. Such momentum may require the roll
out of anti-poor policies which may eventually damage the welcoming image the city strives to
59
create. It possible then, why the city has been credited for its high performance on GDP and
attraction of foreign investment but having a poor rating with regards to education,
infrastructural investment and business regulation (MasterCard , 2013).
Apart from the ocean revetment, other justifications for building the city do not appear
plausible, especially in light of the developmental priorities of the city. Quite notably, some
respondents expressed doubts about claims the intervention was only a response to heavy tidal
wave. Such doubts raise questions about the state government’s confidentiality of the details of
the project. Someone who refused to participate, a civil servant commented he was not aware of
the details of the project and even if he were, was not allowed to divulge any information to any
member of the public. On whether the project was an exemplary mega-project led urban
redevelopment, many of the respondents expressed ambiguity over the concept the project but
agreed that it resembles a mega-city project. In much of the responses there were consistent
references to neo-liberal ideologies, market-driven approaches and the promotion of high
consumer culture. According to one of the interviewees, Lagos is expected to be the “African
Dubai” a reference to its perception as a destination for tourism, prime real estate and
commercial investment. This is undoubtedly true, seeing that the developers of EAC have made
a priority of promoting the projects using tropes that emphasize the luxurious opportunities that
may be abound in the new city.
These interpretations of the dynamics of the Eko Atlantic city thus correspond closely
with the New Urban Policy (NUP), which as earlier explained involves taking an entrepreneurial
approach towards urban and economic development. In line with the capital accumulation
argument, another respondent cited the project as a potential destination for capital departed from
the US markets post 9/11. Nonetheless, whether Lagos provides the fertility needed for such
capital is unclear, especially if one goes by the economic report which ranks the city 13th
out of
the 19 African cities with emerging economies (MasterCard Report, 2013). One respondent, an
architect, mentioned that the project represents an archetypical mega-city project that is
“inherently non-resilient in the event of ….unpredictable future conditions” such as climatic
change, financial crisis or political instability. In this respect, cities like Dubai, Ordos (a modern
ghost town in China) and the World islands in the United Arab Emirates come to mind (TIME,
2010).
60
When respondents were quizzed about the possibility of EAC being integrated into the
city’s wider planning system, all but one acknowledged the likelihood of it being an enclave with
a possible commuting relationship with the main city. The word “exclusive” was commonly used
to describe the project, reinforcing one of the selling points by the developers. Such exclusivity
appears like an accurate interpretation of the vision of EAC, a vision shared by most young high
income earners who aspire to enjoy the sort of lifestyle associated with the new city. The
exclusivity referred to implies the new residential and commercial spaces may not be affordable
to some middle class groups, as the cost of ownership is extremely high.
In regards to integration, one respondent imagined the new city will only go as far as
being diffused with the adjacent affluent neighborhoods of Victoria Island, Ikoyi and Lekki. The
same respondent, proceeded to comparing the project concept to “grid segregation”, a model of
socio-spatial segregation advanced by American economist Thomas Schelling which
demonstrates that “even when individuals (or "agents") didn't mind being surrounded or living
by agents of a different race, they would still choose to segregate themselves from other agents
over time” (Schelling, 1969). Only one respondent seemed to be convinced of the potential for
EAC, believing it will be integrated into the main city and will be considered to be part of the
Lagos mega-city development. In light of the other opinions and the quantitative data cited above,
it appears likely that even if EAC is part of the mega-city, it may not be well connected with the
main city. The same respondent further suggested that the project may become a useful tool for
urban renewal and development that could be emulated by other cities in the country.
