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EUROPEANIZATION of MUSIAD MARMARA UNIVERSITY Department of International Relation and Politcal Science Name: Adem Ali İren Number:040300003 Lecturer: Erhan Doğan E-Mail: [email protected]

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Page 1: Yeni Müsiad

EUROPEANIZATION of MUSIAD

MARMARA UNIVERSITY

Department of International Relation and Politcal Science

Name: Adem Ali İren

Number:040300003

Lecturer: Erhan Doğan

E-Mail: [email protected]

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Table of Contents

Introduction

Emergence of Conservative Bourgeoisie (Green Capital)

Eurosceptic Approach of MUSIAD toward EU

Modified Islamic Eurosceptisicm 2005- Onwards

Turco-scepticism in Europe

Adopting EU integration Process and Political Benefits

Conclusion

Introduction

Musiad is an organization that is supported by small sized Anatolian entrepreneurs

(sometimes called Anatolian Tigers). That Anatolian Entrepreneurship soul created a capital

which is owned by people whose religion feeling is strong. MUSIAD is an Islamically-

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oriented organization and it emphasizes Islamic ethics in economy and the importance of

religiosity in society and the individual’s life. With its institutional public identity and the

religiously conservative social group of the small and medium size enterprises (SMEs) that it

represents, MUSIAD is situated at the intersection of spheres of business associations and

Islamic movements. MUSIAD emerged as a competing business organization to TUSIAD by

uniting large number of enterprises of different sizes from different regions in Turkey.1 In

addition, those Anatolian tigers who have their own capital had constantly established close

ties with political Islam.

Newly emerged capital owner whose trade relations based on their very powerful abstract and

Islamic belief relations with each other had created an antipathy against European thought and

cumulatively European values. As a reaction of establishment of Musiad can be evaluated as

opposing the groups who have already inherently the major capital and affect Turkish

domestic and foreign relations by means of their economic power regardless of conservative

values of capital owner. This attitude of Musiad member is quite prominent figure to

understand and comprehend the early approach of Musiad and then its transformation process

for the behalf of EU accession of Turkey. Conservative bourgeoisie had gradually emerged as

powerful as to be able to affect Turkish Economy, while their attitudes and stance towards EU

was changing on the other side.

Generally, military intervention into the political sphere and deteriorating economic condition

of Turkey which damages that new conservative richness of capital owner culminated a slight

shifting point of their policy. They can get benefit from several political and economic

opportunities under the umbrella of EU accession process. In the beginning of 1990’s member

1 A.Bugra Islam in economic Organizations. İstanbul: TESEV quoted in Eurpeanization of Musiad Dilek Yankaya 2009

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of Musiad had adopted strongly rejection the accession idea by illustrating their different

cultural values and norms. At that time, representative symbol of political Islam (Welfare

Party) could state “Christian Club” for European Union. Eurosceptic approach of Musiad was

very strong and trend was on the way rejection the membership idea severely. With the

Helsinki Summit in 1999 that gave candidate status to Turkey was a watershed for Turkey-EU

relations.

Helsinki Summit affected not only Turkey-EU relation in macro level but also caused an

alteration for Musiad’s Eurosceptic thought against EU. Euroscpetisim of Musiad was, of

course, not eliminated totally through Helsinki Summit. Nevertheless, we can express that this

turning point resulted in replacing strong rejection policy of Musiad against EU with the

softening one. Musiad feel generally uncomfortable itself by carrying national worries about

Cyprus issue etc. What it means that Musiad has sought a solution for full membership by

concerning some domestic problems. From total rejection to the effort for membership overtly

displays a change in Musiad’s trend for EU accession process of Turkey.

Moreover, 28th February post-modern attempt aimed to clear conservative bloc from both

political and economic life. Under these circumstances, EU process which promotes more

democracy, equality and more opportunity not only secular groups but also conservative part

of Turkey in economic and political level could be a life jacket of conservatives who want to

continue their existence both in economic and political level. Therefore we can say that

reform process of Turkey and Harmonization Laws are well-coming for Musiad due to

strengthening more democratic aspect of Turkey. With the beginning of negotiations, relation

have reached peak level with EU; additionally economic benefit of Musiad should not be

forgotten. When Custom Union was accepted, Musiad showed its reaction against this

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agreement. Soon after, they started to get benefit from that agreement through establishment

good economic relations of European countries. Brotherhood and common sense of

Turkishness were very effective for material bridge with EU countries such as Germany,

Netherland and France etc where Turkish immigrant has popularly lived.

