LATLEMO-SA MEMO TO RSA PARLIAMENT

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Land &Traditional Leadership Movement-SA

0763908547/0848728931Emailrobertrakhada@gmail.com

MR T R RAKHADANI President of Latlemo-SA

Our land is our heritage. We lodged land claims in order to regain all the rights lost in land. Latlemo has been mandated by all its members, to interact with our government to ensure these rights are restored as speedily as possible. As they say in the legal fraternity: “Justice delayed is justice denied.” We in Latlemo-SA say: “Whoever delays land restoration denies people’s human rights and heritage”. The issue of land restoration is very serious and sensitive, and it must be expedited as quickly as possible.

P 0 BOX 398 MUTALE 0956 ENQ: MR T R RAKHADANI @ 0763908547/0848728931/robertrakhada@gmail.com

SUBMISSION OF THE VHANGOṊA NATION

TOTHE PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM

Name of the claimant: King Shiriyadenga Azwidowi Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe 33Residential address: Siloam (Tshisinisa) Village, Nzhelele, Limpopo Province-RSA.Contact person: Mr T R Rakhadani , Spokesperson of His Majesty the King and President of Vhangoṋa National Cultural Movement and of LATLEMO-SA.Contact Details: Maṱavhela (Mafukani II) Village, Mutale 0990. Cell: 0763908547/ 0848728931/0786029271. Email : robertrakhada@gmail.comCommunity name: Vhangoṋa Nation [the aboriginal citizens of the land Venḓa of yore]Place of origin: MapungubweLand under claim : Mapungubwe [i.e. Greefswald Farm/Mapungubwe National Park and World Heritage Site, NO 37 MS].

1. Introduction

First of all I would like to appreciate the golden opportunity accorded us by this honourable house. Honourable Chairperson, for far too long we have been wishing to have such an opportunity as we got today, we count ourselves very lucky to be heard by the honourable members of the portfolio committee. Honourable Chairperson, without much ado, allow me to quickly proceed by introducing ourselves to this house. We are members of a newly found organisation known as the Land and Traditional Movement of South Africa (Latlemo-SA). The Movement was established by the African people of Limpopo Province, particularly traditional leaders and land owners, who have decided to establish a mouthpiece through which they will be able to interact with our democratic government at all spheres, including any other relevant body or structure.

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VHANGONA NATIONAL CULTURAL

This mouthpiece was established on the 17th April 2017 at a meeting of the concerned people held at Tshakhuma in the Vhembe District of Limpopo. It derives its mandate from the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa people, the Bapedi people as well as the Tsonga-Shangaan people of our province. The Movement has elected an executive committee that should interact with various government departments and other public institutions. The executive committee membership stands as follows: Ms F.C. Kwinḓa (National Chairperson), Mr T.R. Rakhadani (President), Mr P.P. Mamatlepa (Deputy President), Dr N.C. Ṋetshisaulu (Secretary General), Mr Z. Thobejane (Deputy Secretary General), Hosi G.E. Sambo (Treasurer), and Pastor Dr M.J. Muṱambedzo (Chaplain and Spokesperson).The executive committee’s main mandate is to ensure the restoration of the rights and true dignity of the masses of the historically marginalised and disadvantaged African people of our country.

Now as the President of this Movement, I have come here today together with my Deputy President and Secretary General to make presentations on behalf of our members. As we speak here today, honourable Chair, our members are waiting for a report from our visit to this honourable house. We are going to have a mass meeting on Saturday the 24th June 2017 at Gapane in the Bolobedu area where we are expected to report back to them.

The membership of our Movement has sent us here today to make at least two presentations on land and land related matters. I, Mr Thirabeli Robert Rakhadani, am going to make a presentation on the claim for the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape, and our Secretary General, Dr Nthambeleni Ṋetshisaulu here, is going to make the second presentation, which is a summarized version on the host of all the other claims of our members across the Limpopo Province.