According to all respondents, there were no public or professional consultation in the
decision-making and implementation of EAC except for when defending the environmental
impact assessment critique. A non-governmental organization, Heinrich Boll had questioned the
practicality of the project, arguing the ignorance of the developers over the environmental
implications of the new city (Heinrich Boll Foundation- Nigeria, 2012). A report produced by the
NGO cited the risk of the dredging system affecting the speed of the ocean waves which, upon
collision with the revetment could divert eastwards surging the communities there. The report
also highlighted the need for the developers to be held accountable for any long term negative
impacts. To quote a respondent regarding the democratic participation during the project “I am
not aware of any, save for critique induced gathering of selected stakeholders by the
61
government”. Further to the transparency surrounding the project, respondents confirmed their
knowledge on the project was obtained mostly through the media. This implies the complete
isolation of the project from any form of scrutiny.
In describing the state’s urban policies with reference to socio-spatial inequalities, there
was a general consensus amongst interviewees on the anti-poor stance of the government. While
recognizing the alarming rate of general inequality, respondents indicated that socio-spatial
inequality is barely visible on the authority’s urban agenda. This comes as a surprise in light of
several initiatives put in place to address the city’s problems. Recurring use of phrases and words
such as “exclusionary policies”, “elitist”, “anti-poor” reaffirm the assertion that efforts being
taken by the government may be attempts to overshadow serious social justice issues. According
to some respondents, the proliferation of fortified enclaves only serves to worsen the lethargy
towards investment in public and social infrastructure.
Further to the city’s urban planning policies, a respondent commented thus: “it is highly
unfair and structured against the low and middle-income groups who constitute over 80% of the
city’s population”. This corresponds to the earlier expressed view about government’s
unwillingness to cater to the housing needs of majority. Clearing the poor out of the megacity, as
one respondent puts it, represents an effort to ensure that highly visible spaces within the
metropolis appear attractive to elite interests. If this is true, it implies the state’s urban planning
policies aim to foster a quality built environment while fanning the poor deeper into areas that
progressively develop into slums. It seems, according to a respondent, that while the state
supports the environmental aspect of global urban agenda set by organizations like
UNHABITAT, there is apathy for issues like social and economic sustainability.
When asked about the socio-spatial implications of EAC, three quarter of the respondents
replied in affirmation of the negative effect it may have on socio-spatial inequality. For the most
part, respondents felt a project of such proportion will extend the urban divide. In support of such
likely occurrence, one respondent commented thus, “pockets of resentment are palpable
especially around gated communities adjacent to low income settlements”. Another respondent
pointed to this resulting in more frustration for the poor. Majority of the opinion on this aspect of
the project, points to an exacerbation of socio-spatial inequality possibly by the multitude of
luxury homes, luxury goods and exclusive entertainment venues in a highly secured environment
62
(interviewee comment). In an article describing EAC, an urban planning practitioner (Simon
Gusah) suggests the new city is a “manifestation of privileged Nigerian’s penchant for
snobbishness” (Ventrures Africa, 2012). As such it is almost certain that greater inequality will
be produced along with the assumed economic advantages EAC will bring.
In contrast to the opinion shared above, two respondents disagreed on the negative impact
EAC may have on socio-spatial inequality. One of the respondents contend that “Lagos has
scored a pass mark in reducing spatial inequality, as every part of the state is touched in this new
wave of urban renewal throughout the state, yet there is still spatial inequality”. In the other
promising view about the impact of EAC, the second respondent anticipates the occurrence of
“filtering” in the housing sector. Middle income groups can occupy homes that have been
vacated by the fleeing rich. It is believed that rich Lagosians who will populate the new city will
provide job opportunities for the poor. Although a counter opinion was noted by another
respondent who wondered how the new city will accommodate those providing ancillary services
to the primary occupants.
With respect to the city typology EAC belongs to, seven of those interviewed suggested it
is a “private city”, one person described it as a “charter city” and another imagined it as a “smart
city”. The interpretation of EAC as a private city speaks volumes of the extent to which the
interviewed experts understood the concept of the new city. Based on responses, the frequent use
of words such as “consolidation of financial capital”, “privatization of public land” and
“entrepreneurialism” underscores the end goal which EAC aims to achieve – to provide goods to
private clients within a privately administered space. Accordingly, the new city is understood to
likely be a place with high security, low public accessibility and an enclave for the super-rich.
