yeni müsiad
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EUROPEANIZATION of MUSIAD
MARMARA UNIVERSITY
Department of International Relation and Politcal Science
Name: Adem Ali İren
Number:040300003
Lecturer: Erhan Doğan
E-Mail: [email protected]
Table of Contents
Introduction
Emergence of Conservative Bourgeoisie (Green Capital)
Eurosceptic Approach of MUSIAD toward EU
Modified Islamic Eurosceptisicm 2005- Onwards
Turco-scepticism in Europe
Adopting EU integration Process and Political Benefits
Conclusion
Introduction
Musiad is an organization that is supported by small sized Anatolian entrepreneurs
(sometimes called Anatolian Tigers). That Anatolian Entrepreneurship soul created a capital
which is owned by people whose religion feeling is strong. MUSIAD is an Islamically-
oriented organization and it emphasizes Islamic ethics in economy and the importance of
religiosity in society and the individual’s life. With its institutional public identity and the
religiously conservative social group of the small and medium size enterprises (SMEs) that it
represents, MUSIAD is situated at the intersection of spheres of business associations and
Islamic movements. MUSIAD emerged as a competing business organization to TUSIAD by
uniting large number of enterprises of different sizes from different regions in Turkey.1 In
addition, those Anatolian tigers who have their own capital had constantly established close
ties with political Islam.
Newly emerged capital owner whose trade relations based on their very powerful abstract and
Islamic belief relations with each other had created an antipathy against European thought and
cumulatively European values. As a reaction of establishment of Musiad can be evaluated as
opposing the groups who have already inherently the major capital and affect Turkish
domestic and foreign relations by means of their economic power regardless of conservative
values of capital owner. This attitude of Musiad member is quite prominent figure to
understand and comprehend the early approach of Musiad and then its transformation process
for the behalf of EU accession of Turkey. Conservative bourgeoisie had gradually emerged as
powerful as to be able to affect Turkish Economy, while their attitudes and stance towards EU
was changing on the other side.
Generally, military intervention into the political sphere and deteriorating economic condition
of Turkey which damages that new conservative richness of capital owner culminated a slight
shifting point of their policy. They can get benefit from several political and economic
opportunities under the umbrella of EU accession process. In the beginning of 1990’s member
1 A.Bugra Islam in economic Organizations. İstanbul: TESEV quoted in Eurpeanization of Musiad Dilek Yankaya 2009
of Musiad had adopted strongly rejection the accession idea by illustrating their different
cultural values and norms. At that time, representative symbol of political Islam (Welfare
Party) could state “Christian Club” for European Union. Eurosceptic approach of Musiad was
very strong and trend was on the way rejection the membership idea severely. With the
Helsinki Summit in 1999 that gave candidate status to Turkey was a watershed for Turkey-EU
relations.
Helsinki Summit affected not only Turkey-EU relation in macro level but also caused an
alteration for Musiad’s Eurosceptic thought against EU. Euroscpetisim of Musiad was, of
course, not eliminated totally through Helsinki Summit. Nevertheless, we can express that this
turning point resulted in replacing strong rejection policy of Musiad against EU with the
softening one. Musiad feel generally uncomfortable itself by carrying national worries about
Cyprus issue etc. What it means that Musiad has sought a solution for full membership by
concerning some domestic problems. From total rejection to the effort for membership overtly
displays a change in Musiad’s trend for EU accession process of Turkey.
Moreover, 28th February post-modern attempt aimed to clear conservative bloc from both
political and economic life. Under these circumstances, EU process which promotes more
democracy, equality and more opportunity not only secular groups but also conservative part
of Turkey in economic and political level could be a life jacket of conservatives who want to
continue their existence both in economic and political level. Therefore we can say that
reform process of Turkey and Harmonization Laws are well-coming for Musiad due to
strengthening more democratic aspect of Turkey. With the beginning of negotiations, relation
have reached peak level with EU; additionally economic benefit of Musiad should not be
forgotten. When Custom Union was accepted, Musiad showed its reaction against this
agreement. Soon after, they started to get benefit from that agreement through establishment
good economic relations of European countries. Brotherhood and common sense of
Turkishness were very effective for material bridge with EU countries such as Germany,
Netherland and France etc where Turkish immigrant has popularly lived.
