1

The Condition and Potential of Intercultural

Education in a Japanese Rural Municipality:

Takayama City, Gifu Prefecture

Paul Owen Frederickson Jr.

2

Contents

Introduction・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・ 1

Chapter 1 Locating the Issue・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・ 3

Section 1 Multicultural Society・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・ 3

（１）The Pre-war Multicultural Perspective・・・・・・・・・・・・・3

（２）Theory of the Monocultural Society ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・4

（３）Theory of Multicultural Society ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・7

Section 2 Intercultural Education ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・8

（１）Establishment and Development of Intercultural Education・・・・8

（２）The Realities of New Comer Education・・・・・・・・・・・・・・11

Chapter 2 Outline of Survey and Field Site・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・18

Section 1 Field Selection and Survey Methods・・・・・・・・・・・・・・18

Section 2 Foreign Residents of Takayama City・・・・・・・・・・・・・・20

（１）Chinese ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・20

（２）Filipinos ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・22

Section 3 Education of Foreign Students ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・24

Chapter 3 Survey Results・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・26

Section 1 The Survey’s Three Target Schools・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・26

Section 2 Centrally Located School A・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・27

（１）The Condition of Japanese Language Education・・・・・・・・・・・27

（２）Communication with Foreign Mothers・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・29

（３）Teacher Training / Background・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・29

Section 3 City Center Outlying School B・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・29

（１）Student Interaction ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・29

（２）Teacher Interviews・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・29

Section 4 Rural Located School C・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・32

（１）Teacher Interviews・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・32

（２）Classroom Observations ・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・34

Chapter 4 Discussion・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・37

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Section 1 Issues Related to Foreign Student Education・・・・・・・・・・・37

（１）Special Japanese Language Classroom・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・37

（２）Mother Tongue Education・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・38

（３）Teachers・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・38

（４）Health Consultants・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・39

（５）Education Support & Volunteers・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・40

Section 2 Communication with Mothers・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・41

Section 3 Takayama City’s Disposition・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・42

Conclusion・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・ 45

Acknowledgments・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・ 49

Bibliography・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・ 50

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Introduction

This thesis aims to understand the current condition of intercultural education facing foreigner

children in Takayama city, Gifu prefecture, Japan. This is done through cultural anthropological

field work, the results of which are assessed using concepts developed by previous intercultural

education research to propose the possibility of attaining improved intercultural education in a

multicultural Japan.

The area of interest involves the interactions at the local level between the community and

bicultural families (families who live according to two cultures). Most frequently this includes

foreign residents and international married couples and their children. For the purposes of this

thesis, local level community interactions refers to the issues surrounding the establishment and

maintenance of lines of communication, including Japanese language instruction, directed toward

these families and their children by the local educational administrations. This includes the board of

education, teachers, educational specialists as well as the city hall. This thesis will reference general

concepts from intercultural education that were established in Japan during the 1980s and attempt to

assess how effective local policies and programs are at developing intercultural education in

Takayama city.

I first arrived in Japan for the purpose of teaching English as a member of the Japan Exchange and

Teaching (JET) Program in August of 2006. After being dispatched to Hida city, Gifu prefecture, I

lived in a small village and taught at both junior high and elementary schools. It was a valuable

experience to become familiar with many members of the village who made me feel as though I had

become one of them. Living in this village I not only came to understand Japanese personalities

and culture, but also learned about current social issues and changes that are taking place in Japanese

society, specifically those taking place in the Japanese rural areas.

For example, among my students at the schools there were those who had either Chinese or

Filipino mothers married to Japanese fathers and were thus bicultural. When I asked the Japanese

teachers at school why there were students with foreign backgrounds attending the schools, the

answer I received shed light on a current social issue facing rural areas of Japan. Specifically the

dearth of eligible brides willing to participate in a rural lifestyle, or, what is referred to as

yomebusoku. For the past several decades, the population in rural areas, especially the population of

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young women, has significantly dropped resulting in a growing difficulty for the remaining men to

find a marriage partner. Therefore, a number of these men have chosen to look for partners

overseas giving rise to the number of international marriages taking place in Japanese rural towns.

By witnessing this phenomenon in person, I keenly felt the changes taking place in the

countryside. In addition, understanding that Japanese society can often be closed to foreigners,

especially other Asians, I desired to know more about how the children of these marriages experience

life in Japanese society. Expanding upon this interest I set out to use cultural anthropological

methods and research further into issues of diversity/homogeneity and identity from the past to

present Japanese society. Yet, the core of my interest was the education of these children, so it

naturally followed that I explore the field of intercultural education which has an exceptional concern

for foreign and bicultural students. However, the overwhelming majority of research and field work

done by intercultural educationalists has been in large urban areas or districts with a high proportion

of foreign residents. Therefore, I chose to conduct my field research in Takayama city of Gifu

prefecture, a rural city with a comparatively low proportion of foreign residents.

This thesis will use the following organization.

Chapter 1 will locate the problem by giving a critical look at multicultural and intercultural trends

as well as the relevant past research. Chapter 2 will outline the reasons for selecting Takayama city

as the field site, the research methods used and overview the two largest foreigner communities of

Chinese and Filipinos. Finally, a summary of Takayama city’s handling of foreign students will also

be covered.

Chapter 3 will provide the results of the surveys conducted at three Takayama city elementary

schools starting with the most centrally located school, a second urban outlier school followed by the

school positioned in the most rural setting. Finally, chapter 4 will address the primary query of this

thesis by evaluating and examining the current education and assistance given to foreign students and

offer some suggestions for improving the intercultural education potential of Takayama city.

To simplify the terminology for this thesis, I will use the terms ‘foreigner,’ ‘foreign bride,’ and

‘foreign student’ to refer to those women who came to Japan to marry Japanese men and the children

living with these families regardless of Japanese nationality (kokuseki).

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Chapter 1 Locating the Issue

In this chapter, to illuminate the relevant issues concerning the improvement of foreign students’

education in Japan, the relevant past research into multicultural society and intercultural education

will be critically examined. Following this, my main objective of assessing the condition of

intercultural education in an area of low foreign population density will be established as a lacking

part of this body of research.

Section 1 Multicultural Society

To conduct research with a multicultural perspective concerning the foreign residents of rural

Japan, it is necessary to proceed with knowledge that a small, but significant population of foreigners

does in fact exist in Japan. In addition, it is important to recognize that theories based on

multiculturalism or multicultural views in Japan have gone through various transformations. This is

due to the fact that multicultural concepts in Japan have a long history, as does the implementation of

policies based on those ideas. However, at the same time, a look at Japan's modern history also

reveals the fact that at certain times, the governing main stream has strongly espoused the monolithic

'myth' of Japanese society/ethnicity. During the latter half of the 20th century, especially post 1990,

embracing the world of trans-global or transnational trends, current Japanese society is once again

thought to be a multicultural society1. The following section will summarize the historical trends of

multicultural theories in modern Japan.

(1) The Pre-war Multicultural Perspective

The first consolidation of 'Japan' as a political body took place during the 7th century in the form

of the Yamato polity which was legitimated with the establishment of the ritsuryō and centered in the

Kinai region. In order to expand territory, scholars of the time perpetuated a constructed myth

based on ethnic memory and legend to which members could trace direct ethnic descent. However,

this was an effort to conceal the fact that the political body was in fact pieced together from various

1 Denoon et al. (1996), Lie (2001), Sugimoto （2010）, Sugimoto ed. (2009), Weiner (2008)

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ethnicities and the possible Korean peninsula origins of the imperial line2. Since ancient 'Japan'

involved the affairs of the archipelago as well as consistent trade with the Korean peninsula and

subsequent intermingling of various ethnicities, it is thought that this resulted in a society of

comparative equality3.

Moving forward to the Meiji era, as the new Meiji government consolidated the Japanese nation-

state, they did so while recognizing racial and ethnic diversity. When looking at a number of laws

adopted at the time, it is clear that race and ethnicity were not significant barriers to being a Japanese

citizen. The 1871 home registrar law, the 1873 international marriage law and the 1899 citizenship

law all permitted Japanese citizenship to be obtained regardless of race or ethnicity. For example,

following the colonization of Korea in 1910, the Koreans who immigrated to Japan were able to

obtain Japanese citizenship. Furthermore, within the ie system of pre-war Japanese society, son-

in-law adoption was also a common practice demonstrating a flexibility and multicultural thinking

concerning blood relations and the continuation of family lines4.

(2) Theory of the Monoculture Society

The multicultural thinking of the Meiji era inhibited the progression toward unifying the Japanese

nation-state under the myth of a monolithic cultural ethnicity. As Japan attempted to unify Asia

during the beginning of the 20th century and turn everyone into national subjects (日本国家の臣民),

the emperor system was propagated and the emperor himself given the highest position,

consolidating a variety of local customs and religions under one Japanese national shinto system.

As a result, every Japanese subject became able to appeal to a connection to the myth of an

uninterrupted imperial lineage (blood line) to establish the core of their identity.

In this way, Japanese society stressed 'ethnic' difference rather than biological or racial differences.

In contrast to traditional multicultural societies that base difference on race like the United States,

Canada or Australia, in Japan human difference was based on the concept of ethnicity.

2 Donald Denoon et al., Multicultural Japan: Paleolithic to Postmodern. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996),

267.

3 Denoon, 1996:266.

4 Denoon, 1996:213-222.

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Traditionally, since the movement of people to Japan was limited to the surrounding Asian lands5,

there wasn't a great emphasis on phenotypical differences compared to other traditional multicultural

societies. At the same time, in order to form a unified, multicultural ‘Great East Asian Co-

Prosperity Sphere,’ it is clear that emphasis was placed on the 'Asian race' in opposition to those

constituting western powers. However, the nation that would lead this Asian race was thought to

naturally be the Japanese, and therefore, it was necessary to establish some criteria by which to

differentiate Japanese from the Asian ‘other.’

To distinguish 'race' from 'ethnicity', Oslo University professor of social anthropology Thomas

Hylland Eriksen states,

Ethnicity is an aspect of social relationship between agents who consider themselves as

culturally distinctive from members of other groups with whom they have a minimum of

regular interaction6.

During this war time, predicated on the primacy of the 'Yamato ethnicity,' pure Japanese were clearly

demarcated from others7. For example, during the years of Japan's imperial expansion, the terms naichi and

gaichi were used in reference to those living within the mainland Japan and those living on the periphery8.

As expansion proceeded, it is clear that the previous recognition of diversity gave way to an ambition to forge

a uniform Japanese subject. For example, to assimilate the gaichi, language, Shinto practices used by the

naichi as well as the Japanese national registry were forcibly applied to the periphery. Following

the annexing of Korea in 1910, a policy of forced name adoption was instituted to make Koreans use

Japanese sounding names while at the same time doing away with the use of Korean language and

culture. The phrases naisen ittai and ichioku isshin were popularized into common usage to

express the concept of the Japanese as occupying a single race, single language, single culture, single

5 Even today, among Japan's foreigner population 77.3% originate from Asia. (Takamasa Sasama, Gaikokkujin no

kodomo no kyōiku mondai: seifunai kondankai ni okeru teigen. (Tokyo: Keisoshobo, 2011), 7).

6 Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism, 2nd

ed. (London: Pluto Press, 2002), 12.