Emergence of Conservative Bourgeoisie (Green Capital)

Global and economic improvements in the market, changing domestic politics paved the for

economic liberalization. This shift of wind in the global world has caused the emergence of

Anatolian Tiger in rural cities of central Turkey. SME of Anatolian power who could not find

the chance to be member of TUSIAD (Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen)

which accepted merely great amount of capital owner as a member became the member of

Musiad by creating it. Musiad has completed its establishing structure within a short period

with enormous members all over Turkey. MUSIAD has also distinguished itself from secular

TUSIAD by highlighting its attachment to religious and traditional values. In sum, MUSIAD

members were distinct from TUSIAD members in three respects: size, location, and religious

outlook.2

Growth of MUSIAD membership baseYear Number of Members1990 121991 1361992 2581993 5241994 6821995 7721996 9821997 1153

2 A. Bugra, “Class, Culture, and State: An Analysis of Interest Representation by Two Turkish Business Associations,” IJMES, 1998 quoted in quoted in Eurpeanization of Musiad Şebnem Gümüşçü p. 5, 2009

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1998 12441999 13122000 13872001 15202002 17252003 20452004 2136

*(Members who own multiple companies arecounted once)Total number of companies owned by all members is estimated around 7000. Source: Reported by MUSIAD president Ali Bayramoglu in Milliyet, April 4, 2004 quoted in Economic Liberalization: Devout Bourgeoisie and chang in political Islam Sebnem gümüscü p. 6

Musiad maintained to extend its branches through big cities of Anatolia and the largest

branches of Musiad were in Bursa, Kayseri, Ankara, İstanbul, Konya and Kocaeli. When we

look at the companies and their sectors, it can be said that Musiad members began to be oart

of foreign export, trade and commerce. Comparatively companies which were established

before 1980 with the ones which were established after 1980, it is visible the sectoral

distribution.

Number of exporting companies in Konya and the value of their total exports

Date Number of Exports Companies Value of Total Exports ($)

2001 463 107,620,546

2002 520 130,222,093

2003 557 177,898,711

2004 627 274,509,369

2005 682 421,825,358

2006 777 492,484,999

* Source: Turkish Statistical Institute, www.tuik.gov.tr quoted in Economic Liberalization: Devout Bourgeoisie and chang in political Islam Sebnem gümüscü p. 7

What separates Konya from other MUSIAD cities is the prominence of MUSIAD members in

Konya’s economy. Like many other Anatolian cities, Konya’s economic growth has been

driven by export-oriented production. According to a survey conducted by Konya Chamber of

Industry, 64 percent of industrialists (including subcontractors) in Konya export their

products. 60 percent of all exports go to the European countries where the remaining 40

percent goes to North Africa, the Middle East, East Asia, and Latin America.3

Distribution of MUSIAD member companies according to their date of foundation (excluding

3 Sebnem Gümüscü. Economic Liberalization: Devout Bourgeoisie and change in political Islam p. 7

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companies with unknown dates of foundation) *

Date Number of CompaniesBefore 1950 28 1950-1959 421960-1969 851970-1979 2831980-1989 739After 1990 589Total 1776 * Source: MUSIAD Catalogue 1995 in Gümüsçü p.6

Turkish Economic distribution based on maim sectors is shown in the table below.

Source: Musiad Catalogue: Turkish Economy 1995 p. 17

Turkish society has met with attraction of consuming culture after 1980’s growing trade rate

foreign direct investments and spreading of private media sources had enabled that consuming

boom. This consuming model has created an in evitable element of economic and cultural

globalization. New consumerism firstly affected very secular highly income groups, then after

moderate middle class and finally conservative bourgeoisie. Economic liberalization of

1980’s (by means of decision known as 24th January 1980) has created plenty more

opportunities for entrepreneurs of Anatolia. Economic improvement and richness have offered

new ways for consuming of owned properties.