For respondents who were positive about EAC, socio-spatial inequality is an issue they
considered to be receiving adequate attention by the government and hence do not pose great risk
to the city inhabitants. For those who hold this view, tackling urban challenges such insufficient
housing, over-crowdedness and dilapidated infrastructure seem more of a concern than how
these developments affects a wider population. This belief is consistent with claims by the
developers who assert that “instead of the claustrophobic city environment of Lagos, Eko
Atlantic will provide dramatic views over the Atlantic Ocean, clear, tree-lined streets and open
spaces” (Ventrures Africa, 2012; Eko Atlantic City, 2012). On the contrary however, majority
63
of the interviewees believe EAC presents significant danger to socio-spatial inequality in the
metropolis. In an interview, Robert Neuwirth, (in Ventrures Africa, 2012) renowned for
authoring the book Shadow Cities : A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World, expresses
skepticism about EAC, he draws attention to the limit which infrastructure in the new city will
impact other parts and shows concern about the “separateness” that will accompany the project .
It is also noted elsewhere, that new cities like EAC are places where the upper class and
transnational elites can escape to avoid being part of the fixing process of the old city (This is
Africa, 2014).
64
Chapter 6 Discussion and Conclusion
NUP, just city and African Cities
The desire of cities to topple or match each other on the global city scale seems more like
an acceptable model of urban growth than the historical urban specialization. Urban
specialization according to Rodriguea & Feagin (2006, p. 33) is when “a city develops
specialized economic activity and a corresponding social structure as a consequence of its
relationship to other cities and regions….”.It seems more common for cities to want to replicate
what other successful cities have done rather than adapt their own a niche, in order to create
similar charm. Such strategies are seen in the new urban policies that produce the kinds of mega-
projects earlier mentioned in this study. In search of the elusive wealth, cities have become like
canvases, for architects, economists, politicians or businesspeople to paint the most striking
image that will attract even the most visually insensitive investor. They submit to economic
suitors with promises of delivering whatever is required of them, from land to low wages
(Friedmann, 2007), even when such commitments do not favor certain groups in the society.
This scenario in Africa however, is only just unveiling and deserves all the attention that
can be mustered to ensure outcomes that further stretch inequality are avoided. The focus on this
trend seems essential considering the most critical needs of African cities are barely tied to the
anticipated growth projected by proponents of these emerging forms of cities. John Friedmann
(2007) in a speech advocating for investment in local tangible assets, believes city building
should be about attaining 85% rather than 15% development. He argued against the perception
that provision at the latter level (occupied by the affluent and educated middle class) is sufficient
enough for economic progress.
On the proliferation of “private city” projects in Africa, the trajectory might be different
if the financial arrangement as seen in EAC is anything to go by. Whereas in western societies,
huge public funds were committed to mega-projects, the private sector in most African contexts
is saddled with 100% of the financing. Still this may prove risky as private interests through their
“profit only” agenda may create new spatial configurations that may make reducing the dualism
present in most African cities impossible. In support of this idea, Brenner & Keil (2006, p. 218)
summarizes Jennifer Robinson’s (2002) critical suggestion on the goal of global city status by
65
cities in the global south; she contends this is seriously unrealistic considering the severe levels
of social, infrastructural and environmental problems. With the adoption of policies that
prioritize image over reality, one wonders if the authorities of the relevant African cities are
actually keen on bringing real development or creating an illusion.
Theoretical justi fication for NUP
It is important at this point to return to Swyngedouw et.al’s (2002) theoretical
conclusions in order to resolve the primary and secondary questions proposed by this study. As a
refresher, the questions probe thus:
¤ To what extent does the EAC as an urban development project reflect the New Urban Policy?
• How does the EAC reinforce socio-spatial inequality within the city?
• How will the EAC be integrated into the wider planning system?