Emergence of Conservative Bourgeoisie (Green Capital)
Global and economic improvements in the market, changing domestic politics paved the for
economic liberalization. This shift of wind in the global world has caused the emergence of
Anatolian Tiger in rural cities of central Turkey. SME of Anatolian power who could not find
the chance to be member of TUSIAD (Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen)
which accepted merely great amount of capital owner as a member became the member of
Musiad by creating it. Musiad has completed its establishing structure within a short period
with enormous members all over Turkey. MUSIAD has also distinguished itself from secular
TUSIAD by highlighting its attachment to religious and traditional values. In sum, MUSIAD
members were distinct from TUSIAD members in three respects: size, location, and religious
outlook.2
Growth of MUSIAD membership baseYear Number of Members1990 121991 1361992 2581993 5241994 6821995 7721996 9821997 1153
2 A. Bugra, “Class, Culture, and State: An Analysis of Interest Representation by Two Turkish Business Associations,” IJMES, 1998 quoted in quoted in Eurpeanization of Musiad Şebnem Gümüşçü p. 5, 2009
1998 12441999 13122000 13872001 15202002 17252003 20452004 2136
*(Members who own multiple companies arecounted once)Total number of companies owned by all members is estimated around 7000. Source: Reported by MUSIAD president Ali Bayramoglu in Milliyet, April 4, 2004 quoted in Economic Liberalization: Devout Bourgeoisie and chang in political Islam Sebnem gümüscü p. 6
Musiad maintained to extend its branches through big cities of Anatolia and the largest
branches of Musiad were in Bursa, Kayseri, Ankara, İstanbul, Konya and Kocaeli. When we
look at the companies and their sectors, it can be said that Musiad members began to be oart
of foreign export, trade and commerce. Comparatively companies which were established
before 1980 with the ones which were established after 1980, it is visible the sectoral
distribution.
Number of exporting companies in Konya and the value of their total exports
Date Number of Exports Companies Value of Total Exports ($)
2001 463 107,620,546
2002 520 130,222,093
2003 557 177,898,711
2004 627 274,509,369
2005 682 421,825,358
2006 777 492,484,999
* Source: Turkish Statistical Institute, www.tuik.gov.tr quoted in Economic Liberalization: Devout Bourgeoisie and chang in political Islam Sebnem gümüscü p. 7
What separates Konya from other MUSIAD cities is the prominence of MUSIAD members in
Konya’s economy. Like many other Anatolian cities, Konya’s economic growth has been
driven by export-oriented production. According to a survey conducted by Konya Chamber of
Industry, 64 percent of industrialists (including subcontractors) in Konya export their
products. 60 percent of all exports go to the European countries where the remaining 40
percent goes to North Africa, the Middle East, East Asia, and Latin America.3
Distribution of MUSIAD member companies according to their date of foundation (excluding
3 Sebnem Gümüscü. Economic Liberalization: Devout Bourgeoisie and change in political Islam p. 7
companies with unknown dates of foundation) *
Date Number of CompaniesBefore 1950 28 1950-1959 421960-1969 851970-1979 2831980-1989 739After 1990 589Total 1776 * Source: MUSIAD Catalogue 1995 in Gümüsçü p.6
Turkish Economic distribution based on maim sectors is shown in the table below.