7 Harumi Befu, Steven Murphy-Shigematsu, and Soo im Lee, eds. Japan's Diversity Dilemmas: Ethnicity, Citizenship,

and Education (Lincoln, N.E.: iUniverse, 2006), 105.

8 Yoshio Sugimoto, The Cambridge Companion to Modern Japanese Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2009), 24.

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historical experience and single predestination, regardless of geographical location9. In distant areas

such as Hokkaido and Okinawa, the propagation of kokugo, referring to the standardized Japanese

language of the capital, was part of the centralized education system established to effectively foster

the spirit of Japanese-ness nation-wide.

Following the end of the Second World War, the imperial system was disbanded, however,

distinctions between ‘us’ and ‘them’ based on ethnic concepts persisted and continued to exert an

influence on the consciousness of Japanese. As an example, following the adoption of the San

Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952, previous Koreans and Chinese who had immigrated to Japan as

laborers were stripped of their citizenship and treated as foreigners. Stripped of all previous forced

Japanese-ness, the Koreans and Chinese that remained in Japan are referred to as ‘old comers’ today.

Since the Japanese constitution guarantees rights only to ‘citizens,’ the lack of these rights and

privileges contributes to the feeling of being ‘non-Japanese’ despite long-term residency. As a

result, the subsequent generations of zainichi Koreans and Chinese born in Japan and knowing only a

Japanese cultural environment have had to endure humiliating discrimination including

fingerprinting and registration as a foreigner.

After the period of high economic growth, as Japan rose to a high position on the world stage, ever

closer relationships with the West produced another self-examination of what being Japanese

meant10

. The popular social genre known as nihonjinron was established in an attempt to identify

and explain the unique characteristics of Japan in contrast to other nations, especially the West.

Nihonjinron theories on Japan permeated all aspects of Japanese society and also carried a strong

influence to other nations as well. Some of the most often cited Japanese qualities include a group

model society whereby the individual's meaning is derived from hierarchical relationships and

vertically oriented loyalties rather than a fully-developed and independent ego. Strong personal

opinions are avoided in favor of inter-group harmony and integration that leads to a ‘consensus

society.’ Many examples from this vast literature exist, but the important point is that “[t]hese

works portray Japanese society as highly homogenous, with only limited internal variation, and give

9 Befu, 19.

10 Gunei Satō, Ibunka kan kyōiku: bunka kan idō to kodomo no kyōiku (Tokyo: Akashi, 2010), Ch. 2.

10

it some all-embracing label.11

”

(3) Theory of Multicultural Society

Following the expansion of the labor market in 1980 and the subsequent increase in immigrants, it

became increasingly difficult to emphasize a special unified ‘Japanese-ness’ based on blood or ethnic

considerations. Not only did the number of foreign residents increase, but so did the number of

them who achieved high levels of proficiency in the Japanese language as well as cultural fluency.

In contrast, a number of overseas-born Japanese nationals had a difficult time (re)adjusting to life in

Japan, especially school-age children. Even in the overseas Japan schools, the rise in international

marriages was reflected by the increase in the enrollment of bicultural children. For example, in

2002 31.3% of students attending a Japan school in Taipei were bicultural students12

. This reality

has sprouted an “inconsistency and inefficacy in the symbolic boundary system that defines Japanese

identity.13

” The insufficiency of a classification system based on previously held ethnic notions has

allowed multiculturalism and concepts of intercultural co-existence to exert influence. As a result,

there are a number of researchers who have already indicated that Japan is a multicultural society.

In addition, if we refer back to Eriksen's definition of ethnicity, by not being limited to

phenotypical differences, the concept of ‘ethnicity’ allows for a more diverse array of criteria by

which people can differentiate themselves. Classifications of types of people can be based on a

diverse set of criteria such as customs, shared history, geography and religion. Furthermore, new

definitions or claims to ethnicity can also be subject to flexible interpretations.

In Japan, the total number of people who communicate and/or emphasize ethnic difference vis-a-

vis regular contact with the majority make up approximately 5% of the total population, or between 6

and 7 million people14

. Seen as minorities, this group consists of zainichi Koreans, Burakumin,

Ainu, new comer immigrants (indicating individuals who arrived in Japan following World War II

including international marriage partners) and Okinawans. For a number of these people, country

11 Sugimoto, An Introduction to Japanese Society, 2-4.

12 Satō, 54.

13 Frank Dikötter, The Construction of Racial Identities in China and Japan (London: Hurst & Co., 1997), 210.

14 Sugimoto, 6.

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of origin (motherland or country of birth) is the most significant factor for identity formation.

However, subsequent generations of resident Koreans or children produced by international

marriages, born in Japan and only knowing the Japanese cultural environment, blur the lines of the

above groupings. On the other hand, Burakumin, who are by most definitions ‘racially’ Japanese

(can claim linkage to the bloodline), are still distinguished from the majority population by non-racial

criteria, and thus fit Eriksen's definition of an ethnic group.

It is also important to keep in mind that less visible phenotypical lines of demarcation do not lead

to less severe forms of discrimination and/or prejudice. As Eriksen goes on to state, “there is no

inherent reason why ethnicity should be more benign than race.15

”

This is in fact a reality that ethnic minorities in Japan continue to face. “Most recently, in a report

commissioned by the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations in 2006, the Special

Rapporteur (Doudou Diène) concluded that racial discrimination and xenophobia remain widespread

in Japan, and that minority populations continue to suffer from political, social, economic and

cultural marginalization.16

”

Specifically minority populations face various barriers in the realms of employment, housing,

marriage, health, welfare and education. Even though many social scientists recognize the gap that

exists between the long established myth of monolithic Japanese ethnicity and the realities of the 21st

century17

, there remain formidable obstacles to improving the lives and intercultural education of

minority populations.

Section 2 Intercultural Education

(1) Establishment and Development of Intercultural Education

① Establishment

As previously stated, intercultural educationalists take special interest in the education of foreign

immigrant and bicultural children. Mejiro University professor Gunei Satō describes the field as

15 Eriksen, 6.

16 Michael Weiner, Japan's Minorities, ed. (New York: Routledge, 2008), xvi.

17 Saandra Fotos and Mary Goebel Noguchi, Studies in Japanese Bilingualism, ed. (Clevelon UK: Multilingual Matters,

2001), 8.

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“the processes and activities involved with education or character building that develops at the

interstices between more than two differing cultures.18

” Following the period of high economic

growth, much research addressed Japanese students who spent time adjusting to overseas schools and

their readjustment issues upon their return to Japan. In addition, the general call to internationalize

Japanese society for future benefit led to the establishment of the Intercultural Education Society of

Japan (IESJ) on January 15th 1981. The society's first chairman Tetsuya Kobayashi stated,

“researchers from various fields who deal with education issues stemming from intercultural

interactions have created a new intercultural education research society through interdisciplinary

cooperation.19

” While it goes without saying that “education issues stemming from intercultural

interactions” covers a broad spectrum of potential issues, this reflected the early years of the society's

diverse interests. Specialists from varying fields such as education, linguistics, international

relations, psychology and cultural anthropology contributed to the related research. However, in

1990 there was a greater push to move in the direction of an independent field. In continuing

pursuit of that endeavor, IESJ holds an annual symposium and publishes a journal detailing ongoing

research, book reviews and commentary on current developments.

② Education of Returnee Japanese Students

The initial interests of intercultural educationists were extensive and varied, including resident

foreign students’ Japanese instruction, international exchange, foreign language education etc.

However, attention soon shifted heavily to the education issues regarding overseas returnee Japanese

students20

.

During the period of high economic growth between 1960 and 1970, as Japanese businesses made

greater inroads into foreign markets, the need for Japanese executives to take up positions abroad also

increased. Many who filled these positions also had wives and children who went with them.

However, upon return to Japan, many of these children faced a number of difficulties that prevented

18 Satō, 18.

19 Kobayashi Tetsuya, “Ibunka kan kyōiku gakkai no setsuritsu wo kaiko shite,” Intecultural Education: Ibunka kan kyōiku

gakkai 25nen no kaiko to tenbō 27 (2008): 8.

20 Kobayashi, 4-5.

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them from making a smooth transition back into the Japanese environment. This included delayed

Japanese language ability and gaps in the cultural content of their education which made it difficult

for them keep pace with Japanese school curriculum and succeed in the rigid test-based system.

The 1970s saw an increase in media attention given to these children as well as an in increase in

general public concern. As a result, not only were there various Ministry of Education policy

shifts21

, but so did the formations of IESJ take place to better understand returnee’s difficulties.

Initially, intercultural educationalists focused on the ‘deficits’ of the child’s education and how to

supplement those insufficiencies so that the child could make a smooth transition back to Japanese

society. However, the second phase of research and thinking concerning the returnees involved

their special role as the vanguard of Japan's internationalization. The 1974 report from the Central

Council for Education, and reports from the Research Convention Concerning Basic Policies Promoting the

Education of Overseas Students, clearly indicated that Japanese students living abroad were having

fundamentally different experiences than their domestic counterparts. Therefore, educationalists approached

these students’ education with special focus given toward fostering a changed Japanese nation. In other

words, a generation of students who could represent Japan on the world stage and be cultural brokers22

.

③ Education of 'New comers'

In response to demographic changes that took place between 1980 and 1990, intercultural

educationalists shifted their primary object of research. During this time the number of returnee children

began to decline, while a steady increase in both legal and illegal immigration took place in response to the

demands in the labor market23

. This was especially the case after a change to the immigration and refugee law

in 1990 which gave residency preference to South Americans with Japanese ancestry24

. Often these new

21 For example, in 1972 the ministry of education implemented policies that streamlined the curriculums of overseas

Japan schools and domestic junior high schools. This was done so that returnees would not have to repeat junior high

school requirements and could proceed directly to high school. (Satō, 46-47).

22 Satō, 48.

23 Resident foreigners 1985 = 850,612; 1990 = 1,075,317; 2000 = 1,686,444; 2010 = 2,134,151 (Ministry of Internal

Affairs and Communications Statistics Bureau).

24 Kaori Kanai, Nyūkamā no kodomo no iru kyōshitsu: kyōshi no ninchi to shikō (Tokyo: Keisoshobo, 2012), 1.

14

foreign workers came with a spouse and or children and thus a greater number of foreign children began

showing up in Japanese public schools. In contrast to foreign residents who came to Japan pre-World War II,

this influx of foreign worker residents has come to epitomize the “new comer” category and subsequently

dominate much of intercultural education research.

The initial research concerning new comers attempted to understand the real condition of foreign

students and was often ethnographic in style. Field investigations into real, everyday conditions at

specific local community schools as well as identity conflict were focus points at the time25

. Also,

for the first time, the ministry of education conducted a survey on the number of school-aged

children who were in need of special Japanese language instruction. This demonstrates that the

growing number of foreign students in the Japanese school system was not only a concern held by

IESJ, but by the government as well.

Along with the shift in focus to new comer children, the related research and policy frameworks

also went through an accompanying re-working. During the time when returnees were the main

focus, much of the IESJ research was predicated on Japanese society as being a singular,

homogenous ethnic entity. Therefore, the primary task at hand was how to best re-acclimate or re-

acculturate the children to Japanese society. However, the presence of new comers and bicultural

children from international marriages26

imposed cosmopolitan and transnational lifestyles on the

hitherto insularity. It goes without saying that this new phenomenon created a new social situation

whereby the static single nation=single culture/society paradigm was no longer tenable. The new

priorities of the IESJ became the protection of new comers’ human rights and how best to overcome

discrimination and inequality. To that end, intercultural educationalists joined local community,

school and volunteer activities in search of a better framework in which to position and help foster

the education of Japan's growing diversity27

.