• To what extent are local stakeholders included in the decision-making process?
Here, the EAC will be analyzed against each of the typical outcomes of UDP’s as
documented by Swyngedouw et.al. (2002). EAC will also be evaluated against other qualitative
and quantitative findings from this study. The conclusions obtained will be helpful in validating
whether or not, urban development projects like the Eko Atlantic city will exacerbate socio-
spatial inequality.
Urban Development Projects and the New Urban Policy
Large-scale UDPs are often elite-driven plans which breed new governance that favor
private sector agents, foster state entrepreneurialism and capitalizes on city marketing as a means
of revitalizing a local economy (Swyngedouw et.al, 2002; Moulaert et.al 2001). According to
Swyngedouw et al (2002), this action is part of a neo-liberal approach which forms the NUP and
is meant to restore the economic vitality of cities. Although the motives for EAC did not begin
with those suggested above, they nevertheless share compelling attributes.
Elite driven
Asides from protecting against erosion, EAC’s eventual goal is fundamentally biased against the
middle and lower income groups in the city. The provision of housing and outstanding
infrastructure to the wealthy speaks of the premium placed on elitism. This upper-class fetishism
66
is further enabled by an enabling government which caters more to private interests than public.
For example, the proposed housing of 250,000 upper class families in the new city more than
dwarfs the estimated total of 180,000 units of housing provided by the state from 1950 – 2011
(Ifesanya, 2012, p. 220). This raises the question as to whether housing or affordable housing is
what is in shortage? The emphasis on the exclusivity, world-class and luxury, indicate realities
that are far from what majority of inhabitants strive for. What makes the new city more upper-
class is its proximity to established high-brow neighborhoods of the city. For instance, if
development was intended to be more even and decentralized, other less developed areas in the
city periphery could perhaps benefit from the location of the new city.
According to the marketing brochure, EAC does not promote any form of integration or
diversity in its property portfolio. This suggests the government’s indifference towards ssocial
inclusion. Discussing the challenges and opportunities in Lagos, Olokesusi (2012, p 21)
recommended that the state government should formulate and implement more inclusive and
pro-poor policies. He concluded that the authorities should “operationalize equity and inclusive
principles in all planning process to cater for all…”. The city’s agenda to attract investment by
promising a favorable business and living environment underscores the focus on place-making as
a form of appeal.
The label as the “Gateway to Africa” presents the image of a city that is vibrant and
welcoming, yet up to three-quarters of the residents still live in slum-like conditions. The state
claims that to attract investment, a city must be well positioned to provide international standard
business and social climate; it must ensure conditions that facilitate the greater potential for
return on investment (New African, 2008). Although, the project has been lauded by the Clinton
Global Initiative for its ambition and inspiration, growth and human development indicators
reflect a negative perception (Eko Atlantic City, 2012; MasterCard , 2013).
Democratic Participation
As observed in the relevant literature as well from expert opinions, democratic participation is
absent in the decision-making and implementation of EAC. Similar to patterns visible in the
NUP, this practice means the input of local citizens are not relevant to decision process or are not
acted on. For EAC, since the land is newly reclaimed, proponents of the projects are not likely to
67
face major resistance. A surveyed respondent suggests it is less likely that inhabitants in
surrounding areas of the city will oppose the project. However, there are other areas along the
coast of the ocean that may be affected. Following survey responses, the only known
participation so far, was that between the construction consortium and an environmental NGO
which was moderated by the state government. In a compilation of expert opinions on EAC, it
was reported that EAC contravened the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) act by
commencing dredging activities before filing an EIA report (Heinrich Boll Foundation- Nigeria,
2012).
In addition, the report cited that the developers did not provide sufficient information on
the impact of the project on the ecosystem and other neighboring activities. In the EIA report
provided, developers did not take relevant stakeholders into account. The report concluded that
based on serious omissions and shortcomings EAC had not fulfilled the legal requirement
concerning EIA procedures. In spite of these allegations, EAC has proceeded without disruption.