Source: Musiad Catalogue: Turkish Economy 1995 p. 17
Turkish society has met with attraction of consuming culture after 1980’s growing trade rate
foreign direct investments and spreading of private media sources had enabled that consuming
boom. This consuming model has created an in evitable element of economic and cultural
globalization. New consumerism firstly affected very secular highly income groups, then after
moderate middle class and finally conservative bourgeoisie. Economic liberalization of
1980’s (by means of decision known as 24th January 1980) has created plenty more
opportunities for entrepreneurs of Anatolia. Economic improvement and richness have offered
new ways for consuming of owned properties.
Conservative part of rich class has created an opportunity for a political representation. These
economically developed groups could only find the way of representing their calues in the
political level. Welfare Party and its policy (Milli Görüş) came to the political area with the
support of conservative bourgeoisie. Milli Görüş generally was shaped around state
interventionism, redistribution and social justice. Hence, member of Musiad and conservative
rich class supported entrepreneurship soul thanks to over-spreaded consumer culture due to
having considerable amount of capital. State intervention and domination should be
overthrown in order that they could improve their economic conditions and politics which
support liberal economic style. In doing so; they redefined their political preferences by
taking into consideration their economically growing desire by eliminating state in the market
as an economic regulation power. Foremost of all, the RP discourse has shown to be
overwhelmingly ‘socialist,’ statist, anti-western, and confrontational for the rising
conservative bourgeoisie which prefer liberal markets, minimal state intervention, pro-western
attitude, and peaceful relations with the secular state establishment.
On the other hand, conservative bourgeoisie stimulated a new power in the political sphere.
The background of their aim lay down to create a new party of democracy, pluralism, and
liberalism which values AKP claimed to represent them. Conservative bourgeoisie supplied the
reformist side of political Islam with the financial, political and human resources. Their active role in
the process of emerging the new political representation device (AKP) was new in political literature
overthrowing former Islamic political party by its own supporter.
MUSIADmembers*IstanbulKonyaAnkaraBursaKayseriKocaeli
AntalyaAdanaDenizliSakarya937AKP 200237.254.9438.1141.354.3442.8521.1626.8224.1743.84Saadet 20023.794.781.122.932.286.171.021.660.833.42Fazilet 199921.2930.1717.0715.3723.2422.746.2510.275.7624.36Refah 199523.9341.7420.8818.7633.0631.6813.316.6910.3428.24258
2441921301069892
8078
Memberhipdensity*Saadet 2002
Fazilet 1999Refah 199544.194.2320.7723.87Rize54.342.2823.2433.06Kayseri54.944.78
Share of votes of Milli Gorus Parties and AKP since 1995 elections in cities with largest
MUSIAD branches
AKP 2002
30.1741.74Konya43.843.4224.3628.24Sakarya24.170.835.7610.34Denizli37.23.7921.29Istanbul41.32.9315.3718.76Bursa
42.85
6.1722.7431.68Kocaeli41.995.9224.4841.84Elazig30.532.589.6614.28Zonguldak*Cities are ranked according to the density of MUSIAD members, calculated by dividingtotal population of a given city by total number of MUSIAD members in that city
Share of votes of Milli Gorus Parties and AKP since 1995 elections in cities with highest
density of MUSIAD membership
The fact that the conservative bourgeoisie supported the AKP and effected its establishment is
apparent in the AKP program and its policy platform. As Ali Bayramoglu, states the
association and its policy recommendations has equipped the new party with new ideas and
formed the basis of AKP platform emergence of a conservative bourgeoisie with a new
consumerist culture has been the driving force behind the moderation of political Islam in
Turkey.4 The Milli Görüş line has been broken as a result of this structural change within the
traditional constituency of political Islam. This structural change facilitated the emergence of
a moderate, democratic, economically liberal, and socially conservative political party.