Conservative part of rich class has created an opportunity for a political representation. These

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economically developed groups could only find the way of representing their calues in the

political level. Welfare Party and its policy (Milli Görüş) came to the political area with the

support of conservative bourgeoisie. Milli Görüş generally was shaped around state

interventionism, redistribution and social justice. Hence, member of Musiad and conservative

rich class supported entrepreneurship soul thanks to over-spreaded consumer culture due to

having considerable amount of capital. State intervention and domination should be

overthrown in order that they could improve their economic conditions and politics which

support liberal economic style. In doing so; they redefined their political preferences by

taking into consideration their economically growing desire by eliminating state in the market

as an economic regulation power. Foremost of all, the RP discourse has shown to be

overwhelmingly ‘socialist,’ statist, anti-western, and confrontational for the rising

conservative bourgeoisie which prefer liberal markets, minimal state intervention, pro-western

attitude, and peaceful relations with the secular state establishment.

On the other hand, conservative bourgeoisie stimulated a new power in the political sphere.

The background of their aim lay down to create a new party of democracy, pluralism, and

liberalism which values AKP claimed to represent them. Conservative bourgeoisie supplied the

reformist side of political Islam with the financial, political and human resources. Their active role in

the process of emerging the new political representation device (AKP) was new in political literature

overthrowing former Islamic political party by its own supporter.

MUSIADmembers*IstanbulKonyaAnkaraBursaKayseriKocaeli

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AntalyaAdanaDenizliSakarya937AKP 200237.254.9438.1141.354.3442.8521.1626.8224.1743.84Saadet 20023.794.781.122.932.286.171.021.660.833.42Fazilet 199921.2930.1717.0715.3723.2422.746.2510.275.7624.36Refah 199523.9341.7420.8818.7633.0631.6813.316.6910.3428.24258

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2441921301069892

8078

Memberhipdensity*Saadet 2002

Fazilet 1999Refah 199544.194.2320.7723.87Rize54.342.2823.2433.06Kayseri54.944.78

Share of votes of Milli Gorus Parties and AKP since 1995 elections in cities with largest

MUSIAD branches

AKP 2002

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30.1741.74Konya43.843.4224.3628.24Sakarya24.170.835.7610.34Denizli37.23.7921.29Istanbul41.32.9315.3718.76Bursa

42.85

6.1722.7431.68Kocaeli41.995.9224.4841.84Elazig30.532.589.6614.28Zonguldak*Cities are ranked according to the density of MUSIAD members, calculated by dividingtotal population of a given city by total number of MUSIAD members in that city

Share of votes of Milli Gorus Parties and AKP since 1995 elections in cities with highest

density of MUSIAD membership

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The fact that the conservative bourgeoisie supported the AKP and effected its establishment is

apparent in the AKP program and its policy platform. As Ali Bayramoglu, states the

association and its policy recommendations has equipped the new party with new ideas and

formed the basis of AKP platform emergence of a conservative bourgeoisie with a new

consumerist culture has been the driving force behind the moderation of political Islam in

Turkey.4 The Milli Görüş line has been broken as a result of this structural change within the

traditional constituency of political Islam. This structural change facilitated the emergence of

a moderate, democratic, economically liberal, and socially conservative political party.

Eurosceptic Approach of MUSIAD toward EU

In this part, evolution of Musiad approach for EU will be evaluated within the period of 1994-

2004. Europeanization process of Turkey has cause the change in the Europeanization of

Musiad. Musiad adopted the Eurosceptic approach from 1994 until 1999 Helsinki Summit,

whereas 2000-2004 was defined the Musiad attitude as a pro-EU. With the Helsinki summit

MUSIAD adopted an increasingly pro-EU attitude with the national-interest based on

relatively softer Euroscepticism; and from 2004 onwards an Islamic rhetoric imposes itself, in

addition to the existing national-interest one, to express its Euroscepticism.