I wish to state it here quite categorically that we really appreciate the good initiatives of our government when it appoints the different institutions like commissions that are charged with the responsibility of delivering the necessary services to the people. As we speak here today, honourable Chair, the majority of the people across the country have numerous complaints, problems and unanswered questions on the activities of some of the commissions. Having said this, I know full well that there are communities who have already received back their land. If we were to talk about the Regional Land Claims Commission, for example, Chair, we find that many people in Limpopo are not happy with its work. There are instances where claims are unfairly dismissed, some are unreasonably derailed, yet other claimants are still waiting for the return of land to the rightful owners. In some instances, the claims have been finalized and/or gazetted, but it is taking too long for them to receive their land. And the worst part of this scenario is that nobody cares to explain to the beneficiary communities about such delays.

Now without getting deeper into these cases, which my colleague will delve into soon after my presentation, suffice it to say that these are not mere allegations as we have evidence to support them.

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It was therefore due to these and other such reasons that we decided to approach this honourable house because we strongly believe that political intervention is really necessary and would bring about a lasting solution.

2. The Claim

The purpose of our claim is to get back our land which was wrongfully taken away from us. Whereas our presentation here is very detailed and extensive, we don’t aim to reclaim all the areas mentioned in this document. We know full well and understand that according to Act 108 of 1996, which is the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, we must live side by side with other people, including those who occupy areas which were formerly under the erstwhile Mapungubwe kingdom. Our sole aim here for going into such details therefore, is to indicate the following, that:

a. Mapungubwe was the capital city of the Vhangoṋa Kingdom, that, even millions of years ago, as evidenced by both oral and written traditions.

b. Mapungubwe was home to his Majesty, King Shiriyadenga himself.c. There were many district centres across the entire kingdom which were

controlled from Mapungubwe.d. During its hey days, Mapungubwe was an international trade centre.e. Mapungubwe was the egoli of southern Africa, 600 years before the

establishment of the Witwatersrand.f. Mapungubwe was the economic hub of southern Africa.g. Mapungubwe is where all Vhangoṋa people claim to have originated from.h. Mapungubwe is the heritage of all the Vhavenḓa people. i. Mapungubwe is the crown jewels of the whole of southern Africa. j. Vhangoṋa are the bona fide descendants of the Mapungubwe people. k. We should lodge a land claim for the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape so

that at the end of the day when all is said and done, the souls of those our ancestors who were buried there will surely rest in peace.

l. Shiriyadenga was both the political and traditional head of the Vhangoṋa nation and had divided his kingdom into various district centres as shall be seen in this document later on. And on this very note honourable Chair, allow me to give a brief account of the people known as Vhangoṋa so that this house will be able to know and understand them better. And I also believe this will help the honourable house to understand the basis of this claim.

2.1 The Story of Origin of the Vhangoṋa Nation

Now whereas it is commonly believed and propagated amongst many people that the majority of black people we find in this region today migrated here, very little or nothing is known about the origin of the Vhangoṋa nation. We do not deny the fact that many blacks did migrate into this region from other areas, especially from the north. In fact there is ample evidence to support this. What is surprising however, is the fact that in this very region we have a people known as Vhangoṋa. Up to this point in time, honourable Chair, we haven’t so much heard about their place of origin. There are suggestions that they might have come here from yonder up north, but no one seems to know exactly from where, or just as to how and when they ended up here. This leaves us with no alternative but to believe that since there is virtually no evidence about their

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migration, either orally or in written form, we’d rather call them the aborigines of this region. To this end there is evidence. Everybody knows that when everyone else arrived here, they found the land in the hands of the Vhangoṋa.

2.2 More About The Origin of the Vhangoṋa NationNow as already stated above, the Vhangoṋa cannot be said to have originated from anywhere else. They are therefore better known as the original or autochthonous people of Southern Africa or Lukungurubwe as it was then known. This is the predecessor of what came to be known later on as the Vhangoṋa Empire or kingdom. What then becomes interesting concerning the migratory theory is the fact that if we talk of all black people as having originated from the north, somewhere around the Great Lakes region or the Sudan, or central Africa, a question should surely be asked:

