the past as prologue: conclusions latinos and the 2008 elections lecture 9 october 28, 2008
TRANSCRIPT
The Past as Prologue:Conclusions
Latinos and the 2008 ElectionsLecture 9
October 28, 2008
Questions for This Week’s Readings – We’ll Discuss
Thursday
Under what circumstances can Latinos influence the outcomes of statewide elections? Think about different forms of influence And different ways that influence can be
evaluated How could electoral rules/practices be
changed to enhance Latino influence?
Stages of the Presidential Campaign
1. Pre-campaign Candidate self-selection Key time point – previous mid-term election
2. Primaries Candidate selection, usually early in primary
season (late Winter) Candidate positioning and fundraising
3. Convention Opportunity for party elites to meet and greet Uninterrupted opportunity to state message
4. General election
2000 and 2004 Primaries
Democrats seeking to create opportunity for Latino voice (2004)
Latino Democrats joined the Gore and Kerry bandwagons earlier and stronger They did little to campaign for their votes, though Result –untested in terms of outreach
2004 – Sharpton (African American candidate) didn’t appeal to Latino voters Black plurality always went to Kerry Latinos supported only marginally more than
whites
Latinos and the Party Conventions, 2000 and
2004 Number of Latino delegates steadily growing,
particularly on Democratic side 2000
Los Angeles site of Democratic convention Bush assured a prominent symbolic place for Latinos
entertainers and political leaders 2004
Bill Richardson, Chair of Democratic Convention Latino delegates did organize and saw daily visits from party
leaders Few prominent Latino speakers during prime time Latino delegates, like most delegates, window dressing Conventions offer little opportunity to shape
candidate’s policy objectives
Democratic Party Delegates, by Race/Ethnicity, 1984-2008
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008
Whites African Americans Latinos
Where Were Latinos at the Start of the Fall
Campaign? 2000 & 2004 – competitive states not the big
Latino states Latinos less courted that in 1996
Gore and Kerry showed little Latino outreach Campaigns moved to Tennessee, Boston, and
Austin Bush (2001) made a major symbolic proposal
– the guest worker program – but had done little to follow up
Kerry tried to reach out as a Catholic and through Teresa Kerry (an immigrant from Mozambique who ancestry is Portuguese)
Latino Votes in the 2000 and 2004
Elections Latino voices muted (in federal races) Outcome of elections was out of the
control of Latino communities In states where unity and turnout could
have led to influence, the evidence is mixed
Concerns about exit polls will make the Latino voice a subject of continuing dispute
Latino Vote Share, 2004Bush Kerry
National 38-41% 57-60%
Arizona 42% 58%
California 31% 65%
Colorado 28% 70%
Florida 54% 46%
Illinois 22% 77%
New Jersey 41% 56%
New Mexico 41% 57%
New York 18% 80%
Texas 52% 47%
These Results Somewhat Disputed
William C. Velasquez Research Institute Exit Poll
Nation Kerry – 67.7 percent Bush – 31.4 percent Sample – 1,179 respondents in 56 precincts in 14
states Florida
Kerry – 52.0 percent Bush – 45.7 percent Sample – 1,147 respondents in 45 precincts in nine
counties
Who in the Latino Community Shifted Between 2000 and
2004? Toward Bush
Texas Latinos Religiously-observant Latinos 2nd generation (the children of immigrants)
Toward Kerry/the Democrats Florida Latinos 2nd generation Cubans
Unique to 2004 Two Senate races with Latino candidates
Latino Vote ShareSenate Races, 2004
Democrat Republican
Arizona 29% 70%
California 72% 19%
Colorado 72% 25%
Florida 41% 59%
Illinois 83% 16%
New York 80% 19%
Nevada 67% 27%
Lessons from Recent Elections
Latino role limited Internally – weak Latino organization to shape
outcomes Externally
Compositional factors reduce Latino vote (and incentive for political institutions to mobilize Latinos)
Electoral College focused election primarily on non-Latino concentration states
Rhetoric of importance of Latino vote remained high Bush used strategically to position himself as a
moderate who could move the Republicans to long-term dominance
Question at end of 2004 race of whether Latinos were moving toward the Republicans
The Second Bush Administration
Steadily declining presidential influence 2006 Election
Democrats become majority in House and Senate
Leading Republican Presidential candidate – Virginia’s George Allen – defeated in upset
Newly emerging Latino voices Three Latinos elected to the U.S. Senate 2006 immigrant’s rights protests
Early 2006: Unprecedented Immigrant
Civic Activism
Why? Bush proposal (2004)
Guest workers/enforcement House bill – HR 4437 (passed 2005)
Unauthorized status a felony Fence/enforcement Employer penalties Authorizes use of the military to enforce
immigration law No guest worker program or legalization
The Marches in Public Opinion and Policy
Congress Took ‘criminalization’ out of the policy debate Forced immigration-moderates into the debate
Backlash Energized anti-immigrant movement/candidates Restrictionists vocal in 2006 elections Fence authorized
Latino/immigrant leaders Tested new leadership coalition Leaders have shifted focus from mass mobilization
to electoral power
New Focus on Electoral Power Risky
Marchers: immigrants and their U.S. citizen children (youth/young adults) Key “new” organizational resource:
Hometown associations/federations Built on more traditional resources:
churches, unions, immigrant rights groups Electoral influence not in the control of
the immigrant organizations Need close elections in immigrant/ethnic
areas $
From Immigrant Marchers to Voters
1. [For unauthorized] Legalization (and maybe “guest worker” period)
2. [For permanent residents and the newly legalized] Naturalization
3. [For U.S. citizens disengaged from electoral politics, young adults, and new citizens] Registration
4. [For registered voters] Electoral mobilization
Each of these steps is hard, let alone putting them all together
Even If Latino/Immigrant Organizations are
Successful Risk of a backlash Many of the Democrats who were
elected from traditionally Republican districts in 2006, 2007, and so far in 2008, take moderately restrictive views of immigration reform
Partisan Divide, Importance of
Immigration, 2007
Source: Wall Street Journal, November 19, 2007