Euroscepticism implies the expression of opposition, to the process of European integration,

whether contingent or qualified opposition, or outright and unqualified opposition5. Hard

Euroscepticism implies an outright rejection of the entire project of European political and

economic integration and opposition to their country joining or remaining a member of the

4 Reported by Nihat Alayoglu, The General Secretary of MUSIAD, an interview made by Sebnem Gumuscu in EUI working papers 2008/19, September 25, 20065 Taggart, Paul ‘A Touchstone of Dissent: Euroscepticism in Contemporary Western EuropeanParty Systems’, European Journal of Political Research , pp. 363-388. 1998 quoted in Europeanization of Musiad in Dilek Yankaya p.9

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EU. Theoretically, it includes a principled objection to the idea of any European economic or

political integration( Tagart in Gümüscü 2009).

That kind of rejection theoretically implies a principled objection any kind of European

economic or political integration. The principled objection comes from the belief that the EU

is counter to deeply held values or, more likely, is the embodiment of negative values.6 This

kind of Euroscepticism is seen in parties who think that their countries should withdraw from

membership or candidacy.

Attitude of Musiad toward EU in 1994–1999 is symbolized as the hard Euroscepticism in

terms of Taggart’s definition in Gümüşçü’s article. Because Musiad adopted the objection to

European integration process and that attitude is explained in relation to the civilization

diversity between Turkey and Europe. Divergence created the “us and them” problem; the

first mentioning of the EU by MUSIAD was from the perspective of an international Muslim

community, as one of the international power blocks that the Muslim world should take into

consideration to restructure a new world perspective for the 21st century.7 The fact that,

Turkey was a Muslim country, not only was Turkey’s membership not even mentioned as a

future possibility but also Yarar, recommended the extension of Turkey’s trade relations

towards Eastern Asia basing on cultural convergence rather than Europe. The EU was

perceived as a an entity, as the same with USA and Israel, which is the triangle that damages

Turkey on the political, economic, and cultural level.8

After the Customs Union (CU) in 1996, MUSIAD adopted strong anti-EU attitude and

defended a clear objection to both the CU and EU membership while TUSIAD was eagerly

6 Dilek Yankaya p. 97 Yarar, Erol A New Perspective of te World at the Treshold of the 21st Century, Istanbul, MUSIAD; 19948 MUSIAD (Başbakan Necmettin Erbakanın Doğu Asya Gezisi ve Müsiad’ın Bosna-Hersek Gezisi) İstanbul; 1996

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well-coming it as a step forward towards full membership. MUSIAD expressed concerns

about the CU’s detrimental effects on Turkey’s strategic interests. The main reason behind the

difference of attitudes of MUSIAD and TÜSİAD is related to the CU. TUSIAD is the largest

Turkish enterprises and it represented some capital maturity and international competitiveness

while MUSIAD represented SME’s that lacked any such international competitive power.

Muslim fraternity is a promoting power for MUSIAD’s SME; because it is economically

more preferable and culturally easier to legitimize through a sense of powerful emotions. The

project claimed that Turkey would not get benefit from the economic and political

opportunities of European integration because of its dependent economic and backward

technological structures. The backwardness argument was coupled with a civilizational

incompatibility discourse claiming that ‘Turkey is in full contradiction with the EU member

countries in historical, religious and cultural terms.9

The first impact of Europeanization on MUSIAD’s political stance appeared with the

declaration of Turkey’s official candidacy at the 1999 Helsinki Summit. MUSIAD’s

categorical opposition to Turkey’s EU membership paved the way for adoption of its new

approach underlining EU integration’s effects on public issues from a wider political

perspective.

Softening policy of Musiad towards EU integration can be explained as the policy and

national Euroscepticism. Those divisions means that if there were alterations in the policy

level or shifts of national interests occurs, then Musiad can support the European integration

by encouraging attempts of Turkish government in the social and business level.

Euroscepticism is primarily expressed in nationalist rhetoric; as an illustration that

Europeanization notion is perceived in Turkey as that Europeanization process can divide 9 MUSIAD Pamuk Birliği , Istanbul 1996

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Turkey into pieces by destroying state sovereignty and freedom of the state. Defending

national interests while integrating into Europe was the primary purpose; because of the fact

that Turkey has some risky areas and vitality of those issues could not be abdicated. Minority

rights, Cyprus issues and Aegean Sea problem with Greece are very significant national

interests of Turkey.