25 Kanai, 8.

26 Among all marriages in Japan, the percentage of international marriages in 1965 = .4%; 1990 = 3.5%; 2000 = 4.5-5%.

(Kazuo Suzuki, “Kokusai kazoku ni okeru gengo / bunka no keishō: sono genin to mekanizumu,” Intecultural

Education: Baikaruchyuraru kazoku: Fukusū no bunka to gengo ga kōsa suru kotoro 26 (2007): 14-15).

27 Kobayashi (2008), Satō (2008), Satō, 23-24.

15

（２） The Realities of New Comer Education

Naturally, the general title of 'new comer' disguises a wide range of possible home environments

and family backgrounds. There are children who are born and raised abroad, coming to Japan at a

young age as well as those who are born in Japan yet speak a different mother tongue at home.

Also, a child born to parents of different nationalities is not an uncommon circumstance.

Despite the varying newcomer situation, there are a number of common issues these students face

in Japanese public schools. For example, the greatest obstacle many new comer students face is the

language barrier.

According to a 2010 ministry of education survey, 28,511 foreign students are in need of special

Japanese language instruction. This represents 37% of the total number of foreign students

attending Japanese public schools28

. Of these students, the majority of them have Portuguese as a

mother tongue, followed by Chinese and Spanish. In addition, the presence of these students is not

limited to urban areas of high foreigner population density, but rather, can be seen across a wide

range of the country. More telling is the figure that schools in which 4 or fewer of these students are

attending comprise 80% of public schools in Japan29

. In response to this reality Satō states,

“concerning the system of reception, it's not areas of high foreigner concentration, but areas of low

concentration that bear many problems.30

”

In spite of this, the majority of new comer focused intercultural education research has been done

in urban or areas of high foreigner density. To help visualize this trend, Table 1 features research

articles published in the Intercultural Education journals from 2001 – 2009 that specifically addressed

foreign students or new comer issues. Of the 18 reports, only 1 took place in a rural municipality

similar to Takayama city.

28 According to the 2013 School Basic Survey, the total number of foreign students included 41,249 elementary, 22,248

junior high school, 12,701 high school, 143 secondary school and 606 special education students.

29 Sasama, 109.

30 Satō, 143.

16

The research concerning new comer students often deals with language education and acquisition

issues. Japanese language education in the schools usually is administered from the perspective that

the teachers and parents are supplementing the student’s deficiency. It is clear that the Japanese

language is viewed as superior to other mother tongues based in an environment that presumes

monolingualism. Additionally, these students also confront a phalanx of educators who often do

not have sufficient understanding or training in second language acquisition and are unable to satisfy

their specialized needs. It follows that this situation necessarily inhibits not only continued first

language development, but second language and overall academic growth as well31

.

Looking more closely at the language instruction for new comers, we can gain insight into the

typical patterns of thought in Japanese schools. Generally when a student in need of Japanese

language instruction enters a school, a short-term special language classroom is established separate

from the student's regular class. The student is taken out of their regular class every day for a period

of time to exclusively work on language development. However, it is often the case that the

language taught in the special classroom does not correspond well with the language that is used or

the topics that are covered in the student's regular class32

. This not only results in lost study time in

31 Ōta (2005), Kanai (2012).

32 Hiromi Saitō and Chikako Mise, “Gaikokujin jidō seito kyōiku to kokusai rikai kyōiku: Bunka kōsa ni yoru tagenteki

na manabi no sōzō ni mukete,” Intercultural Education: Zainichi gaikokujin kyōiku no genzai 21 (2005): 20.

Vol. No. Year Researcher Research Theme Survey Site Site Type

30 2009 Kaori Yamazaki Tokai Area Immigrant Community

29 2009 Makoto Shibayama Capital City Area Urban

28 2008 Takashi Notsu Kobe Urban

28 2008 Hiroshi Noyama Musashino, Tokyo Urban

28 2008 Hiromi Hara Shinjuku Urban

28 2008 Tomoko Tokunaga Urban Urban

27 2008 Noriko Takeyama Zainichi gaikokujin seito heno shinriteki shien no arikata Hyogo Prefecture Rural Municipality

27 2008 Naomi Kawaguchi Tokai Area Immigrant Community

26 2007 Kazuyo Suzuki Tokyo Suburb Urban

26 2007 Eriko Ishii Kanto Koshien Area Immigrant Community

25 2007 Yoko Nakajima Shien:Hishien kankei no tenkan Aichi Prefecture Immigrant Community

21 2005 Kaori Yamasaki ― ―

21 2005 Hiromi Saito Shinagawa / Kochi / Yokohama Urban / Immigrant Community

21 2005 Naomi Kawaguchi Brazilian School Immigrant Community

21 2005 Chise Sato Gaikokujin' no seisei to ichiduke no purosesu Saitama Prefecture Exchange Student Community

17 2003 Tomoko Nakajima Osaka City Urban

16 2002 Akira Kojima Aichi Prefecture Immigrant Community

15 2001 Chiko Sekiguchi Zainichi nikkei burajirujin seito no aidentiti no zentai zo Aichi Prefecture Immigrant Community

Table １．Relevant Previous Intercultural Education Research

'Idō' jidai no kyaria kyōikuIbunkaji no kyōshoku katsudō ni okeru gakushūNyūkamā shien NPO to gakkō / kyōan / gyōsei no renkei

Renkei ni okeru kōdinētā no yakuwari to kadai

Tabunka kyōsei shakai ha doko made kanōka'Firipinkei nyūkamā' seito no shinro ishiki to shōrai tenbō

Zainichi gaikokujin jidō no gakuugyō tassei ni kakawaru yōin no rikai

Kokusai kazoku ni okeru gengo / bunka no keishōJSL no kodomo no gengo kyōiku ni kan suru oya no ishiki

Shinrai gaikokujin seito to shinro shidōGaikokujin jidō seito kyōiku to kokusai rikai kyōiku

＆Chikako Mise

Rainichi burajirujin jidō seito no kyōka gakushū naiyō no rikai jōkyō

'Sōgōteki na gakushū' to zainichi gaikokujin kyōikuSai wo meguru kyōshi no sutoratejī to gakkō bunka

17

the regular classroom, but also causes a disconnect between language the student learns and what the

student can actually use in the classroom, prolonging delayed advancement. Another problem for

the students is that simply drilling vocabulary and grammar patterns does not effectively prepare the

student for communication encounters outside the classroom. The inability to navigate the

linguistic cultural environment of their surrounding town perpetuates a feeling of insecurity.

Due to lack of funding or access to trained personnel, the inability to appoint to these special

classrooms a Japanese teacher trained to teach second language learners is another big problem.

Often the special Japanese language classes are run by whoever may have time to spare, and the task

is juggled among several teachers. Therefore, it is uncertain to what extent the teachers are familiar

with specialized concepts such as Yamamoto's 3 types of bilingualism (balanced, balanced fluent and

non-balanced)33

.

Additionally, when measuring a student's language proficiency, it is unclear to what extent the

teachers understand University of Toronto’s Jim Cummins’ distinction between Basic Interpersonal

Communicative Skills (BICS) and Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP)34

. BICS

represents the ability to effectively communicate between the self and another in a deeply

contextualized environment, while CALP represents the mental development needed to think about

abstract concepts in a decontextualized environment and then communicate those thoughts35

. Not

fully understanding the difference and recognizing which skills a student possesses, there is the

danger that a student's more highly developed BICS will be misinterpreted as an equally developed

CALP and the student will be prematurely returned to the regular classroom and struggle to keep

pace with the material.

As a final example, a lack of knowledge concerning second language acquisition will also prevent

an educator from understanding the concept of the common underlying proficiency. Especially for

young children who move to a second language (L2) environment, maintenance of their mother

33 Masayo Yamamoto, Baikaruchyuraru: Sono jitsuzō to mondaiten (Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten, 1991), 15-19.

34 BICS = Basic Interpersonal Communicative Skills; CALP = Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency.

35 Naomi Kawaguchi, “Rainichi burajirujin jidō seito no kyōka gakushū naiyō no rikai jōkyō: Burajirujin gakkō deno

chōsa no kekka kara,” Intercultural Education: Zainichi gaikokujin kyōiku no genzai 21 (2005): 33-34.

Jim Cummins and Merril Swain, Bilingualism in Education (London: Longman, 1986).

18

tongue (L1) is usually not pursued. However, Cummins’ research has demonstrated the fact that all

language shares an underlying development space. If the previously developed L1 is allowed to

continue to develop, those higher level language skills will have a cross-over effect on the L2. For

example, according to Kawaguchi’s research, the ability for new comer children to solve Japanese

worded math problems did not correspond to early age of arrival in Japan. Rather than length of

stay in Japan, the relatively higher development of mother tongue was more of a factor in

determining the ability of a new comer student to acquire the sufficient amount of Japanese

proficiency to understand and solve the problems. This finding is in accordance with Cummins’

theory and is basic knowledge absolutely essential for intercultural educationalists and language

teachers36

.

Not only language instruction in the school, but the learning environment outside of school is also

vital for new comer students. Kanai indicates 3 areas of concern. First, foreign resident parents

often are unable to offer their children assistance from their own cultural capital. The reason for this

is that no matter how highly educated the parents may be, they are unprepared to fully understand the

Japanese school system and the Japanese language and cultural environment. Second, new comers

often come to Japan in order to work for higher wages, yet are uncertain of their future and a possible

return to the home country. This uncertainty also affects a new comer student's ability to

concentrate on succeeding academically for a life in Japan due to a constant, latent possibility of a

return home. And thirdly, as a relatively new demographic, new comer students do not have much

past success nor models to look to for guidance concerning everyday life and overcoming

obstacles37

.

Encountering these various difficulties makes it exceedingly difficult for new comer students to

develop ample language ability for academic success and keep pace with their appropriate age group.

However, for new comer students, the most severe impediment to improving their social position is

low high school graduation rates. The inability to fully overcome the original language barrier and

rigid school environment is cause for great stress in new comer students. This often results in

absenteeism and tardiness in later school years followed by a failure to register for school

36 Kawaguchi, 32-43

37 Kanai, 13-15.

19

altogether38

. Even those students who do continue to attend school, aimless wandering and a loss of

interest in class activities are often reported. By falling into such a condition, it is not surprising that

matriculation to high school is next to impossible. As Miyajima states, “among those new comer

students who have difficulty keeping pace with the junior high school curriculum, from the second

half of the second grade, a large number of them give up on pursuing high school.39

” Based on a

rigid testing system, a prospective high school student is required to demonstrate knowledge on a

wide range of subjects in order to gain admission, including Japanese language and history. A

student who enters the school system at a midway point likely does not have sufficient time to

acquire the necessary knowledge. Despite the lack of an official country-wide survey, it is

estimated that high school matriculation rates for new comer students are about half of that of the

general Japanese student population40

.