Eurosceptic Approach of MUSIAD toward EU
In this part, evolution of Musiad approach for EU will be evaluated within the period of 1994-
2004. Europeanization process of Turkey has cause the change in the Europeanization of
Musiad. Musiad adopted the Eurosceptic approach from 1994 until 1999 Helsinki Summit,
whereas 2000-2004 was defined the Musiad attitude as a pro-EU. With the Helsinki summit
MUSIAD adopted an increasingly pro-EU attitude with the national-interest based on
relatively softer Euroscepticism; and from 2004 onwards an Islamic rhetoric imposes itself, in
addition to the existing national-interest one, to express its Euroscepticism.
Euroscepticism implies the expression of opposition, to the process of European integration,
whether contingent or qualified opposition, or outright and unqualified opposition5. Hard
Euroscepticism implies an outright rejection of the entire project of European political and
economic integration and opposition to their country joining or remaining a member of the
4 Reported by Nihat Alayoglu, The General Secretary of MUSIAD, an interview made by Sebnem Gumuscu in EUI working papers 2008/19, September 25, 20065 Taggart, Paul ‘A Touchstone of Dissent: Euroscepticism in Contemporary Western EuropeanParty Systems’, European Journal of Political Research , pp. 363-388. 1998 quoted in Europeanization of Musiad in Dilek Yankaya p.9
EU. Theoretically, it includes a principled objection to the idea of any European economic or
political integration( Tagart in Gümüscü 2009).
That kind of rejection theoretically implies a principled objection any kind of European
economic or political integration. The principled objection comes from the belief that the EU
is counter to deeply held values or, more likely, is the embodiment of negative values.6 This
kind of Euroscepticism is seen in parties who think that their countries should withdraw from
membership or candidacy.
Attitude of Musiad toward EU in 1994–1999 is symbolized as the hard Euroscepticism in
terms of Taggart’s definition in Gümüşçü’s article. Because Musiad adopted the objection to
European integration process and that attitude is explained in relation to the civilization
diversity between Turkey and Europe. Divergence created the “us and them” problem; the
first mentioning of the EU by MUSIAD was from the perspective of an international Muslim
community, as one of the international power blocks that the Muslim world should take into
consideration to restructure a new world perspective for the 21st century.7 The fact that,
Turkey was a Muslim country, not only was Turkey’s membership not even mentioned as a
future possibility but also Yarar, recommended the extension of Turkey’s trade relations
towards Eastern Asia basing on cultural convergence rather than Europe. The EU was
perceived as a an entity, as the same with USA and Israel, which is the triangle that damages
Turkey on the political, economic, and cultural level.8
After the Customs Union (CU) in 1996, MUSIAD adopted strong anti-EU attitude and
defended a clear objection to both the CU and EU membership while TUSIAD was eagerly
6 Dilek Yankaya p. 97 Yarar, Erol A New Perspective of te World at the Treshold of the 21st Century, Istanbul, MUSIAD; 19948 MUSIAD (Başbakan Necmettin Erbakanın Doğu Asya Gezisi ve Müsiad’ın Bosna-Hersek Gezisi) İstanbul; 1996
well-coming it as a step forward towards full membership. MUSIAD expressed concerns
about the CU’s detrimental effects on Turkey’s strategic interests. The main reason behind the
difference of attitudes of MUSIAD and TÜSİAD is related to the CU. TUSIAD is the largest
Turkish enterprises and it represented some capital maturity and international competitiveness
while MUSIAD represented SME’s that lacked any such international competitive power.
Muslim fraternity is a promoting power for MUSIAD’s SME; because it is economically
more preferable and culturally easier to legitimize through a sense of powerful emotions. The
project claimed that Turkey would not get benefit from the economic and political
opportunities of European integration because of its dependent economic and backward
technological structures. The backwardness argument was coupled with a civilizational
incompatibility discourse claiming that ‘Turkey is in full contradiction with the EU member
countries in historical, religious and cultural terms.9
The first impact of Europeanization on MUSIAD’s political stance appeared with the
declaration of Turkey’s official candidacy at the 1999 Helsinki Summit. MUSIAD’s
categorical opposition to Turkey’s EU membership paved the way for adoption of its new
approach underlining EU integration’s effects on public issues from a wider political
perspective.