From a pro-EU approach, MUSIAD defended EU candidacy on the grounds that it

strengthens Turkey’s image in the international area. Moreover, candidate status of Turkey

raises the possibility of an increase in foreign direct investments. Compliance with

Copenhagen criteria conditionality would accelerate the restructuring of the Turkish economy

and comprehensive social and political reforms concerning democratization, rule of law and

human rights and liberties. However, from a national interest discourse, MUSIAD judged the

conditions imposed on issues of ‘Cyprus and Aegean Sea, and the capital punishment of

terrorist organization’s leader Apo6, too risky and heavy’ for national interests.10

This national interest rhetoric stems from the social group that the association represents.

MUSIAD members can be classified into two non-mutually exclusive groups in relation to

their attitudes towards Turkey’s European integration. The first group consists of Eurosceptics

about EU’s credibility to integrate with Turkey as a full membership. There are two main

reasons behind this strong scepticism. The first one is about a belief in European anti-Turkish

behavior. This belief appeared in the reaction against the acceptance of countries like Bulgaria

and Romania into the EU while leaving Turkey outside. The second one is related to the

circulation problems that the businessmen have on their professional trips into the EU

countries. The visa problems, long waiting hours, and the ‘uncivilized’ treatment by the

customs officers of EU countries are the concrete basis of Euroscepticism at the individual

level.

10 MUSIAD Türkiye Ekonomisi 2000; 2000 p.42

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The second category is composed of pragmatists who favor the Europeanization process itself

without putting much emphasis on the full-membership. The main advantages of the

Europeanization process means increasing the autonomy of the economic sphere from state

intervention and increasing economic governance from political instabilities. Furthermore,

democratization and the rule of law are among the major accomplishments of the accession

process. Yet, the full-membership is considered as a realistic option neither by Eurosceptics

nor by pragmatists in that categorization. Generally members of MUSIAD tend to think thaht

full membership of Turkey into the EU will take long time due to the unwillingness of some

European leader for Turkey accession. Although that pessimistic idea, they started to get

benefit from several chances both in economic and political level.

Between 2001 and 2004, MUSIAD began to seperate its thought rested upon national-interest

Euroscpticism by developing its most eager pro-EU attitudes in the public and economic

spheres. MUSIAD became more effective about the positive sides of European integration. In

addition, MUSIAD; like the AKP; distanced itself from the Eurosceptic nationalist alliance

by hihlighting democratization measures which should be taken by ignoring of the arguments

about ‘Turkey’s special conditions emphasize problematic national interest issues such as

Cyprus and minorities.11

Ali Bayramoğlu, who was president of the association at the time, suggested an alteration in

the definition of national interests relating to the Cyprus issue and urged replacing conflict

with cooperation in dealing with the European Council’s attitude and the (European Court of

Human Rights) ECHR’s decision.12 MUSIAD developed a new foreign policy by taking into

11 MUSIAD Turkish Economy 2001 ; 2001 p. 3812 On December 2003, ECHR ordered Turkey to pay $2,310,000.00 to Titina Loizidou, a Greek Cyprioteand the Council of Europe asked Turkey to pay 1,2 million Euros to the Council of Europe SecretaryGeneral compensating Loizidou for the loss of use of her property in Kyrenia; Yankaya p. 11; 2009

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consideration of Turkey’s EU integration process. The main purpose of this new foreign

policy approach is related to strentghen Turkey’s position in economic level in the process of

European integration. Thus they can also get benefit from that procees by increasing trade rate

with the Western countries.