This demonstrates the asymmetrical dimensions of power relations in the city. As noted in the
NUP (Swyngedouw. et al, 2002), the lack of democratic participation in EAC will likely result in
a new choreography of elite power. To avoid such power imbalances in Lagos, Olokesusi (2012)
recommended the critical need for a stronger and deeper local democracy that recognizes the
rights of excluded groups in the society. He suggested that improved governance can help to
alleviate urban inequality.
Urban Integration
According to Swyngedouw, et al’s, (2002) conclusion, UDPs are noted for their poor integration
into the wider planning systems of cities. This is well represented in the service provision for
EAC where all services will be independent of those existing in the metropolis. According to
claims by local authorities and developers, EAC is expected to help address some of the planning
challenges in the city, accommodate the growing population as well help the city gain
competitive advantage. Yet it is unclear whether these impacts will reflect on a majority,
particularly since the new city follows the pattern of exclusive enclaves already present in the
city. According to the dominant view held by interview respondents, it is believed EAC was not
intended to be unified with wider city processes, but rather imagined as an enclave.
68
Socioeconomic polarization
Swyngedouw, et al., (2002) suggests most UDPs conceived under NUP accentuate
socioeconomic polarization. They claim this usually occurs through gentrification (displacement
of low-income residents, real estate inflation), redirection of funding from social objectives to
investment in the built environment and restructuring of the labour market. Findings show that
EAC will likely increase socioeconomic polarization however not in the same way assumed by
Swyngedouw, et. al.. In this sense EAC is not typical of projects examinded by Swyngedouw.et
al (2002). It significantly differs in the way it is physically situated in city. The effects of
gentrification are less likely since the surrounding neighborhoods are high-income, there is no
displacement of individuals since the land is reclaimed and since the project is 100% privately
funded, it will not affect the public budget.
That 80% of those surveyed agreed that EAC will negatively impact socio-spatial
inequality in Lagos implies a potential manifestation of this reality. However this does not
remove possible remediation of such conditions. Social or spatial inequality is often assumed to
be a consequence of capital accumulation and economic processes. Moulaert et al. (2001)
recounts the historical existence of social polarization from as far back as the renaissance era up
to the 1970’s, describing how inter-regional discrepancies or urban socio-spatial inequalities are
produced through the dynamics of capital. Nonetheless, they cite as important that, collective
action with the State playing a central role, could best enable just distribution of assets and
resources (Moulaert et.al 2001, p.3). Therefore, social polarization seems almost inevitable
however; there is great potential for mediation by the state.
Urban Governance
Like the UDP’s examined by Swyngedouw et al, EAC demonstrates the shift in scale of urban
governance inherent in NUP. The global connectedness of EAC through global investment
partners and international developers reflect possible urban governance that is unconventional in
Lagos. EAC while part of a local context, exhibits enormous global trends and it is projecting
new forms of citizenship and identity. The proposed recreational and residential facilities (dock
for yachts, 1,200 high-rise condos) and the consumer lifestyles are representative of global trends
which are expected to be adopted locally (Eko Atlantic City, 2012). The city’s entrepreneurial
69
position blurs the line of leadership between the government and private sector. That the city has
rarely mentioned the overall benefits of the project to the public suggest the kinds of governance
inherent in the NUP. An assertion to this governance structure is evident in a city official’s
statement in defense of the private sector; “since the company had invested money in the project,
it must recoup its investment ’’ (Punch News, 2012).