Softening policy of Musiad towards EU integration can be explained as the policy and
national Euroscepticism. Those divisions means that if there were alterations in the policy
level or shifts of national interests occurs, then Musiad can support the European integration
by encouraging attempts of Turkish government in the social and business level.
Euroscepticism is primarily expressed in nationalist rhetoric; as an illustration that
Europeanization notion is perceived in Turkey as that Europeanization process can divide 9 MUSIAD Pamuk Birliği , Istanbul 1996
Turkey into pieces by destroying state sovereignty and freedom of the state. Defending
national interests while integrating into Europe was the primary purpose; because of the fact
that Turkey has some risky areas and vitality of those issues could not be abdicated. Minority
rights, Cyprus issues and Aegean Sea problem with Greece are very significant national
interests of Turkey.
From a pro-EU approach, MUSIAD defended EU candidacy on the grounds that it
strengthens Turkey’s image in the international area. Moreover, candidate status of Turkey
raises the possibility of an increase in foreign direct investments. Compliance with
Copenhagen criteria conditionality would accelerate the restructuring of the Turkish economy
and comprehensive social and political reforms concerning democratization, rule of law and
human rights and liberties. However, from a national interest discourse, MUSIAD judged the
conditions imposed on issues of ‘Cyprus and Aegean Sea, and the capital punishment of
terrorist organization’s leader Apo6, too risky and heavy’ for national interests.10
This national interest rhetoric stems from the social group that the association represents.
MUSIAD members can be classified into two non-mutually exclusive groups in relation to
their attitudes towards Turkey’s European integration. The first group consists of Eurosceptics
about EU’s credibility to integrate with Turkey as a full membership. There are two main
reasons behind this strong scepticism. The first one is about a belief in European anti-Turkish
behavior. This belief appeared in the reaction against the acceptance of countries like Bulgaria
and Romania into the EU while leaving Turkey outside. The second one is related to the
circulation problems that the businessmen have on their professional trips into the EU
countries. The visa problems, long waiting hours, and the ‘uncivilized’ treatment by the
customs officers of EU countries are the concrete basis of Euroscepticism at the individual
level.
10 MUSIAD Türkiye Ekonomisi 2000; 2000 p.42
The second category is composed of pragmatists who favor the Europeanization process itself
without putting much emphasis on the full-membership. The main advantages of the
Europeanization process means increasing the autonomy of the economic sphere from state
intervention and increasing economic governance from political instabilities. Furthermore,
democratization and the rule of law are among the major accomplishments of the accession
process. Yet, the full-membership is considered as a realistic option neither by Eurosceptics
nor by pragmatists in that categorization. Generally members of MUSIAD tend to think thaht
full membership of Turkey into the EU will take long time due to the unwillingness of some
European leader for Turkey accession. Although that pessimistic idea, they started to get
benefit from several chances both in economic and political level.
Between 2001 and 2004, MUSIAD began to seperate its thought rested upon national-interest
Euroscpticism by developing its most eager pro-EU attitudes in the public and economic
spheres. MUSIAD became more effective about the positive sides of European integration. In
addition, MUSIAD; like the AKP; distanced itself from the Eurosceptic nationalist alliance
by hihlighting democratization measures which should be taken by ignoring of the arguments
about ‘Turkey’s special conditions emphasize problematic national interest issues such as
Cyprus and minorities.11
Ali Bayramoğlu, who was president of the association at the time, suggested an alteration in
the definition of national interests relating to the Cyprus issue and urged replacing conflict
with cooperation in dealing with the European Council’s attitude and the (European Court of
Human Rights) ECHR’s decision.12 MUSIAD developed a new foreign policy by taking into
11 MUSIAD Turkish Economy 2001 ; 2001 p. 3812 On December 2003, ECHR ordered Turkey to pay $2,310,000.00 to Titina Loizidou, a Greek Cyprioteand the Council of Europe asked Turkey to pay 1,2 million Euros to the Council of Europe SecretaryGeneral compensating Loizidou for the loss of use of her property in Kyrenia; Yankaya p. 11; 2009
consideration of Turkey’s EU integration process. The main purpose of this new foreign
policy approach is related to strentghen Turkey’s position in economic level in the process of
European integration. Thus they can also get benefit from that procees by increasing trade rate
with the Western countries.