Modified Islamic Eurosceptisicm 2005- Onwards

From 2005 onwards a new Islamic rhetoric was stated by MUSIAD accompanying the

national-interest rhetoric expressing skepticism about European integration’s effects on Islam-

related issues in Turkey, in Europe, and in the world. Rapid changing in Islamic lifestyle and

effect on growing Islamic bourgeoisie caused the worry of Musiad due to being gradually

very similar to Tusiad. The possibility of degeneration of Islamic values and cultural norms

which Musiad’ basic philosophy rests on, could be less efecctive at the end of the European

integration process. This can be considered as an unexpected attitude from MUSIAD. The

reason of that unexpectation is that MUSIAD has already begun not to mention about

religious matters especially since 1997. Nevertheless, this outstanding alteration in

MUSIAD’s EU attitude was related with the new international context which was produced

after the 9/11 attacks that divided the world between the West and Islam. The rapproachment

efforts was seen in the Alliance of Civilizations (AOC) between the Western and the Arab

and Muslim worlds; that s developed by Spanish Prime Minister Mr. J. L. Zapatero and co-

sponsored by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Ömer Bolat, the President of MUSIAD at the time, interpreted the new dynamics that ‘before

the events of 9/11, being Muslim was the primary obstacle to becoming an EU member, in the

new context it turned into an advantage for our membership’ MUSIAD adjusted its political

discourse to the developments and started to promote Turkey’s ‘EU membership as a new and

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original structure that would favor the dialogue between Islamic countries and Western ones

and that would serve to promote world peace.13

With this new perspective, the civilizational divergence argument of the 90’s was the main

cause for MUSIAD’s anti-EU attitude which became one of the primary elements of its pro-

EU approach. Even though the AOC discourse strengthened MUSIAD’s pro-EU political

attitude, AOC negatively affected its eagerness about the adoption of universal secular norms

of democracy and human rights. It revealed skepticism about the universality of European

norms, because supranational values are neither unquestionable nor untouchable. MUSIAD

would adopt a critical approach about the rationality and correctness of these values to see

whether they take into consideration or not the sensibilities of people who are coming from

different cultures, who are having different values and whether these values produce equal

and just consequences for all peoples or not.

Turco-scepticism in Europe

Various European politicians have often mentioned cultural and religious factors to justify the

exclusion of Turkey. The “Europeanness” of Turks has often come into question. A number

of influential European leaders, including the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, the Prime

Minister of Austria, Wolfgang Schüssel, the leader of the conservative Christian Social Union

in Germany, Edmund Stoiber, and the President of France, Nicholas Sarkozy, continue to

openly oppose Turkey’s EU membership. The Turkish people’s normative, cultural and

religious characteristics have frequently been cited as non-European particularly by Christian

Democrats. Such rhetoric has stimulated anti-European feelings at both elite and public levels

13 MUSIAD Türkiye Ekonomisi quoted from Yankaya; Europeanization of MUSIAD 2005 p.95 Vardan, Ömer Cihad, Turkey-EU Relations and Democracy in Turkey : Problems and Prospects (Mr Vardan is the Chairman of the Independent Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (MÜSIAD), Turkey p. 52

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in Turkey and thus has made compliance with EU political conditions more difficult. These

leaders have been arguing that Turkey-EU relations should continue on a path that would not

end in membership, but rather something that is from time to time referred to as “privileged

partnership”.

Adopting EU integration Process and Political Benefits

Turkey’s Europeanization attempts created some socio-economic transformations which

opens a door for the Islamic groups to support Turkey’s European orientation in 1990s. One

of the determinant elements of this change was the military intervention of February 28th

1997 that aimed to exclude all Islamic groups from economic, social and political spheres,

seeing them as part of a reactionary threat to the secular regime. The other element is related

to that Islamist Welfare Party was closed by Constitutional Court. MUSIAD has experienced

the shame and fear of this period due to the fact that it had close relations with political

Islam, both at the associational and individual levels. These became the object of special

investigations by the military and of heavy sanctions from the state, as they were accused of

financing political Islam. Its membership dropped from 2900 to 2300.14

The EU membership conditionality with its emphasis on the establishment of civilian control

over the military, gave hope to MUSIAD and other Islamic groups for a window of

opportunity to raise their economic and political position The firm stance of the Justice and

Development Party (AKP) for harmonization reforms and EU membership from 2002-2004

was an unanticipated attitude. Leader of AKP, Mr Erdoğan, had expressed about the EU his

thought as a ‘Christian Club’ in 1992 when he was the mayor of Istanbul. The AKP distanced

14 Öniş, Ziya ‘Political Islam at the Crossroads: From Hegemony to Coexistence’, ContemporaryPolitics , 2001 quoted in Yankaya; Europeanization of Musiad

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itself not only from other parties with an EU-skeptical approach, but also from its

predecessors (Welfare Party), who approved to the National Outlook Movement.