In an opinion paper about EAC, Prof David Aradeon (2012) illustrates that the PPP
strategy employed by the government, has freed it of its social responsibilities. He asserts further
that instead, the government is gravitating towards projects of grandeur quality that confer
royalty (Heinrich Boll Foundation- Nigeria, 2012, p. 4).Such manifestation can only make one
question, whose side the government is on
Summary
Using the case of the Eko Atlantic City, I set out to illustrate the emergence of new forms
of cities in Africa. I attempted to emphasize one of the consequences of urban transformations
(inequality) particularly as this new city projects a reality hard to fathom by majority of
inhabitants in Lagos. This study began with a historical reflection on how and why cities
transform, followed by a description of the actors and processes that shape cities. I have drawn
on several academic literatures to create a theoretical framework. The literatures also helped in
identifying correlations between urban policies advanced in developed countries and those
embedded in the current breed of proposed new cities in Africa. I also obtained expert opinions
to gain an insight to the perceptions of professionals on the case. According to the findings and
theoretical justification, the following can be established of EAC and the state’s policies:
EAC is reflective of an urban policy that is elite driven and only caters to a minority.
However in comparison to the new urban policy, it takes a different perhaps worse dimension,
because it involves highly capitalistic actors who hardly consider social gains as part of their
agenda. At least with projects associated with the new urban policy, the spaces created are rarely
conceived of as an enclave or for the sake of social segregation. In the case of Eko Atlantic, the
physical plan, location, and rhetoric demonstrate the tendency towards a private environment
with minimal relationship with the central city. A distinctive feature that may be responsible for
70
such diverging approaches could be in the project financing where public funding is committed
into UDPs in developed economies while the private sector is seen as the sole financer of the
project in Lagos. Either way, EAC represents a novel approach in urban re-development in
Africa, a phenomenon that could pose greater risks for inequality if not properly addressed.
Watson (2013) thus highlights the uniqueness of this re-development trend, noting that:
“ …the fact that the private sector (with bases in, or links to, economically stronger
regions of the world) has become a dominant player in nearly all of these
projects…..suggests that global economic forces are interacting with local African
contexts in new ways.”
Furthermore, Eko Atlantic is an exemplary of how growth machines within an urban
setting directs the path of development which in the case of Lagos may widen the urban divide.
The outcome of such undertakings is what creates the kinds of spaces Henri Lefebvre, David
Harvey and Edward Soja refer to – spaces of social and capital reproduction. For example,
proposed housing stocks have not been targeted at middle or low income groups. This will
consequently reinforce socio-spatial inequality since housing provision for the poor is not
commensurate. The proposed benefit of EAC to the metropolitan area is ambiguous as new
facilities in the new city will likely serve those residing within the district. This would make
EAC an enclave rather than integrated into the main city. Although enclaves and gated
communities are not necessarily associated with NUP, they have been known to foster social
polarization. EAC may intensify existing duality within the city, extending the level of luxury
and wealth available yet unattainable by many.
That EAC may not be properly integrated into the wider planning system of Lagos may
further fragment the city socially and physically. Watson (2013) proposes that projects such as
EAC will benefit those with power and resource in various ways, further making inequality
inevitable especially when considering the prevalence of poverty in African cities. The state
government’s developmental approach has been widely linked to neo-liberal practices, where the
market is expected to generate sufficient growth enough to benefit a majority. As earlier
illustrated, such entrepreneurial stance means the government becomes more of a profit-oriented
agent than a service-provision agent. The use of mega-project as a means of attracting
investment and gaining regional competitive advantage resonates the neo-liberal dogma.
71
Therefore the state’s policies have strong neo-liberal influences. When compared to the mega-
projects synonymous with NUP, EAC makes no public good provision. It has given no
impression of creating employment opportunities for the poorer neither does it offer activities
that may foster inclusiveness. Unlike NUP projects such as museums, event centers, downtown
redevelopment, and tourist attractions, which impact the local economy, EAC has not been
planned to accommodate a wider public. Projects in the new urban policy era were mostly a
reaction to declining local economy and depopulation, while EAC expresses the desire for
symbolism and aggrandizement.