Modified Islamic Eurosceptisicm 2005- Onwards
From 2005 onwards a new Islamic rhetoric was stated by MUSIAD accompanying the
national-interest rhetoric expressing skepticism about European integration’s effects on Islam-
related issues in Turkey, in Europe, and in the world. Rapid changing in Islamic lifestyle and
effect on growing Islamic bourgeoisie caused the worry of Musiad due to being gradually
very similar to Tusiad. The possibility of degeneration of Islamic values and cultural norms
which Musiad’ basic philosophy rests on, could be less efecctive at the end of the European
integration process. This can be considered as an unexpected attitude from MUSIAD. The
reason of that unexpectation is that MUSIAD has already begun not to mention about
religious matters especially since 1997. Nevertheless, this outstanding alteration in
MUSIAD’s EU attitude was related with the new international context which was produced
after the 9/11 attacks that divided the world between the West and Islam. The rapproachment
efforts was seen in the Alliance of Civilizations (AOC) between the Western and the Arab
and Muslim worlds; that s developed by Spanish Prime Minister Mr. J. L. Zapatero and co-
sponsored by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Ömer Bolat, the President of MUSIAD at the time, interpreted the new dynamics that ‘before
the events of 9/11, being Muslim was the primary obstacle to becoming an EU member, in the
new context it turned into an advantage for our membership’ MUSIAD adjusted its political
discourse to the developments and started to promote Turkey’s ‘EU membership as a new and
original structure that would favor the dialogue between Islamic countries and Western ones
and that would serve to promote world peace.13
With this new perspective, the civilizational divergence argument of the 90’s was the main
cause for MUSIAD’s anti-EU attitude which became one of the primary elements of its pro-
EU approach. Even though the AOC discourse strengthened MUSIAD’s pro-EU political
attitude, AOC negatively affected its eagerness about the adoption of universal secular norms
of democracy and human rights. It revealed skepticism about the universality of European
norms, because supranational values are neither unquestionable nor untouchable. MUSIAD
would adopt a critical approach about the rationality and correctness of these values to see
whether they take into consideration or not the sensibilities of people who are coming from
different cultures, who are having different values and whether these values produce equal
and just consequences for all peoples or not.
Turco-scepticism in Europe
Various European politicians have often mentioned cultural and religious factors to justify the
exclusion of Turkey. The “Europeanness” of Turks has often come into question. A number
of influential European leaders, including the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, the Prime
Minister of Austria, Wolfgang Schüssel, the leader of the conservative Christian Social Union
in Germany, Edmund Stoiber, and the President of France, Nicholas Sarkozy, continue to
openly oppose Turkey’s EU membership. The Turkish people’s normative, cultural and
religious characteristics have frequently been cited as non-European particularly by Christian
Democrats. Such rhetoric has stimulated anti-European feelings at both elite and public levels
13 MUSIAD Türkiye Ekonomisi quoted from Yankaya; Europeanization of MUSIAD 2005 p.95 Vardan, Ömer Cihad, Turkey-EU Relations and Democracy in Turkey : Problems and Prospects (Mr Vardan is the Chairman of the Independent Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (MÜSIAD), Turkey p. 52
in Turkey and thus has made compliance with EU political conditions more difficult. These
leaders have been arguing that Turkey-EU relations should continue on a path that would not
end in membership, but rather something that is from time to time referred to as “privileged
partnership”.