Trade constitutes the principal means for these businessmen to get into close contact with

European businessmen, business spaces and European business culture. The major ways that

they acquire familiarity is through their European business partners and their participation in

international fairs organized in European countries. The association also plays a key role in

the economic socialization of its members into the European markets through the visits that it

organizes to various EU countries, as well as through its representational offices in EU

countries that help to create an international business network at its members. MUSIAD

businessmen enlarge their trade area by sub-contracts and distributorships with various

European manufacturers in Turkey, especially in high technology machinery and the

automobile industry.

Furthermore, family ties often connect Turkish businessmen to Europe, especially in countries

with important Turkish immigrant communities such as Germany, Holland and Kosovo. This

condition guarantees the access for trade opportunities and hence becomes a source of

socialization within the European business community MUSIAD businessmen observe

European economic practices and business culture when they visit these countries and make

trade with European counterparts; thus they learn to increase their competitiveness. Beside the

European market, the Balkans, the Middle East, and Central Asian countries are also highly

invested in by MUSIAD businessmen. Their multiple experiences let them compare and

contrast the functioning of economic life in European countries with that in non-European

ones.

Conclusion

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Europeanization process of MUSIAD is evaluated by examining MUSIAD’s socialization and

evolution from 1990’s to today. MUSIAD attitude towards EU is shaped by its worries about

national issues of Turkey and MUSIAD has witnessed the possibility both in economic and

political level with the help of the Europeanization process of Turkey. Those chances were

examined by MUSIAD very well as opposed to possible anti-democratic intervention by

military against conservative-Islamic bourgeoisie. Furthermore, the role of government and its

intervention to the market is decreased with the help of the Europeanization process of

Turkey.

This process culminated economic integration of SMEs into European markets, the evolution

of Turkey’s membership process, and larger international developments. Turkey’s aspiration

for EU accession has progressively integrated into MUSIAD’s policy preferences on domestic

and foreign issues about European integration. MUSIAD’s Europeanization process can thus

be realized in economic and political level. Increasing business contacts with European

partners, participation in international business sector fairs and MUSIAD-organized visits to

European countries produced a process of social learning about the economic functioning and

governance in EU countries. Thus, the close economic relations between EU markets and

Musiad, political opportunist attitude of MUSIAD has resulted in the significant change about

idea related to Turkey’s EU accession process.

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Ali Çarkoğlu, Binnaz Toprak; Religion, Society and Politics in a Changing Turkey Tesev Publications

Erhan Doğan, Semra Cerit Mazlum: Sivil Toplum ve Dış Politika Bağlam Publication, 2006

Erol Yarar, A New Perspective of the World at the Threshold of the 21st Century , Musiad Publication 1994

Musiad, Başbakan Necmettin Erbakanın Doğu Asya Gezisi ve Müsiad’ın Bosna- Hersek Raporu

Musiad, Türkiye Ekonomisi 2000, Musiad Publications, 2000

Musiad, Türkiye Ekonomisi 2001, Musiad Publications, 2001

Adnan Büyükdeniz, Türkiye Ekonomisi 1995, Musiad Publication 1995

Musiad, Pamuk Birliği, Musiad Publications, 1996

Dilek Yankaya, The Europeanization of Musiad: Political Opportunism, Economic Europeanization, Islamic Euroscepticism, European Journal of Turkish Studies, 2009

Şebnem Gümüşçü, Economic liberalization, Devout Bourgeoise, and change in Political Islam: Comparing Turkey and Egypt, EUI Working Papers RSCAS 2008/19

Ziya Öniş, The Political Economy of Islam and Democracy in Turkey: From the Welfare Party to thr AKP, 2005

Musiad, Economic Cooperation among Islamic Countries, 1994

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İsmail Yurdaok, Culture of Islamic Economics in Turkey