Where did they come from before they came there? It is obvious, before they came to such places suggested to be their origin up north, they should have been elsewhere. So to cut the long story short, we should only talk of Vhangoṋa as the original citizens of the erstwhile Thovhele State, not as immigrants and restless wanderers who happened to find themselves in the region. What is unfortunate though about those people who propagated the theory of north-south migration is that they did not seem to know that the whole of sub-Saharan Africa was a kingdom. The biggest error of such people is when they talk of Venḓa only as an area south of the Limpopo River. Now once we as Vhangoṋa people hear of anyone whose starting point of argument or assumption is the Vhembe River being a boundary between South Africa and Zimbabwe, we immediately come to the conclusion that:

a. They missed the point! Both historically and culturally. Some of them still do!b. They are simply telling us that they only came here after Cecil John Rhodes and

Paul Kruger declared the Limpopo River as a boundary between Rhodesia and the Transvaal Boer Republic. In essence, such stories only tell us that those people are late arrivals to this region. In fact, anyone who happened to come into this region after the arrival of the white settlers does not know about the Mapungubwe kingdom.

c. They are only telling us that by the time they came here, the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape had long been abandoned.

d. They did not know that there was a Vhangoṋa kingdom in the whole of the SADC region.

e. They are the products of the school of thought of the north-south migratory theory, which theory has been and is still being challenged and dismissed since it was based on wrong and baseless assumptions.

All such people did not know that there was a kingdom whose capital city was Mapungubwe. They did not know that Vhangoṋa are not a clan but a nation with a very good historical record of a successful kingdom before the arrival of any white person here. A kingdom whose impact was felt far beyond its borders, even as far east as China, hence the trade links that existed in between. This kingdom was under the auspices/jurisdiction of his majesty, King Shiriyadenga

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Tshidziwelele Ṋemapungubwe-Ṋephawe. Now if a writer did not know that there was a Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa kingdom in this region, can s/he then inform the readers correctly about the origin and identity of such a people as they? It is unfortunate to learn that the majority of writers of the history of Venḓa never heard or knew anything about the kingdom. That is why they failed to adequately tell us about the presence of many Vhavenḓa who are found all over the [SADC] region. They knew these people were there, but they could not really understand how they happened to be there in the first place. This, sad to say, led many of them to come up with a lot of falsely fabricated stories about their origin. And worse still, it led them to believe in the north-south migratory theory since they wanted an answer concerning their presence in such places. And in some apparent circumstances, they were brushed aside and labelled as unimportant people, particularly when the invader groups were to be praised and hero-worshipped. Saying this we know full well that it was also because of the policies of the powers-that-were. The tendency of the ruling elite was that of concealing the history of their predecessors so that people should not hear or know much about them. And surely their reasons for such conspiracies were very clear.

Now there is evidence that attests to these people as indigenous to Lukungurubwe. And this is easily found in their different evolutionary names. Vhangoṋa as a nation have about seven evolutionary names or titles. Now these names obviously attest to the fact that these people have been here for millions if not for billions of years. The evolutionary nouns are:

A. Zwisike [i.e. the original/aboriginal inhabitants]; Now every Muvenḓa agrees that Vhangoṋa are the aboriginal citizens of Venḓa. The only problem that some people have, especially those who later on migrated here, is that they tend to want to call them the first to arrive, and themselves late arrivals. But we believe this ideology should be abandoned once for all, especially by those who now know the truth about them. What needs to be emphasized here is the fact that nobody knows where Vhangoṋa came from, how they came here and when. So, it thus goes without saying that they are the autochthonous citizens of the land Venḓa of yore. It is common cause that Vhangoṋa have no other known homeland save this one.

This land then had a number of names, for example: Lukungurubwe, which seems to be one of the oldest, then Thovhele State, The Mapungubwe Kingdom, The Vhangoṋa United Kingdom of Venḓa, and then later on it became known as Venḓa. Now when all the migrant groups finally arrived here, they found the land being called Venḓa as it is still known today. And they were therefore absorbed into the Tshingoṋa culture and language. It is interesting to note that all the former migrant groups who are now part of the Vhavenḓa nation, do not practice any culture of their own nor does anyone of them speak any language of their countries of origin. These people have abandoned their culture through intermarriage with Vhangoṋa women. This therefore is a clear indication that they were totally assimilated into the Tshingoṋa/ Tshivenḓa culture and tradition.