Quite notably, the state government has made commendable effort with the improvement
of public transit in the city and state generally. So far, privatization in this sense seems
appropriate. Just like in the transportation sector, if more commitment were given to the housing
sector, perhaps the sector will experience improvement, as opposed to the current trend of
providing more middle to high-income housing instead of more low-cost units. Furthermore, the
state’s policies have been widely perceived as anti-poor, and this is reflective in their slum
clearance strategy which provides alternative dwellings. The gross abandonment of high-density,
low-income areas in terms of beautification and infrastructure provision displays the lack of
concern for socio-spatial inequality. And lastly, the limited or non-involvement of urban planners
and other professional stakeholders in the decision making of the Eko Atlantic is highly
suggestive of the non-democratic agenda. It seems the government succeeded in keeping the
project from public scrutiny whereas the consequences, if negative will be borne by all. Like
some UDP’s that are impacted by strong social movements, EAC has received little to no
resistance. Social movements and resistance groups appear to be weak in Lagos and Nigeria
generally. This may be attributed to the level of corruption and selfish interest in the system.
Poverty, greed and short-sightedness are common pitfalls that impede actions towards activism.
From these observations, EAC reflects traits of the new urban policy in the 1990’s and
early 2000’s. It nevertheless appears more typical of neoliberalism and serves more as a
mechanism for extended capital accumulation rather than as a means of addressing the
challenges facing the city. With intense speculation, EAC’s focus on creating an urban
environment that is luxurious and elitist for specific social groups represents an objective that is
less about service delivery and more about high profits. The new city if completed as planned
72
will exacerbate socio-spatial inequality within the city. It will create more spaces that will
reproduce social division.
Conclusion
This study is certainly not an effort to berate the current developmental efforts of the city
authorities particularly the Eko Atlantic Project. Neither is it an attempt at over-emphasizing the
state of dereliction or planning fatigue in the state. The study intended to investigate the extent to
which an urban intervention such as the Eko Atlantic city exhibits traits of the New Urban Policy,
which often works against the less socially and politically powerful stakeholders in the city. The
research attempted to underscore considerations for socio-spatial equality within the
implementation of projects like the EAC in a metropolitan city, stressing the parallel
contemplation of bridging the socio-spatial gap while embarking on urban development plans.
The information represented in this work attempts to aid the stimulation of the socio-spatial
inequality debate, especially at the risk of questioning academically grounded development
theories such as charter cities.
It is not unreasonable to believe that the fair distribution of resources in the city would be
in the general interest of Lagosians. Without sounding too antagonistic of mega-project led urban
re-development, I am in agreement of its highly productive and income generating potential and
do not doubt its capacity to resuscitate urban economies. However, I find it important to consider
how urban development can be attained, mindful that inequality cannot be eliminated but
knowing it can be abated. To this end, I subscribe to Soja’s (2009) opinion that complete socio-
spatial inequality and perfect distributional justice can never be achieved; nonetheless
mobilization towards reducing the impact is certainly a way forward for humanity. John
Friedmann (2012, p. 98) shares this viewpoint, arguing that material inequality will always be
part of human life, but we must never tolerate disregard for the qualities of social and political
life to the point where it compromises people’s freedom. Friedmann advocates that a good city is
one which makes adequate social provision for its weakest members. And so in the case of EAC
and the public authorities, every initiative that favors already well off citizens should be
accompanied by similar intervention for the poor.
73
The concept of new urban policy has been useful in order to ground the governance
processes in African cities that produce the built-from-the-scratch “new cities”. The idea that
these emerging mega-project led urban re-developments are laden with neoliberal tendencies
make them more similar to projects implemented in the developed countries between the early
1980‘s and late 1990’s. Although the theory of accumulation by dispossession seemed
appropriate to engage the issue of the appropriation of a collectively owned good, the debate is
still quite open as to whether that may be an issue in reality. Especially when there has been little
dispute over the reclaimed land.