In this chapter, in order to shed light on the issues related to implementing improvements to the

education of foreign students in Japan, the previous relevant research into multicultural society and

intercultural education was critically reviewed. Regarding the discussion on multiculturalism,

despite the existence of multicultural concepts in pre-World War II Japanese society, post-war Japan

emphasized a singular monolithic Japanese ideal. More recently, along with the increase in foreign

workers, overseas recruitment of wives and international marriages has once again shifted the

limelight to multiculturalism.

Concerning intercultural education, the need to explore this new field became evident in the mid-

1970s and the establishment of the IESJ reflected the urgency felt in the 1980s. The original

subjects of interest were returnee Japanese school children; however, with the advancement of

multiculturalism and an increase in foreign residents, the primary subject shifted to new comers.

Finally, the key concepts and theories advanced by Japanese intercultural educationalists often are not

38 Kanai, 2.

39 Kanai, 12.

40 Tomoko Tokunaga, “ 'Firipinkei nyūkamā' seito no shinro ishiki to shōrai tenbō: 'Jūyō na tasha' to 'rainichi keii' ni

chakumoku shite” Intercultural Education: chiiki ni okeru nyūkamā shien to renkei 28 (2008):87.

This is a problem also present in Hokkaido (Lie, 93).

20

fully understood in public schools, which results in a number of common struggles faced by new

comer students.

Based on this previous research, the objective of this thesis will be to examine the current

intercultural education situation experienced by an area of low foreign resident population such as

Takayama city. In addition, suggestions will be made if areas in need of improvement are

identified.

The next chapter will give an outline of the survey and survey location.

21

Chapter 2 Outline of Survey and Field Site

In chapter 2 the research field of Takayama city will be outlined along with reason for its selection.

The general information and features of the Chinese and Filipino communities, the two most

numerous foreign resident populations in Takayama city, will also be addressed. Also, the status of

Takayama city's intercultural education with regard to the children connected to these foreign

residents will also be summarized.

Section 1 Field Selection and Survey Methods

Takayama city is located in central Honshū and in terms of land area, is the largest municipality in

Japan. The majority of that area consists of forested mountains home to a prosperous timber

industry as well as agriculture. Takayama city is known as “small Kyōto” and is a popular tourist

destination. From the 1960s to the 1980s, the city experienced a dramatic drop in population which

continues to this date. The total population during 2013 was 92,328 and even though over half

consisted of women, the majority of young women leave for better work opportunities in the urban

areas to the south. Therefore, the term “bride scarcity” is aptly applied to the marriage situation in

Takayama and increasingly, a number of men are welcoming foreign brides.

In 2013, the number of foreigners residing in Takayama were 526, representing 0.6% of the city's

total population. Compared to other municipalities, the number of foreign residents in Takayama is

extraordinarily small. Breaking the number down by nationality, the largest groups are Chinese

followed by zainichi Koreans and Filipinos41

. According to the 2012 labor statistics, 5.7% of

businesses in Takayama city employed foreign workers. The majority of these enterprises were

large companies employing greater than 100 employees. Breaking these industries down by

category, the most foreigners were employed by telecommunications/transportation (33.3%),

followed by manufacturing (12%), and health and welfare (10.5%)42

. Also, as a popular tourist

destination, business related to travel services, dining and lodging are important parts of the economy

and employ foreign workers.

41 Http://www.pref.gifu.lg.jp/kurashi/kokusai-koryu/tabunka/gaito.data/201309.pdf.

42 Http://www.city.takayama.lg.jp/shoukou/documents/6.pdf.

22

The reason for selecting Takayama city as the site for this research was touched upon in the first

chapter when it was demonstrated that the majority of intercultural education research has taken

place in either urban areas or locations of high foreigner density. As just mentioned, Takayama city

is an area with a comparatively low foreign resident population, yet has attracted a steady flow of

foreigners, such as brides who often have children shortly after their arrival. Since the objective of

this research is to investigate the actual condition of intercultural education with regard to foreign

residents in an area of low foreigner population, Takayama city is an appropriate site to conduct this

survey.

This research was conducted by investigating the related scholarly literature as well as an

anthropological approach to field work which involved a number of preparatory visits to make

contacts and identify possible informants. Finally, approximately one year, beginning from

February 2013 and lasting until January 2014, was spent living in Takayama city conducting the

actual interviews and observations.

Soon after arriving in Takayama city, the first task was to quickly uncover a network of

international marriage families and expand my range of acquaintances. In order to gain the

confidence of the families as informants, it was important to spend time getting to know them. As a

way to give immediate value back to the families, I offered free English lessons to the children;

however, this was not pursued by any of the families. Meanwhile, two Chinese women married to

Takayama men accepted my free English lessons for their own study.

Following these initial efforts, by the end of March, 2013 I had reached my objective of gaining

the confidence of four international families with whom I could comfortably ask questions and

request interviews. However, communication with one of these families gradually atrophied and by

May, 2013 attempts at communication were no longer reciprocated.

Finally, as the beneficiary of good fortune, in May of 2013, I was asked by the Takayama board of

education to fill a short-term assistant English teaching position that had recently become vacant.

The position required me to visit 3 elementary schools approximately twice a week from May of

2013 through July 2013 teaching English and joining other various parts of school life. While

assisting Takayama city in this function, I was also able to get to know fellow educators and request

23

an opportunity for interviews during the summer vacation in August of that year43

.

Section 2 Foreign Residents of Takayama City

（１）Chinese

The number of Chinese residing in Takayama city total 194 and represent the largest foreign

nationality. The majority of them come from north-eastern China and set up restaurants continuing

a type of tether migration inviting family and associates. There are also a number of Chinese in

Takayama city on short-term training visas and learning trades related to agriculture and various

services. Their network is vast, yet at the same time, closed, consisting of closely knit sub-groups of

work colleagues or wives in similar situations. Communication is primarily accomplished through

text message and the social networking service QQ. Within these smaller groups is usually an

individual who has deeper connections not only to the greater Chinese network, but also to various

Japanese resources. These mediator group members tend to have lived in Takayama for a long

period and have acquired a high level of Japanese language proficiency which affords them

acquaintances in numerous areas of life in Takayama city. For example, when a network member

who has a low level of Japanese language skill has a problem that needs official attention at the city

hall, these mediator group members are often called upon to facilitate smooth communication.

Since the number of Japanese members is virtually non-existent, the role of these mediators is

essential to the community as a whole.

According to Informant α, a large wave of brides from China were recruited to Takayama city

around 2004. At the same time, a similar trend took place across the Hida region as a whole.

Marriage mediator companies in Takayama city worked with their counterparts in China to meet this

demand. Taking into account past mistakes involved with recruiting young women from urban

areas, these companies decided it was best to recruit from an area of China that closely resembled the

rural characteristics of Takayama city. The north-eastern Chinese province of Heilongjiang is not

only rural, but also has a similar climate to Takayama city and from 1932 to 1945 was under direct

influence of Japanese military forces. It was thought that these qualities would best prepare a

prospective woman to easily adapt to life in Takayama city and therefore recruitment and subsequent

43 3 Principles, 7 Teachers, 1 Board of Education Supervisor, 1 Health Consultant, 1 Chinese Teacher of English.

24

welcoming of brides took place from this province.

Once the women met the interested men from Takayama city a number of times and the necessary

details concerning financial support and moves were eventually settled, a number of couples

advanced to marriage and an eventual move to Takayama city. However, shortly after arriving in

Takayama city, a number of problems surfaced. Due to different preconceived notions concerning

international marriage, instances of divorce were not scarce.

The most significant source of disagreement and discord was the different thinking regarding

money. Prior to engagement, the potential brides were informed that marriage was not intended for

the purpose of making money or remittance to China. However, after arrival in Japan, rather than

striving to learn Japanese in order to better know the local community, a number of new wives opted

to immediately find work that doesn’t require a high level of Japanese language ability. Wages

earned from this kind of employment, as well as proportions from their husband’s salary, was

occasionally remitted to family in China. Reasons for the remittance included wanting to protect

their family in China just as they do in Japan.

On the side of the Japanese husband various problems also surfaced. There are a number of

reasons why men sought brides abroad, yet it was not simply a matter of not being able to find a

suitable partner in Japan. In some cases there are individuals who are not skilled with interpersonal

relationships which affect their ability to make and maintain a relationship. This problem is not

solved by obtaining a foreign bride and a number of women complained of being ignored, not taken

anywhere and not given sufficient money to survive. Some men also appear only interested in a

wife for her salary and birthing contribution to the family.

On the other hand, there are a number of successful couples that result and wives who become

deeply connected to the local life in Takayama city. There are a number of features of these

successful marriages, but the most important criterion is both husband and wife having the same

sense of values. This translates to an emphasis on creating a happy family rather than money. If

children are born, taking an active role in the community as they grow is also vital. For the women,

this also means actively pursuing higher levels of proficiency in the Japanese language so as to

become closer to the community.

To that end, the city of Takayama once provided beginner and intermediate Japanese language

lessons for foreigners at the city hall. However, as of April, 2013 these classes have been

25

suspended. Informant α, who worked as the part time instructor for the classes from April 2001 to

March, 2013, stated that the inadequacy of support from the city hall eventually created a situation

from which she had to leave. The internal office in charge of the class, the Overseas Strategy

Office, failed to understand and cooperate with her requests which made it difficult to continue.

As an example, Informant α provided an instance when a student with relatively high level of

Japanese language proficiency came to her class mid-term with an interest in continuing to study.

Even though explaining to the Overseas Strategy Office her plan to use her own time 15 to 20

minutes before the intermediate class to offer advanced language guidance to this student, the plan

was not approved by the office. In another instance, Informant α explained how the city hall

refused to allow space in the building to be used for a Chinese/Japanese Christmas party exchange.

As these types of instances began to pile up, Informant α's discontent and disappointment reached a

critical point where she no longer felt capable of working with the city to provide the language

lessons.

（２）Filipinos

Even though the largest foreign resident community in Takayama city is Chinese, the most

frequent foreign student I encountered in my school visits were either Filipino or those born to a

Filipino mother and Japanese father. There are currently 62 Filipinos residing in Takayama city and

represent the second largest new comer population.

Similar to the Chinese community, the Filipinos are tightly connected through a local network

whose core members are acquainted with one another. There are a number of restaurants and snack

bars operated by Filipinos in Takayama city which employ other Filipino residents. It is common

for family members who first set up a base in Takayama city to invite other family members and give

them a start working in these Filipino owned businesses. By using these relationships to get started

in Takayama city, it necessarily means induction into the Filipino network. As an example of this

kind of immigration, a Filipino mother I interviewed first arrived in Takayama city working at a

snack bar nearly 15 years ago. In 2011, she was able to invite her younger sister to Japan for

Japanese language and work opportunities.

Of the international families observed in this survey, the Filipino-Japanese household was the most

bilingual of the four, though not to a high degree. Occasionally the mother would speak to the

26

children in her mother tongue to which the children responded in Japanese or with non-verbal cues.

When the grandmother visits the family from the Philippines, the children responded to her language

in the same manner. When I spoke to the two sisters alone, they confirmed that they could

understand what was being said to them, but didn't have the ability to respond nor are they pursuing

study of the language. Considering their linguistic conduct, it can be inferred that bicultural families

currently do not feel a great need to foster balanced bilingual children for their life in Takayama city.