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We believe Vhangoṋa also adequately satisfy the United Nations’ definitions of indigenous or aboriginal peoples as found in the following documents:

Indigenous peoples

Indigenous peoples are people, communities and nations who claim a historical continuity and cultural affinity with societies endemic to their original territories that developed prior to exposure to the larger connected civilization associated with Western culture. These societies therefore consider themselves distinct from societies of the majority culture/s that have contested their cultural sovereignty and self-determination.

They have historically formed and still currently form the minority/non-dominant sectors within majority-culture societies and are intentioned towards preserving, reviving, and enhancing the efficacy, cohesion and uniqueness of their traditional social values and customary ties along with a conscientious effort to transmit this knowledge to future generations. This forms the basis of contemporary campaigns for reclamation of their own representational sovereignty and continued existence and recognition as peoples who desire to live according to their own cultural attributes, social systems and structures of law…

Other related terms for indigenous peoples include aborigines, aboriginal people, native people, first people, fourth world cultures and autochthonous. [Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopaedia]

Who Are the Indigenous People and What Makes Them Different?

There does not seem to be one definitive definition of indigenous people, but generally, indigenous people are those that have historically belonged to a particular region or country, before its colonization or transformation into a nation state, and may have different---often unique---cultural, linguistic, traditional, and other characteristics to those of the dominant culture of that region or state.

In some parts of the world, there are very few indigenous people, while in other parts they may number into hundreds of thousands, even millions. ..

It is estimated that there are more than 370 million indigenous people spread across 70 countries worldwide. Practicing unique traditions, they retain social, cultural, economic and political characteristics that are distinct from those of the dominant societies in which they live. Spread across the world from the Arctic to the South Pacific, they are the descendants- according to a common definition- of those who inhabited a country or geographical region at the time when people of different cultures or ethnic origins arrived. The new arrivals became dominant through conquest, occupation, settlement or other means…

Understanding the Term “Indigenous”:

Considering the diversity of indigenous peoples, an official definition of “indigenous” has not been adopted by any UN-system body. Instead the system has developed a modern understanding of this term based on the following:7

Self-identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member,

Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies, Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources, Distinct social, economic or political systems, Distinct language, culture and beliefs, Form non-dominant groups of society, Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environment and

systems as distinctive peoples and communities. [UNPFII--FACTSHEET]

B. Mubikwanaive [loosely translated it would mean the one who was cooked with the stone] i.e. one who witnessed the formation of many mountains and rocks during volcanic eruptions. This happened long ago when the rest of Lukungurubwe or southern Africa was still earthquake and volcanic eruption prone. In fact this is exactly how this land came to be known as Lunguluwamabwe or an area where rocks used to roll down the praecipes’ of mountains. The name came about as a result of regular earthquakes and volcanic eruptions which saw to the regular downward movements of stones and boulders.

This title attests to the fact that Vhangoṋa were here many millions of years ago. It is scientifically believed that some of the rocks upon which they made footprint marks, are around 1800 million years old. So this is a clear indication that when these rocks were formed during volcanic eruptions, Vhangoṋa were there, witnessing the unfolding processes. Now this is where the Tshivenḓa old-adage: “Mungoṋa Mubikwanaive, ive ḽa vhibva Mungoṋa a sala”, comes from. Now when paraphrased, this saying simply means that the Vhangoṋa witnessed the formation of many rocks and mountains during earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, and they could simply resist and survive all such processes. Now hereunder follows some examples of the footprints, courtesy of Matshikiri Christopher Ṋeluvhalani:

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The only people who could make footprint marks on the rocks are those who were there when the same were still soft warm. So, since Vhangoṋa are the only known autochthonous people of this region, they are therefore the ones who made such marks. Thus Mubikwanaive is amongst others one of the oldest names of the Vhangoṋa, perhaps second only to Zwisike or none.