Recommendations and further research
In so much as innovation and human development is essential for humanity, such gains
should be accompanied by interventions that reduce social, economic or spatial disparities in
cities. While the Lagos state government’s effort at providing efficient public transit is
commendable, it should make inclusivity a key component of privately funded projects. It is not
enough to promise structural development if it’s only beneficial on a small scale. The developers
EAC could be made to provide or sponsor public goods that cannot be adapted into the confines
of EAC, so the benefits of the new city can extend beyond its location. Urban planning policies
aimed at global or regional competitiveness should do so by maximizing the full extent of the
city, thereby extending development into other areas. Urban renewal initiatives such as co-
operative/ non-profit housing or neighborhood improvement programmes, if adapted, could be
useful in providing more affordable housing. Policies that encourage investment in older and
decaying areas could be developed and implemented through tax incentives or grants. When
deciding on the direction of development within the city, it seems more rational for the state to
follow well researched problems and needs and adapt development plans towards the most
pressing needs. Facilitating the building of a new elite city does not address the main problems in
the city.
Projects such as EAC if overlooked could set precedence for other public-private
participation that are not public-oriented but yet take advantage of common property such as land.
As evident in EAC, public good such as housing should not be treated in terms of real estate
investment but as means of addressing the housing shortage in the city. In promoting economic
development, projects should have clear indications of how it will impact the local economy and
74
how that impact will be directed at the different socio-economic groups in the society.
Neoliberalization and globalization does present opportunities for economic growth, however if
embedded with equality considerations, they can be adopted to bring better quality of life to
inhabitants of cities.
Regardless of what this study has revealed, more scholarly interests should be developed
in the area of “new cities” in Africa and their potential benefits and pitfalls. That the Eko
Atlantic city is yet to be completed provides plenty opportunities for adjustments and inclusive
considerations. Perhaps a deeper research into whether the new city will be a privately
administered area may shed light on the likelihood of it being a gated city. Also, since the new
city is in its early stages, further investigation could be carried out on whether the project will be
completed as a mixed-use development or whether it will become a predominantly residential
enclave. It is unclear where the projected 250,000 new residents will be coming from, seeing that
there is no shortage of high-income housing. Perhaps as the project unfolds, details will emerge
as to what population will move into the new city and what kinds of jobs are expected to be
created in the new city.
It will be difficult at this point to expect any major shifts in the agreement between the
state and the developers, especially when sunken costs and contractual obligations are taken into
consideration. However, the state with its legal authority still holds the key to ensuring that
projects of such magnitude meet ‘inclusive’ requirements before approval. Therefore, the state
could re-evaluate its position in the governance structure and perhaps reconvene with the
developers for the sake of democratic participation and wider benefit.
75
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Appendix 1
Interview questionnaire
Online Personal Interview for UvA Master’s Thesis
Instructions:
• Please respond to the following questions as extensively as possible.
• Each response should be inserted below the corresponding question, typed in bold or
coloured.
• Where possible, you can ask for clarification on any part of the questionnaire before fully
responding.
• Upon review, I may probe further for clarification.
Name………………………………………………………………………………………………
Occupation & Employer…………………………………………………………………………...
City of residence……………………………………………………………………………………
1. Please describe to what extent you are familiar with the Eko Atlantic City project?
2. How would you describe the motivation behind the project?
3. Would you say the Eko Atlantic City is an exemplary of a mega-project led urban
development?
4. Other than protecting the shoreline against erosion, do you think the project addresses other
key challenges facing the city; for instance housing, quality urban fabric, and transportation?
5. Upon completion, do you think the EAC will become an enclave or will it be integrated into
the city’s wider planning system?
6. Are you aware of any public participation or scholarly consultation in the decision-making
processes?
7. How will you describe the state’s current urban planning policies as it relates to socio-spatial
inequality?
8. Do you think a project like the EAC will have an impact on socio-spatial inequalities in the
metropolis?
9. Do you think the project will be completed as proposed?
10. Which of the following typologies best fits the project?
(a) Satellite city (b) Private city (c) Smart city (d) Eco-city (e) Charter city (d) Other (describe)