Since all the families I visited used Japanese as the primary means of communication, it can be

said that the mother had to bear the sole burden of gaining L2 language proficiency. The Filipino

mother of this family was aware of the city hall class but was never able to attend due to scheduling

conflicts. Instead she utilized children’s books and further distanced herself from the Filipino

network and Filipino places of employment to become more immersed in Japanese-only

environments. Naturally, marrying a Japanese man also had a great effect on her Japanese language

acquisition and has thus obtained a high level of communication ability. This also resulted in a

sustained absence from accessing the Filipino network as her everyday life occupied areas outside

the reach of the network. For example, her recent places of employment have been Japanese-run

institutions including a nursing home and bento box lunch shop where she was the only foreign

resident employee.

While a number of Filipino women arrive in Takayama city as brides, there are also a number, like

this case, who first arrive for work opportunities. Marriage was a byproduct of establishing a life in

Takayama city and meeting a husband while at work. In their case, the husband’s family was

initially strongly opposed to the union, but not originally being from Takayama city, it wasn't

necessary for her to move in with his family and face the opposition every day. During the summer

break, the family makes a visit to the Philippines which gives the children exposure to both Japanese

and Filipino sides of the family. In addition, the grandmother from the Philippines makes a yearly

visit to Japan for approximately six months.

As the school interviews will show, there are problems related to communication with Filipino

mothers as well as a mother-child gap in cultural literacy. Therefore in my home visits, I posed

questions that attempted to uncover potential dissatisfactions. The family provided me with two

answers related to the schools the girls were attending in Takayama city. The first thing was a sense

that communication from the school was scarce. During a school year it seemed to them that the

27

only communication came in the form of home visits at the beginning of the year and the end of the

term report cards. The second source of dissatisfaction was voiced by the mother who felt the

English education at the schools was sub-par. She felt that pronunciation and manner of speaking

were not necessarily correct. Finally, the mother stated that she was the one who attends school

events, but rarely speaks openly at these events.

Section 3 Education of Foreign Students

In Takayama city, the number of foreign students in need of special Japanese language instruction

is small (10), yet there is a support system in place. The Takayama city board of education employs

a diverse group of 50 specialized part-time instructors referred to as hokensōdanin (health

consultants). Among these 50 health consultants are instructors, such as Informant α, who

specialize in foreign language acquisition. During the time of my field work, Informant α was

visiting two elementary schools assisting two Chinese students. This type of support involves being

at the student's side offering assistance while the homeroom teacher conducts regular classes, or,

giving one-on-one instruction if the regular class material is too demanding.

There is a supervisory position at the city board of education that is in charge of managing the

health consultants, including those who assist foreign students. Like many public official positions,

this supervisory role is not necessarily performed by someone for a lengthy period of time, but is

subject to frequent rotation. In addition, the supervisor at the time of this survey had no foreign

language skills. These two realities make it difficult for the administration to gain a deep

understanding of the difficulties faced by foreign students in their daily life and provide them with

appropriate, consistent support.

According to Informant α, there is also a need to improve the communication that goes on between

the city and foreign residents. For those foreign resident mothers who still have elementary

Japanese language skills, communication from the schools is not fully understood. Additionally, the

school officials often overlook the foreign resident mother and instead elect to communicate with a

Japanese speaking member of the family. Based on the thinking that as long as a Japanese family

member is present, then a problem is avoided, it overlooks the fact that it introduces a trend of

excluding the mother of the child from vital information about her child. To help rectify this

situation, Informant α attempted twice to establish an information session for foreign mothers of

28

children about to enter the 1st grade. The purpose of this session was to provide the mothers, in the

appropriate languages, pertinent information regarding school life in Japan and give them a space

where they could ask questions. The desired result was to put foreign mothers at ease by being fully

informed, allowing for a smooth transition into the Japanese school system. However, both of these

attempts to organize the project were met with obstacles at the city level. The city has taken the

position that targeting foreign resident mothers for this special assistance may encroach on the

privacy of families and therefore cannot be pursued.

This chapter has outlined the survey site of Takayama city and provided the reasons for its

selection. The two largest new comer foreign residents of Takayama are the Chinese followed by

Filipinos. A large portion of those foreign residents are women who arrived to Japan as brides. In

addition, children who arrive from abroad or are born from these international marriages often

encounter similar problems that intercultural educationalists have identified. To avoid problems,

Takayama city has taken measures by using health consultants to fill special assistant roles.

The next chapter will detail the results of the Takayama city survey.

29

Chapter 3 Survey Results

In chapter 3, the results of the survey interviews will be revealed, shedding light on the current

condition of intercultural education in Takayama city. The interviews took place at 3 elementary

schools, one located in the city's center, one located just outside the city center and one located in a

rural area. Once the interview data is explained, each of the schools will be compared and

examined to reveal their particular intercultural education situations and features.

Section 1 The Survey’s Three Target Schools

To conduct this survey, the following 3 schools were organized based upon size and geographical

location relative to the center of Takayama city (see Table 2).

School A is located in the center of the city and has a medium-sized class body relative to other

elementary schools in the city. Each grade has one class with a total student body of 198 students.

Among these students are two Filipino students and one Chinese student. At the most, I visited

school A once a week for the 3-month period teaching English. Upon the completion of my

teaching assignment in August, I conducted a group interview with the school’s principle, the 5th

grade head teacher and the 2nd

grade head teacher.

For the duration of this section, to protect the privacy of individuals, I will refer to the subjects of

the survey based upon a code-naming system (see Chart 1).

For example, among the foreign students attending school A, there is a 5th grade boy. Therefore,

according to chart 1, the coding rule that applies to him is A (school) + S (student) + B (boy) + 5

(class year) resulting in the code name ASB5. To use a teacher as another example, the principle of

school A receives an A (school) + T (teacher) + P (teaching position), resulting in the code name ATP.

Table 2. Surveyed 3 Takayama City Elementary Schools

School Name Location Size Foreign Student Population Interviewees

A City Center 198 Students 3 (2 Filipino, 1 Chinese)

B Center Outlier 383 Students 4 (All Filipino)

B Rural 149 Students 1 Filipino

Principle, 5th & 2nd Grade Head Teachers

Principle, 6th, 3rd & 1st Grade Head Teachers

Principle, 5th & 2nd Grade Head Teachers

30

School B is positioned just outside the city center and is a relatively large elementary school.

Each grade consists of two classes totaling a student body of 383 students. Among these students

there are 4 foreign students, all of whom are female and have a Filipino background. According to

the school’s principle, all of the students with a multicultural background are the products of Filipino-

Japanese marriages born in Japan. At the present time, all of these students’ Filipino mothers are

living with them in Japan; however BSG3 has a brother living in the Philippines.

School C is the smallest of the 3 schools and is also located the furthest from the city center.

Each grade has only one class and a total student body of 149 students. Currently there is only one

5th grade Filipino boy who is a student with a multicultural background. He was born and raised by

his grandmother in the Philippines until the age of six when he moved to Takayama city. Upon his

arrival, he soon entered school C’s 1st grade and naturally faced great communication difficulties

which lasted until about the 3rd grade.

Section 2 Centrally Located School A

（１）The Condition of Japanese Language Education

The foreign students attending school A include a 5th grade boy (ASB5), a 6

th grade girl (ASG6)

31

and a 2nd

grade boy (ASB2). Among these three foreign students, ASG6 has a hearing impairment

which understandably results in much greater communication difficulties beyond the language

barrier faced by the other students. Additionally, since ASB5 was the latest among these three

students to enter school A, the majority of the interview concerned his situation.

When he first arrived as a 4th grader, ASB5 spent the first school term in a special assistance

classroom learning Japanese accompanied by ASG6. Since this special class was originally

established to assist ASG6 regarding her hearing impairment, the class was run by a health consultant

who was skilled in sign language and teaching the hearing impaired. Although this health

consultant did not have specialized training teaching foreign students, ASB5 was added to the class

and started learning hiragana Japanese syllabary with the use of pictures. The teachers were

amazed with the speed at which ASB5 developed his Japanese language skills. Part of the reason

for their astonishment was related to the fact that ASB5 lived with his single Filipino mother and

therefore, did not have a Japanese language home environment.

Upon completion of the first school term, ASB5 was integrated into the regular 5th grade class and

first given the task of remembering the names of his classmates with the use of pictures.

Communication was difficult and he had a hard time understanding the routines of school life like

how to operate the school lunch. In addition, during this early phase of his integration, he had

behavioral problems that included hitting and tripping other students. The teachers attributed this

behavior to a way of dealing with the frustration at not being able to effectively communicate with

his peers. This frustration manifested itself in physicality which was the only way he could express

himself. As time passed, this behavior faded due to repeated rebuking by teachers and fellow

classmates, but probably more importantly, as a result of improved Japanese communication skills.

At the time of this survey, he had good understanding of Japanese spoken to him, but his spoken

production was still slow and infrequent. He continued to see the health consultant once a day for

Japanese and Math lessons that were more appropriate to his delayed level. The teachers also made

it the responsibility of the other students in his class to help him. For example, his seat partner was

the primary bearer of this responsibility as she helped him during class and made sure he understood

the daily tasks. Because of this, the other students were well aware of his situation, but the novelty

of his foreign-ness had faded and there was very little talk about the Philippines that came up in class.

32

(2) Communication with Foreign Mothers

The teachers at school A took special measures when communicating with foreign resident

mothers. In the case of ASB5, since the only guardian was his mother who had low reading and

writing Japanese language skills, AT5 discovered it was best to communicate by telephone. Also,

when it was necessary to send written correspondence, furigana, or, the hiragana reading of the kanji

characters were written above the kanji scrip to aid in understanding. In the case of ASG6 and

ASB2, the most convenient method of locating a Japanese speaking member of the family with

whom to communicate was taken.

(3) Teacher Training / Background

None of the teachers at school A had special training or significant experience teaching foreign

students. Although the teachers exhibited a positive disposition toward further training, they felt the

current situation in Takayama, whereby health consultant support teachers are available, seemed to

be filling the role.

Section 3 City Center Outlying School B

(1) Student Interaction

Four foreign students, all of whom have Filipino mothers, were attending school B. These

students consisted of a 6th grade girl (BSG6), a 3

rd grade girl (BSG3), and two first grade girls

(BSG1). At school B, the “Education for International Understanding” program assigns a foreign

English teacher to cover the classes of 4th, 5

th and 6

th graders while a Japanese teacher of English

covers the classes of 1st, 2

nd and 3

rd graders. As a result, I had ample opportunity to interact with

BSG6, but very little time to interact with the other three students. During class, BSG6 was

cooperative but never an assertive student demonstrating to me either an aptitude for English or ease

with a second language. Outside of class, BSG6 was mild-mannered and was often accompanied

by the same two or three girlfriends.

(2) Teacher Interviews

① Principle BTP（4th year at school B）

In the four years BTP has worked at school B, the number of students with a multicultural

33

background rose from one to four. Since all the current students were born and thus far raised in

Japan, there were no communication problems between school staff and the students. The problem

the school encountered was communication with the mothers. Similar to other schools, when

possible, school B will bypass the mother and speak to the father or other native Japanese speaking

member of the family. In the case of mothers who have English language ability, English speaking

staff members at school B will occasionally do the communicating. When written communication

is necessary, such as issuing report cards, another effective strategy school B employed is hand

writing furigana to aid the mothers' reading of kanji.