C. Mungoṋa [owner of land teaming with meat, i.e. Muṋe (owner) wa (of the) shango (land) ḽa (of) ṋama (plenty meat); i.e. mu + ngo +ṋa = Mungoṋa;

This is one of the oldest of the seven evolutionary titles of this nation. This simply shows that the Vhangoṋa occupied their land long ago when this region was full of all sorts of animals. They lived off meat then. They decided to tame some of those animals and kept them as domestic animals. They also hunted the other animals for meat. This was long before they started ploughing.

What is very evident amongst the Vhangoṋa even today is the fact that they do not eat meat from just any kind of animal. Since they had almost every kind of animal in their custody then, they chose those animals whose meat was found interesting and good to them. So until now, there are many animals whose meat Vhangoṋa do not eat. This simply attests to the fact that meat was plenty and so they took only selected kinds of animals for meat. They had to choose for meat

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from such a small animal as a mouse to the bigger ones like the elephant. It is common knowledge that our ancestors then lived with or amongst and interacted with the animals, even such dangerous animals as lions, elephant, tigers, etc. This helps to explain why some of our totems are linked to wild animals. They were given unto different families for protection. This then resulted into a reciprocal relationship. Religiously, families who adopted certain animals believed them to be their gods, and so they sought protection from the animals. On the other hand however, people would also have to protect the animals from extinction, i.e. by not eating their meat, and also by protecting their animals from poachers as they venerated and worshipped them.

This also happened at the time when they lived in caves and other natural habitats, i.e. before they ever built shelters to live in. The name Mungoṋa also means that these people owned the land. So when we speak of Mungoṋa or Vhangoṋa, all we are saying is that these people are owners of the land Venḓa of yore or Lukungurubwe as it was then known.

D. Muvenḓa [now as already shown elsewhere in this document, the noun Venḓa comes from Vele [seed/maize] ḽa u fhedza [that conquers] nḓala [hunger]; Ve + nḓa= Venḓa. i.e. the seed/maize that conquers hunger]. (Then Muvenḓa means the owner of the fertile land that produces the maize that conquers hunger);

This title refers to no other people save the Vhangoṋa. This flies therefore in the face of the fallacy that those Vhasenzi who came here under their group leader known as Dambanyika or Chikurawadyembeu were known as Vhavenḓa. Since it has already been clearly indicated earlier on in this document, we all know as of now that the name Vhavenḓa belongs to the Vhangoṋa. Vhangoṋa are the true Vhavenḓa. All the other people who are now part of the Vhavenḓa nation were only assimilated into Tshivenḓa culture and language. So they got this name as a result of assimilation.

Now this name also has another connotation. It also seems to denote the fertility and productivity of this beautiful land of ours. I believe every South African knows that our land boasts of its high agricultural productivity. In fact before industrialization, South Africa was known the world over as an agricultural country. The backbone of the economy of this country was agriculture. Even today as we speak, agriculture still contributes a large per cent of the GDP of this country. So when we talk of Venḓa, we automatically refer to its productivity and fertility. And this is where the Tshivenḓa saying: “Venḓa ḽa ha nyatshikamuroho ḽi sa ladzi ṅwana na nḓala,” came from. Now loosely translated, the old adage would mean something like: “Venḓa the land of plenty of food and vegetables where no one sleeps on an empty stomach.” In actual fact, this saying is in itself a praise by the Vhavenḓa, of their fruitful and productive land.

Now the name Venḓa came about after our ancestors, who used to depend upon animals for food, experienced continuous cycles of drought. Now all of us who know the Mapungubwe region will agree with me that it is rather a very dry area.