Adopting EU integration Process and Political Benefits
Turkey’s Europeanization attempts created some socio-economic transformations which
opens a door for the Islamic groups to support Turkey’s European orientation in 1990s. One
of the determinant elements of this change was the military intervention of February 28th
1997 that aimed to exclude all Islamic groups from economic, social and political spheres,
seeing them as part of a reactionary threat to the secular regime. The other element is related
to that Islamist Welfare Party was closed by Constitutional Court. MUSIAD has experienced
the shame and fear of this period due to the fact that it had close relations with political
Islam, both at the associational and individual levels. These became the object of special
investigations by the military and of heavy sanctions from the state, as they were accused of
financing political Islam. Its membership dropped from 2900 to 2300.14
The EU membership conditionality with its emphasis on the establishment of civilian control
over the military, gave hope to MUSIAD and other Islamic groups for a window of
opportunity to raise their economic and political position The firm stance of the Justice and
Development Party (AKP) for harmonization reforms and EU membership from 2002-2004
was an unanticipated attitude. Leader of AKP, Mr Erdoğan, had expressed about the EU his
thought as a ‘Christian Club’ in 1992 when he was the mayor of Istanbul. The AKP distanced
14 Öniş, Ziya ‘Political Islam at the Crossroads: From Hegemony to Coexistence’, ContemporaryPolitics , 2001 quoted in Yankaya; Europeanization of Musiad
itself not only from other parties with an EU-skeptical approach, but also from its
predecessors (Welfare Party), who approved to the National Outlook Movement.
Trade constitutes the principal means for these businessmen to get into close contact with
European businessmen, business spaces and European business culture. The major ways that
they acquire familiarity is through their European business partners and their participation in
international fairs organized in European countries. The association also plays a key role in
the economic socialization of its members into the European markets through the visits that it
organizes to various EU countries, as well as through its representational offices in EU
countries that help to create an international business network at its members. MUSIAD
businessmen enlarge their trade area by sub-contracts and distributorships with various
European manufacturers in Turkey, especially in high technology machinery and the
automobile industry.
Furthermore, family ties often connect Turkish businessmen to Europe, especially in countries
with important Turkish immigrant communities such as Germany, Holland and Kosovo. This
condition guarantees the access for trade opportunities and hence becomes a source of
socialization within the European business community MUSIAD businessmen observe
European economic practices and business culture when they visit these countries and make
trade with European counterparts; thus they learn to increase their competitiveness. Beside the
European market, the Balkans, the Middle East, and Central Asian countries are also highly
invested in by MUSIAD businessmen. Their multiple experiences let them compare and
contrast the functioning of economic life in European countries with that in non-European
ones.
Conclusion
Europeanization process of MUSIAD is evaluated by examining MUSIAD’s socialization and
evolution from 1990’s to today. MUSIAD attitude towards EU is shaped by its worries about
national issues of Turkey and MUSIAD has witnessed the possibility both in economic and
political level with the help of the Europeanization process of Turkey. Those chances were
examined by MUSIAD very well as opposed to possible anti-democratic intervention by
military against conservative-Islamic bourgeoisie. Furthermore, the role of government and its
intervention to the market is decreased with the help of the Europeanization process of
Turkey.
This process culminated economic integration of SMEs into European markets, the evolution
of Turkey’s membership process, and larger international developments. Turkey’s aspiration
for EU accession has progressively integrated into MUSIAD’s policy preferences on domestic
and foreign issues about European integration. MUSIAD’s Europeanization process can thus
be realized in economic and political level. Increasing business contacts with European
partners, participation in international business sector fairs and MUSIAD-organized visits to
European countries produced a process of social learning about the economic functioning and
governance in EU countries. Thus, the close economic relations between EU markets and
Musiad, political opportunist attitude of MUSIAD has resulted in the significant change about
idea related to Turkey’s EU accession process.
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