According to BTP, there had been no serious issue with harassment or teasing. In the opposite

direction, he was also not aware of any spontaneous, beneficial educational opportunities in the

classrooms as a result of the increase in these multicultural students. In BTP's opinion, although

Takayama attracts a lot of foreign tourist traffic, since it is not a center for manufacturing, it doesn't

attract many foreigners as residents. As a result, BTP believes this is why there is not a high level of

knowledge or exposure to foreign things including alternative teaching methods.

② 6th

Grade Head Teacher BT6（1st year at school B)

Prior to her arrival at school B, BT6 was posted as the head administration teacher at a different

elementary school in Takayama. At that time, a 5th grade boy arrived for the first time in Japan from

the Philippines. Since she was not responsible for a class at that time, she juggled special Japanese

language classes for this boy with other teachers during free class periods. Based on the curriculum

for 1st, 2

nd and 3

rd graders, they designed a solitary, one term course designed on the fly specifically

for the student. Progress was checked with a book of print-outs as well as tests that other students

of the school generally use in class or for homework. By the end of the first term, he seemed to

understand most of what was spoken to him, but still did not produce much spoken Japanese.

After the first term was over, he was placed in the regular classroom with the other Japanese students.

Soon after the start of the new school term at school B, all of the teachers make home visits to

confer with the students’ parents. During BT6’s home visit with BSG6' parents; the mother voiced

a concern about bullying due to her different background. BT6's immediate answer was that she

didn't believe bullying was taking place since she had not witnessed any such incident. Also, since

BSG6 was always closely connected to two other girls from her class, BT6 believed she wasn't being

34

ostracized by her classmates either. To be certain, BT6 promised to spend the next week keeping a

closer eye on BSG6 and report back to her mother by the week's end.

In addition to a concern about bullying, BSG6's mother also revealed that occasionally she feels a

greater distance between her and BSG6. Since BSG6 was born and raised in Japan, is a native

speaker of Japanese and native to the Japanese cultural environment, she often discusses more

serious matters first with her father. This has caused BS6G's mother to feel a bit sad. However,

this was not the case with the younger daughter (BSG1).

One particular feature that BT6 noticed in BSG6's family was the way her mother expects more

responsibility from the children regarding house work. When home, BSG6 was expected to help

with various house chores that included doing the laundry and washing dishes. This is in contrast to

other students in Japan whose mothers tend to indulge them and not expect them to participate in

doing housework. Because of this difference in treatment, BSG6 had complained about going

home, even expressing a dislike of summer vacation because it meant more time at home to do

chores. However, from her mother's point of view, making BSG6 learn to take care of herself early

in life will benefit her as an adult.

In the past, BT6 has heard BSG6 talk about her Nagoya relatives, but has not heard conversation

about her Filipino relatives. BT6 did not feel the need to make special considerations regarding

BSG6 when preparing classes. However, during one class on body and birth, she was sensitive to

the fact that it might be uncomfortable for BSG6. She made an effort to emphasize the equality of

every child, no matter where we come from.

③ 1st Grade Head Teacher BT1（3

rd year at school, previously BSG6's head teacher,

currently BSG1's head teacher).

In BT1's class there were two students who were born to Filipino mothers in Takayama city,

thereby resulting in native Japanese language and cultural upbringing. Due to this fact, BT1

reported no problems related to communication with the students. The home visits during the first

term did not reveal any particular concerns from the parents regarding the students’ mixed

background. The other students in the class were likely aware that both BSG1s’ mothers were

different, but didn't have a deeper understanding of specific matters such as nationality or cultural

difference. BT1 had not witnessed harassment or teasing nor felt the need to make special

35

considerations for the two students when preparing class. The only special adjustment he made was

to use simpler Japanese when speaking with one of the mothers who doesn't have a high level of

Japanese language ability. He directed any written communication toward the father.

④ 3rd

Grade Head Teacher BT3 （1st year at school B, BSG3's head teacher).

In BT3's class there was one girl who was born in the Philippines and moved to Japan at the age of

three. Despite these first years spent abroad, BT3 considered Japanese to be the girl's native

language and reported no communication problems with BSG3. BT3's home visits did reveal some

concern on the part of the mother for her daughter's differences. The other students in the class

were knowledgeable about her Filipino background, but there had been no cases of bullying. When

a student in the class made a reference to BGG3's difference, BT3 emphasized the fact that we are all

equal. Occasionally class conversation during the lunch period had touched upon the differences

between what goes on in Japan as opposed to the Philippines. So far the reaction from the other

students had been positive. BSG3 was also very energetic and willing to engage in the conversation

regarding the Philippines, even promising to teach her classmates more in the future.

BT3 made no special consideration for BSG3 when preparing classes, not feeling the need to do

so. However, since BSG3's mother was still a student of the Japanese language, special methods

were necessary when sending communication to the home. The first strategy BT3 employed was to

write messages only in hiragana script or speak at an appropriate Japanese level she knew would be

understood by the mother. The other strategy she used was to write furigana above the kanji

characters on printed correspondence.

BT3 had no special training teaching foreign students but experienced student teaching at a school

that had a significant population of foreign or ethnically diverse students. The population included

Brazilians, Chinese and Filipino students who required special Japanese language education which

took place in a classroom separate from the general student body.

Section 4 Rural Located School C

(1) Teacher Interviews

① Principle CTP （2nd

year at school C）

CTP had prior experience teaching foreign students in Takayama city. In both cases the student

36

was the only foreign student present in the school. One case was that of a Chinese student in a large

junior high school and the other was a Brazilian student in a small elementary school. In both of

these cases, no special Japanese language classroom was established to assist the student. CTP

stated that communication with these students was achieved with the aid of motion, gestures and

pictures. CTP was not aware of any incident of serious bullying or unfriendly relations directed at

either of these two students.

At school C, since CSB5 was born in the Philippines, CTP confirmed that a foreign language

barrier was an obstacle about which the school was concerned. However, since CSB5 has had four

years of education at the school prior to CTP's arrival, he perceived no problem with direct

communication in Japanese. The problem that did exist was between himself, and/or the school

and CSB5’s mother. Since communication between schools in Takayama city and the students’

homes is often through the mother, her lack of Japanese language ability presented a difficulty. This

is in addition to her employment at evening drinking establishments which kept her from being

available for after school communication. Currently, the default strategy school C employed when

communicating with CSB5's home was to seek a Japanese speaking member of the family.

Besides CTP's previous experience with foreign students in Takayama city, he has not received

any special training related to intercultural education. At this time, he did not think it was necessary

to implement special training or programs in Takayama city, since the number of foreign students

was so low. If the numbers continue to rise, he believed it will become important and something to

consider in the future.

② 5th

Grade Head Teacher CT5 （1st year at school C）

Although not present at the time of CSB5's arrival, CT5 was knowledgeable about CSB5's family

background and history at school C. In this year's 5th grade class, CSB5 had little difficulty

understanding what was said to him, but sometimes didn't know particular vocabulary or cultural

markers generally understood by native born Japanese. Not knowing the name and association of a

particular flower was one example CT5 provided. When this misunderstanding took place, CT5

used vocabulary he knew to explain the meaning. CT5 believed his current use and understanding

of the Filipino language was minimal since Japanese seemed to be the language primarily used at

home. He may understand some Tagalog spoken to him, but CT5 had not observed him speak the

37

language. Besides language, CSB5's greatest challenge involved staying on task, readying himself

for class and keeping track of time etc.

During the spring home visits, CSB5's parents did not voice particular concerns related to his

Filipino background. Rather, their only concern was about his asthma when he visits the

Philippines.

This is CT5's first experience teaching a student with a diverse background. CT5 does not feel

the need to make any special considerations for CSB5 when preparing lessons, nor has CT5 received

any training in doing so. CT5 explained that occasionally conversations either in class or between

the two of them have involved his connection to the Philippines. The two examples provided were

the allowance to eat with your hands in the Philippines and the fact that bananas come from the

Philippines.

CT5 explained that the other students in the class were certainly aware of CSB5's background, but

did not bring it up and there has been no observed harassment or teasing.

③ 2nd

Grade Head Teacher CT2 （CSB5's previous head teacher）

During the previous academic year, CT2 stated that CSB5 could communicate normally but

there were instances when CT2 doubted whether he had fully grasped the meaning of what was said.

Although CSB5 spoke freely about his birthplace, there were no in-depth conversations in class or

between the two of them. CT2 also reported no instances of harassment or teasing. CT2

conducted communication with the family mostly with the father. CT2 did not feel the need to

make special considerations when preparing classes and had not received any special training

regarding teaching foreign students.

(2) Classroom Observations

I took notice of CSB5 early on for a number of reasons. Even in a rambunctious class, his

personality set him apart, as did his comfort and ease with English. However, it was mostly due to

his vocalizations about experiences in the Philippines (in contrast to things I was introducing about

the USA). In addition, the activity I executed during the first lesson involved practicing self-

introductions which included partner practice of the vocabulary, “I'm from ______.” He eagerly

asked me how to prepare in English, “I'm from the Philippines.” In a class full of loud and often

38

unruly boys, I hesitated to jump to the conclusion that it was true, thinking he may be joking for the

entertainment of his fellow classmates. However, later during the lesson, he was energetically

talking with his peers about things he had observed with his mother on a trip to the Philippines and it

became evident that he was being sincere. His classmates responded to his claims with amazement

during this moment of excitement.

I also ate lunch in the 5th grade classroom that day and was able to communicate with him as well

as overhear a conversation he had with his homeroom teacher. Since I was present, the

conversation was concerning whether his mother had any English ability that could give him an

advantage to studying the language at school in Japan. He responded by saying she didn't have

much English language ability and that he didn't feel he had any advantage. However, throughout

the first term, it was clear to me that he had a greater level of comfort using a second language than

the other 5th grade students.

After this first day, observed dialogue related to his connection to the Philippines only happened

one other time during a class that involved numbers and counting. CSB5 vocalized some

differences that existed between the way counting was done in the Filipino language, which resulted

in an extraordinary reaction from the boys and the usual indifference from the girl students.

Extraordinary outbursts were typical for many of the boys in this class, therefore, it was difficult to

assess whether the reactions were genuine. Throughout the year CSB5 would occasionally require

special attention from his homeroom teacher because of failure to follow directions or failure to settle

down. Again, this was a situation not unlike a number of other boys in the same class, many of

whom had problems with behavior.

In this chapter, the results of the teacher interviews that took place in Takayama city were revealed.

To that end, the three schools were organized in terms of their geographical location in the city. The

results from the most centrally-located school were explained first, followed by the urban outlying

school and most rurally located school. Despite being few in number, all elementary schools were

host to foreign students and employed teachers that had some previous exposure to foreign students.

For those students in need of special attention, the interviews revealed that the burden often fell to a

teacher or group of teachers who had free time, with the unique exception being the health consultant

at school A. No regular teacher was found to have taken special training with regard to teaching

39

foreign students. In addition, all schools revealed a communication problem that existed between

the school and the mothers of foreign students.

The next chapter will clarify the intercultural education issues facing Takayama city based on the

results of the previous research results and provide some suggested methods for improvement.

40

Chapter 4 Discussion

In chapter 4, based on the interview survey results in chapter 3, I'd like to examine Takayama city's

response to intercultural issues, challenges to foreign student education and the barriers to

communication with the mothers of foreign students.