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So during the years of drought, people would really starve to death. That, particularly after even the animals would be dying of hunger, whilst others would be forced to migrate in search of arable land. Now in Tshivenḓa we have a saying which goes: “Maano a vhambwa nga luvhadzi”. When translated, the saying would simply correspond with its English counterpart: “Experience is the best teacher”. As a result of their starvation, the Vhangoṋa people of Mapungubwe came to discover or tame some wild seeds which later on came to be known as mavhele ‘maize’. Now some of the original maize tamed by the Vhangoṋa are Dzwororo, Tshikundaṅwedzhi, Banḓiri, Thoṅwana, etc. These are the examples of the maize that Vhangoṋa were forced to discover and tame as a result of the hunger and starvation that used to threaten to wipe them off the face of the earth. We do hear from oral tradition that this was done at the confluence of Shashe and Vhembe rivers. It is said that they did it there since there was a relatively good water supply in that area during the times of drought. Now mavhele in Tshivenḓa is the plural of ḽivhele/vhele/vele. Then after they discovered maize, they went about bragging and boasting that they were conquerors, as they managed to conquer their worst enemy, i.e. hunger. So from that time onwards, and as a result of people throughout the kingdom planting the very seeds for the same purpose, the name ‘Vhele ḽa u fhodza nḓala became very popular amongst the Vhangoṋa. Now as a result of such popularity, the former name of the country was relegated to the back benches, and the new and very popularly celebrated name of the country came to be Venḓa, the land of plenty. And so the former name of the land was hardly called, so much so that it became almost forgotten throughout the following generations. Now tradition has it that this happened long ago before the arrival of any whites or migrant blacks here. When all those people came here, much as it is evident from both their oral and written records, they found the name Venḓa in use. We only rarely find the name Lukungurubwe in written records since by the time they came it was no longer in much use. This is the reason why many people did not know it until at least recently. Now the prefix ”Mu” means owner, then “ve” refers to the seed/maize and then the suffix “nḓa”, refers to hunger, and this is how the name Muvenḓa or muṋe-wa-Venḓa (Mu + ve + nḓa = Muvenḓa) came about. Now in Tshivenḓa we can call these people “Vho-Ṋevenḓa or Vhaṋe vha Venḓa, i.e. Vhavenḓa”, both of which mean the owners of Venḓa, and this undoubtedly refers to the Vhangoṋa as they are the ones who discovered and tamed the seeds from which their country got its new name.

E. Ngwaniwapo [one who was found already there/autochthonous];Now all the people who came to Lukungurubwe, as if they were given instructions or by instinct, put it very clearly in their records that they all came from their own countries of origin. The only people whose origin seems to be a mystery everlasting are the Vhangoṋa. It is therefore common cause that all the people in Venḓa and elsewhere agree and accept that the Vhangoṋa were found there when all else came to their land, hence the name Ngwaniwapo. This bears testimony therefore that when all those who came from different countries and continents, some as hunters, refugees, fortune-seekers, travellers, sellers, etc. they found Vhangoṋa already established in their homeland. This is also

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confirmed by the testimonies of all those who came here when they accept that they did not originate here. They are all very clear and proud of their history of exile and migration. You will hardly find any people staying in any part of the former Lukungurubwe claiming that they discovered it. All they say is that when they came, they found some original inhabitants or their ruins already there, wherever they made their turn.

Maybe to confirm this further we need to look at the Military History Journal–Vol. 2 N0 5:

THE SEKUKUNI WARS“…It is not clear where the name Pedi or Bapedi comes from. Major D.R. Hunt says they found a Venḓa clan called Vhambedzi who were outstanding iron workers and as the Bapedi at that time used iron hoes for lobolo, as they esteemed iron very highly, they accepted the Sotho equivalent of the Venḓa name. Bulpin mentions that they took the name from a resident minor group of dispossessed Karanga people from Rhodesia and called themselves Pedi which was the nearest their language could get to the Karanga name of Mbedzi, the dispossessed people.”[Military History Journal, 2009, 2]

F. Ntangiwakugala [the first to settle/live in a place/first inhabitants/ first people]:

This name attests to the fact that Vhangoṋa are the first citizens or inhabitants of the land Venḓa of yore. Fortunately we don’t hear of anyone who stands to dispute this truth. Now this fact dismisses the notion of many white settlers who went out on the so-called voyages of discovery. One tends to read of many stories by the whites who claim to have discovered a lot of areas in general, and to some extreme, even the original inhabitants of such areas. It is somehow a bit unfair of the whites to claim that they discovered the areas that belong to Africans or any other people whereas those areas were occupied when they came. We believe the word discover or discovery should always be used very cautiously in this day and age, particularly when referring to the voyages and other activities by those whites who went all out to find out places or areas where they could accumulate wealth for themselves and their homelands at the expense of the natives.