Section 1 Issues Related to Foreign Student Education

(1) Special Japanese Language Classroom

Although Takayama city has a relatively low number of students in need of special Japanese

language education, the city still faces the same kind of intercultural education problems encountered

in other areas that have a high proportion of foreign students.

In Takayama city, when a student who is in need of special Japanese language education enters or

transfers into a school, usually a special, temporary classroom is established for the student to quickly

improve his or her language skills. However, not a sufficient amount of preparation goes into the

establishment of these special classrooms.

According to Gunei Satō, these special classrooms can be generally categorized into three types.

The first type, which Satō refers to as ‘tsumiage type,’ aims to raise the student's level to that of

everyday conversation in one school term, at which point the student is quickly transferred into the

regular classroom to join the other students. The second type, referred to as ‘heikō type,’ similarly

aims to improve the student’s language ability to that of everyday conversation in one school term,

whereupon the student is transferred to the regular classroom. However, from the difference in the

tsumiage type is that the student continues to attend the special classroom to receive extended

language support after transfer to the regular classroom has occurred. Finally, the third type, termed

‘hojū type,’ also shares the same pattern as the heikō type, but is differentiated by the instruction of

not only Japanese language, but other subjects as well44

.

It is unlikely that these three types of classrooms have been understood and considered prior to

implementation of special Japanese language classrooms in Takayama city's own schools. Among

the three elementary schools surveyed in this study, the teachers from schools B and C confirmed the

44 Satō, 111.

41

presence of tsumiage and heikō types whereby a student spends their first term attending the special

classroom and then is transferred immediately following. However, in contrast to this, school A

was operating a special assistance classroom that closely resembled a hojū type where the foreign

students were taking Japanese and math classes well beyond their first term. Within the same

school system, the implementation of some classrooms that offer less continued support than others

represents an inconsistency in quality of education.

When we look at the administration of school A's special Japanese language classroom, we can see

that the instructors have recognized that foreign students need continued special focus on specific

course-related vocabulary appropriate to their language level. If Takayama city intends to provide

the same level of education and support to all foreign students, as well as to all Japanese students, it is

imperative that the city fully understands Satō’s three types and finally implements a hojū -type in all

schools where there is need. Doing so will demonstrate the full awareness of the possible negative

effects that may accompany a premature transfer from the special language classroom. This is the

case in many school environments as Sasama states, “it must be said that not only language for

everyday situations, but language for study is not being as strongly considered45

.”

(2) Mother Tongue Education

Like other schools with foreign students, this survey of intercultural education in Takayama city

also did not reveal any instruction to foreign students in their native language (L1). According to

Cummins and Kawaguchi, the acquisition of Japanese language and the success in other academic

subjects is dependent on the continued development of a foreign student’s native language.

Therefore, rather than submerge the student in as much Japanese-only language environments as

possible, it is important to offer concurrent education in the native language alongside the

introduction of the Japanese language. Regarding those foreign students who fall into absenteeism

and may eventually drop out, it is vital to engender confidence which entails creating an environment

in school that positively accepts the use of their mother tongue and respects their native culture.

(3) Teachers

45 Sasama, 55.

42

In a rural municipality such as Takayama city, the greatest deficiency may be the lack of personnel

who have specialized training in foreign language education for immigrants. According to the

interviews with teachers at school B and C, teachers who run the special Japanese language

classrooms do not have special training teaching foreign students. While this is not unusual and is

also the case in schools with higher foreign student populations, it does, however, often obstruct

successful secondary language development. The lack of teachers trained in secondary language

acquisition working in Takayama schools indicates that the school district does not view this as a

priority.

(4) Health Consultants

One effort that deserves much credit is Takayama city board of education's use of special health

consultants dispatched to aid regular teachers with the education of students with special needs,

including foreign students. There is no doubt that “effective Japanese language and bilingual

supporters are extremely important.46

” Since they have experience teaching Japanese as a second

language and understand the practicalities associated with the special Japanese language classroom,

the health consultants are an effective human resource that Takayama city provides for its foreign

students.

However, there are a number of problems regarding the health consultants. Similar to other areas

with a sizable foreign student population, the health consultants are hired on a temporary, part-time

basis. This usually means their status is not guaranteed, their period of employment is short and

subject to yearly renewal47

. In addition, the number of health consultants employed is generally less

than that required by the school district. The greater proportion of health consultant to foreign

student, the greater amount of need can be fulfilled. According to the interview with Informant β,

the proportion of health consultant to foreign student was 3 to 10 and not sufficient to fulfill the needs

of the students. Considering the large geographical size of Takayama city and the amount of time

required to travel distances between schools in order to reach the students, the actual amount of study

time spent with a student is too little. When ASB5 entered school A, the need for a health

46 Sasama, 22.

47 Sasama, 22.

43

consultant specializing in secondary language acquisition to work with him became a reality.

However, rather than dispatch a different health consultant, the previously present health consultant

who worked with the hearing impaired student took the role of his instructor. This situation

demonstrates the insufficient number of health consultants who specialize in teaching foreign

students, particularly those who are qualified to teach Japanese as a second language.

(5) Education Support & Volunteers

Judging from the various issues examined thus far, I concur with Befu's claim that Japanese public

schools are unable to provide multicultural education48

. In rural municipalities such as Takayama

city, there are not only shortages of qualified educators, but also a lack of NPOs and volunteer

organizations. This shortage of additional resources makes the practice of intercultural education

much more difficult. Among the 115 citizen-activity groups registered with the city, those related to

foreign language assistance deal exclusively with translation for tourists. Resulting from this type

of personnel shortage, it is possible that city officials will be unable to come to the assistance of

foreign residents at critical moments.

Prior to the start of the second school term in 2013, a foreign resident from Nepal who had

minimal Japanese language ability appeared at the Takayama city board of education with his

recently arrived 15 year old son to register for school. However, since the board of education

official who deals with foreign residents in the city had no foreign language capability, this first step

in the process was ineffective. The next step was to seek the help of an additional board of

education official whose English ability, it was hoped, would solve the communication issue. This

too proved to be futile since the Nepalese did not have sufficient English ability to facilitate

communication. Finally, an outside NPO was sourced to find help and in the end a translator was

located in Minokamo city who could provide assistance over the phone.

Although the above incident can be viewed as an extreme case for Takayama city, it still exposes

the lack of preparedness to deal with this kind of situation. At the time of this survey, the largest

group of foreign residents in Takayama city was Chinese. Yet even for these people, who are no

longer anomalies in the city, the possibility for them to fall into the same predicament as the two

48 Befu, 5.

44

Nepalese is high. The reason for this is that not having a foreign language skill, the same board of

education official who deals with foreign residents will also be unable to assist a Chinese foreign

resident who has not yet attained a high skill in the Japanese language. The frame of thinking that

doesn't consider this a problem is irresponsible. The supervisor in charge of managing the native

English speaking foreign Assistant Language Teachers (ALTs) had English competency enough to

properly function in the post. Similarly, it should be necessary for the official in charge of foreign

students to also have foreign language ability, ideally one that reflects the foreign resident population

of Takayama city.

Section 2 Communication with Mothers

Unlike urban or areas of high foreign resident population, one unique type of feature of an area

with low foreign resident population, such as Takayama city, is international marriage. The issues

surrounding the women who come to Japan as wives go beyond language barrier and lifestyle

problems of other immigrants. They often also face inequality in their personal relationships within

the family.

It may be obvious, but children born from international marriages end up living a life balanced

between two cultures. However, for those bicultural children raised in Takayama city, the result is

often being completely immersed and raised in the dominant culture of the father.

On the other hand, for the mother, as the sole 'foreigner,' she is often isolated and deals with issues

associated with that status on her own. One result of this situation is that when it comes to

correspondence concerning her child’s school life, the schools often seek someone in the family other

than the mother if they perceive communication with her to be a struggle. During the interviews

with teachers at the three elementary schools, all schools recognized the reality of this phenomenon.

Occasionally, there are special efforts on behalf of the schools to use simpler Japanese in speech or

in writing when directly communicating with foreign resident mothers. However, even at the best

of times, school administrators have their hands full and therefore may be unable to utilize this time-

consuming method. In the end, it is often thought that simply searching for a native Japanese-

speaking relative, other than the mother, with whom to speak becomes the only reasonable option.

This type of coping with a foreign student’s mother contains many dangers. First, there is the

danger of excluding the mother from vital family information and the decision-making process

45

regarding her child's education issues. If we look at the UN Convention to Eliminate All Forms of

Discrimination Against Women, which Japan ratified on July 25, 1985, we see that women have the

right to know information regarding their children49

. In spite of this, foreign resident mothers are

often deprived of this right, reinforcing their low position of power within the family, and eventually

leading to the danger of an erosion of the mother-child relationship. For example, according to the

interview with BT6, BSG6's mother admitted to feeling a gap growing between her and her daughter.

Similarly, Satō provides an account from a Laotian refugee family living in Japan. When the

parents of the school-aged children could no longer help them with their Japanese school studies due

to the difference in language and scholastic content, the children began to lose respect for their

parents50

. To improve the condition of intercultural education in Takayama city, it is important to

heed this point and not behave in a way that ignores the existence of mothers of foreign students.

In addition, there is also a deep concern that due to an environment that does not grant ample

respect for the foreign resident mother, her attitude will become increasingly passive. According to

one of my home visit interviews, a Filipino mother, who, despite having lived in Takayama for

thirteen years and having developed a high level of conversational Japanese language ability, she still

claimed to prefer to stay silent at school events.

Section 3 Takayama City's Disposition

Finally, to improve the intercultural education for foreign residents, the cooperation from the city

hall is absolutely essential. Both of my educator informants who had consistent direct

correspondence with the city hall officials expressed dissatisfaction with the city’s position toward

foreign residents. Informant α indicated that the city didn’t proactively provide services to these

foreign residents. Informant β expressed displeasure with the way city hall officials communicate,

dodge responsibility and lack enthusiasm.

This same type of difficulty and discontent was exhibited in an example provided by Notsu.

According to Notsu's research in Kobe, “there is a call for NPOs, citizen groups and volunteer groups

to work together to help foreign residents, but coordination with groups outside the government or

49 Articles 16, 14 and 10.

50 Satō, 162.

46

school is often seen as an increase in the amount of work” and a lack of enthusiasm results51

. Also,

with differing objectives and points of view, various kinds of friction can occur when these

organizations try to coordinate. Therefore, what is clear from Informant α's and Notsu's assertions

is that there is a need for a common space in which the different organizations and foreign residents

can come together to facilitate cooperation52

. To establish this kind of communication space, it is

vital to employ someone as a coordinator who has knowledge of the relevant agencies and

organizations53

.

As stated earlier, Informant α made previous attempts to propose the establishment of a similar

kind of communication space for foreign resident mothers. However, the city and prefecture's

inability to cooperate does not mean that the establishment of this kind of communication space is

futile. In an example from another municipality, “there is also the approach by which one first

breaks out with autonomous action, and then schools and local governments catch on and incorporate

the activities later.54

” This comes from an example in Toyota city, Aichi prefecture, where an NPO

called “kodomo no kuni” established a “yume no ki” classroom designed to help and support foreign

students. At first, coordination with the schools “did not go well, and continued to be poor until

about 2003. However, after about 2-3 years of operation, an interest came from the Toyota city

Office of Promotion and over time a trusting relationship with the local schools was built.

Currently, through close coordination, this NPO and Toyota city are advancing operations.55

”

Currently in Takayama city, the official office that deals with foreign relations is the Overseas

Strategy Office; however, the primary target for this office’s service is foreign tourists, not foreign

residents. Along with this, the office is unable to offer effective support for the city’s foreign

51 Takashi Notsu, “Nyūkamā shien NPO to gakkō / kyōan / gyōsei no renkei: Kobe no jirei yori,” Intercultural Education:

Chiiki ni okeru nyūkamā shien to renkei 28 (2008): 10-18.

52 Notsu, 18-19. Satō, 176.

53 Hiroshi Noyama, “Renkei ni okeru kōdinētā no yakuwari to kadai: chiiki ni okeru kenshū ya wākushoppu wo jirei

toshite,” Intercultural Education: Chiiki ni okeru nyūkamā shien to renkei 28 (2008): 32-42.

54 Satō, 174.

55 Tokyo University of Foreign Studies Center for Multilingual Multicultural Education and Research, Series

Multilingual / Multicultural Cooperation Practice and Research. 4 (2008): 34-38.

47

residents and foreign resident students. It is in my opinion that if personnel and information of this

office were used more effectively, it would be possible to create a better intercultural education

condition in Takayama city.

In chapter 4, based on the survey data, the various prominent issues related to intercultural

education in Takayama city were clarified and possible methods for improvement were explored.

First, the issues related to children's education including how to conduct the special Japanese

language classroom, provide native language instruction, train school teachers, health consultants and

volunteers were examined. Specifically concerning the special Japanese language classroom, the

importance of clarifying and distinguishing Satō’s three types, tsumiage, heikō and hojū, was

addressed. Among the three types, the hojū type was argued to be the most effective and ideal.

Concerning native language instruction, it was argued that in order to achieve fast and effective

Japanese language acquisition, it is vital to also maintain the study of a foreign student's native

language. Concerning teachers, it was argued that intercultural education training was lacking and

therefore an important step to improve the situation.

On the flip side, in addition to the regular teaching staff, Takayama city employs health consultants

to shoulder some of the load of teaching foreign students Japanese as well as some other subjects.

Thereupon, it was argued that an increase and improvement of handling of this kind of desired

substantive intercultural education personnel was greatly desired.

Addressing the issues related to communication with mothers, it was clear that because of

difficulties related to communication between mothers of foreign students and the schools, they

experienced growing estrangement from not only teachers, but from within the family as well. It

was argued that this type of condition will have negative consequences for the learning environment

of the child and is in need of remedying.

Finally, it was argued that Takayama city's position and effort dealing with foreigner residents was

not satisfactory. To improve that situation and provide quality intercultural education to the

community, it is vital to establish a shared space where the various groups, including NPOs, foreign

residents themselves, community volunteer groups, and city and school officials can come together

and effectively communicate.

48

Conclusion

In this thesis, along with disclosing the condition of intercultural education provided to foreign

students in Takayama city, a critical examination of the methods of intercultural education applied to

Takayama's situation also took place. This was done with the objective of investigating the

possibility of improving intercultural education within multicultural Japan. In conclusion, the

findings from each chapter will now be brought together.

In chapter 1, the objective of improving the application of intercultural education for foreign

students in Japan was laid out. To clarify the existing problems related to this endeavor, the relevant

previous research into multicultural society and intercultural education was critically examined. As

a result, it was discovered that arguments for a multicultural Japanese society existed in pre-World

War II Japan. In spite of this, the period following the end of the war saw a reversal to a monolithic

sense of Japanese ethnic identity. Once again, recently, along with the increase in foreign laborers,

international marriages and bicultural children, there has been resurgence in support for

multiculturalism.

The sense that something akin to the current field of intercultural education was important came

during the latter half of the 1970s. The Intercultural Education Society of Japan was subsequently

established at the beginning of the 1980s. At first, the society primarily concerned itself with the

issues surrounding returnees; however, along with the rise in international marriages and

multiculturalism, the shift in focus toward new comer foreign immigrants became solidified after

1990. By examining the previous relevant research, I was able to identify that field assessment in

an area of low foreigner population was a missing segment in the body of research. To fill that void,

the assessment of intercultural education in Takayama city became this project's main objective.

In chapter 2, along with summarizing the general features of Takayama city, I explained my reason

for selecting Takayama city as the subject of this survey. I confirmed that, as new comer foreign

residents, the most populous are Chinese followed by Filipinos. In addition, among those

populations, a great number are women who came to Japan as brides and have given birth to, or,

brought over children. Now that these children are of school age, issues related to intercultural

education and the city's handling of them are of great significance.

In chapter 3, the results from the interviews with Takayama city elementary school teachers,

foreign resident mothers and children were revealed. The schools were organized along

49

geographical markers with relation to the center of the city consisting of central, urban outlier and

rural locations. At the centrally located elementary school, the foreign students studied with their

regular classes while continuing to be pulled out for specialized study in multiple subjects in a special

classroom. This means that Satō’s preferred hojū type of special Japanese language classroom was

in operation at this school. In contrast to this situation, the students who had foreign mothers at the

urban outlier elementary school were born and raised in Japan and therefore did not require

supplementary Japanese language support. However, some teachers from that school had practical

experience carrying out Satō’s tsumiage type of special Japanese language classroom. Finally, at

the rural elementary school, while the sole, current foreign student had struggled with language

problems in the past, the most pressing issue was communication problems between the teachers and

the mother. This problem was not unique to the rural school, as it was mentioned in the interviews

at every school.

Based on the above survey results, chapter 4 analyzed the intercultural education situation facing

Takayama city. The way special Japanese language classrooms were run, native language

education and teacher training were provided, and health consultant and assistant volunteer

organizations utilized were all scrutinized for their efficacy. Concerning the special Japanese

language classroom, I argued that among Satō’s three types the hojū type was the one Takayama city

should fully and equally implement in its schools. Next, I argued that continued native language

education, while currently not a feature in the Takayama school system, would facilitate more rapid

and effective Japanese language acquisition. Also, I claimed that a necessary step is to provide

training in intercultural education concepts and techniques to those teachers who are in contact with

foreign students. Finally, I insisted that it is paramount to improve the job security of health

consultants, while at the same time working to increase the number of qualified personnel and

volunteers. This is due to the fact that these health consultants bear a significant work load

regarding foreign students’ education. Without the kind of volunteer or NPO resources close at

hand like in more urban districts, the health consultants are a vital resource for the Takayama school

system.

Communication between the school teachers and foreign students' mothers is often difficult and,

when the mothers are overlooked, can result in feelings of estrangement. Because this situation

could have adverse effects on the families and subsequently the child's development, I insisted that

50

the communication problem must be improved.

Finally, concerning the city's disposition toward foreigners, I urged the city to not just place

emphasis on visiting foreign tourists, but pay due attention to the city's foreign residents, especially

the children. To that end, it is necessary for aid groups, NPOs, foreign residents themselves as well

as city officials to mutually respect each other and have a shared space to foster better cooperation.

In addition, to help facilitate this improved cooperation, it is necessary to employ a coordinator to

handle the different groups and their disparate concerns and objectives.

Based on the above intercultural education issues and condition of Takayama city, I would like to

take this opportunity to offer a few concrete suggestions designed to prepare the city for a path

towards improvement.

１．Recommendations for the Board of Education / Schools

① Re-examine the way in which special Japanese language classes are currently being executed

in the schools and seek to implement a hojū style classroom in all schools. It would be pertinent to

observe school A's special classroom as a model case for the rest of the city.

② Since the health consultants are a vital resource to the city for their contribution to

intercultural education, especially Japanese as a second language training to the students,

guaranteeing longer term employment is essential, especially for those who are specifically trained

and/or have experience teaching foreign students.

２．Recommendations for City Hall

① To improve relations with the most numerous foreign resident community, the city-provided

Chinese language classes and the current exchanges between Takayama city and Chinese cities must

continue. In addition to encouraging the study of Chinese, the city should seek to employ workers

who have Chinese language ability so that they can be available to help that segment of the city's

resident population.

② Expand the interests of the Overseas Strategy Office from foreign tourists to foreign residents

of Takayama city. Once again, provide a Japanese language class for foreign residents as well as a

space in which other Japanese residents can interact with the foreign residents.

51

３． Recommendations for the General Population

① Do not simply wait for Takayama city or the schools to begin implementing necessary

intercultural education reforms, but rather take the first initiative and start small-scale projects aimed

at increasing interaction, sharing of information and mutual intercourse between foreign and

Japanese residents.

② Make an effort to study the progress already achieved in other areas such as Kawasaki city's

fureai kan. Take advantage of the latest communication technology (e-mail, social media, websites)

to communicate with people in these areas, share ideas and glean practical wisdom.

In 1999, the UN and the Japanese government estimated that after the beginning of the 21st

century, over 60,000 foreign laborers would need to immigrate to Japan each year just to maintain the

economy. This was what the UN referred to as “replacement immigration.” According to these

estimates, by 2050, 10-30% of the total Japanese population will be foreign-born replacement

immigrants56

. If this estimation is accurate, immigration issues will not be confined to urban areas

only, but will affect a wide spectrum of communities in Japan and will surely result in an increase of

foreign-resident students across all school systems. Therefore, providing an equal, high level of

education to a diverse array of students, both domestic and foreign born, will become an important

issue for the entire country. This extends even to rural municipalities, such as Takayama city, where

education issues regarding foreign residents and their children will become an increasingly important

topic for the future livelihood of the city. It is therefore my strong recommendation that now, while

immigration and accommodation problems in Takayama city are not severe, the city begin to think

about intercultural education issues that relate to their foreign residents and foreign students.

56 Befu, 47, 66.

52

Acknowledgements

For the purpose of completing this master’s thesis, I lived in Takayama city and conducted my survey from

February, 2013 to January, 2014. It is due to the help of many kind individuals that I was able to successfully

complete this investigation despite being a stranger to many and delving into the sensitive area of foreign

student and intercultural education. Thank you to all of you who cooperated with my efforts.

Especially, I would like to thank the mothers, fathers and not least of all, the children of families with whom I

became close and who took the time to speak with me and answer my questions. I am forever grateful.

I would also like to thank the Takayama city board of education and all of the teachers at the three

elementary schools who took great care of me during my time teaching. For all of those instructors

and health consultants who are facing the challenges related to intercultural education, I am in your

debt and appreciate all of your efforts.

I would also like to thank Ms. Keiko Itoda and Ms. Noriko Namazu for their generous assistance

checking and correcting my poor Japanese version drafts of this thesis. Thank you so much.

To all the others whose names I haven’t mentioned but who certainly aided and looked out for me

during my time in Takayama city, I humbly express my appreciation. Without your help, the

completion of this thesis would not have been possible. Thank you.

Finally, I would like to thank the Japanese Ministry of Education for cordially welcoming me to

Japan to pursue my research and Master’s thesis. The credit for my thesis’ direction and academic

counseling all lies with Seijo University’s Graduate School of Literature, particularly Japanese Folk

Culture professors Tomiyuki Uesugi and Makoto Oda. Thank you. And to all of those people at

Seijo University who made my life in Japan possible and enjoyable, I am forever grateful.

53

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