It would also not be fair for anyone to claim to have discovered any other person since that person was already in existence even before the so-called discoverer arrived, let alone when they were allegedly ‘discovered’. We wish we could all do away with such derogatory and arrogant language once for all! It is very difficult to understand how and why someone may claim, to have discovered another person. This may sound a little bit insulting on the side of the person so discovered. People were never covered, or submerged or hidden under the earth, or somewhere else, and so no one ever destroyed or removed the cover in order to find them out!!

The land Venḓa of yore was inhabited by the true Vhavenḓa. This simply refers to the whole Vhangoṋa Kingdom or Thovhele State or Lukungurubwe as it was

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known. It was a Vhangoṋa domain and everybody knows that. Vhangoṋa are the autochthonous citizens of their kingdom. It is generally believed amongst them that they were put in this their land by the Almighty Creator soon after creation. They claim to have had a very close relationship with Jehovah, whom they had preferred to call Mwali. Some people don’t understand what the name Ṅwali or Mwali means. But when they explain it, Vhangoṋa say that Ṅwali in Tshivenḓa means Mualami or the One who is Omnipresent. And if this explanation was anything to go by, it would therefore be referring to Jehovah Almighty [Javee]. It therefore goes without much saying that the ancestors of the Vhangoṋa enjoyed a good relationship with their Creator.

G. Tshidzatshapo [the local graves which were found there, i.e. all over the entire kingdom by those who migrated into it]. Now this title is composed of two words, viz: tshidza (grave) + tshapo (local) = tshidzatshapo [i.e. tshidza tsha henefho/local grave].

Now all the historians, archaeologists, ethnologists, researchers, etc. unanimously agree that wherever you find ruins and graves whose owners are not known, i.e. throughout the present and/or the former Vhavenḓa kingdom, they belong to the Vhangoṋa. This is a common phenomenon throughout the entire region and they are revered by all.

Now to substantiate this we quote Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al where it is said:

Original Inhabitants

“These were the Vhangoṋa, followed by Vhambedzi and Vhanyai. There is not a single Muvenḓa who does not know that they named mountains, places, lands and other things. It is for this reason that ruins, whom nobody claims, were their homes. Up to this day their ruins and sacred places cannot be entered by everybody other than themselves.”[Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al: 17]

Now it is common cause that whoever arrives at any place, whether inhabited at that time or not, but is then greeted by the presence of old graves right there, such graves preceded him.

By now we believe everybody has come to know that the Vhangoṋa are the true Vhavenḓa. We trust that after reading this document, people will no longer think and talk of Vhavenḓa and Vhangoṋa as two different groups of people. This has helped to dismiss the school of thought that existed for many centuries as was propagated by Rev. Beuster, the Masingo clan and others that the people who were found already established here were known as Vhangoṋa, whereas those who came from yonder up north and crossed the Vhembe River were Vhavenḓa. It has also helped clarify the fact that not all the black people who are now in southern Africa came here as refugees and home-seekers who migrated from the north, which people went about dispossessing and killing their hospitable, peace-loving and unsuspecting hosts and predecessors.

We also believe that we managed to clarify the fact that Vhangoṋa are the autochthonous people of Lukungurubwe, just as much as the:

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Bahrani are the indigenous people of Bahrain, Ainu people are indigenous to Hokkaido, the Kuri Islands and Sakhalin, Kurds and Qashqai are indigenous to Iran, Assyrians and Marsh Arabs are indigenous to Mesopotamia, Syria and

Turkey, Lurs are indigenous to Iraq and Iran, Amerindians are indigenous to Brazil, Maori are indigenous to New Zealand, etc. Inuit are indigenous in America and Denmark.

And as such I believe no one will ever ask where they came from or when they came here. I believe these stereotypes and bigotries are now history. Southern Africa does not belong to migrant peoples, but to the first people whose origin cannot be known save to say that they originated right there.

Vhangoṋa are the bona fide descendants of the Mapungubwe people. Now it were the Vhangoṋa who wrote several letters to the democratic government asking for the return and subsequent reburial of the remains of their ancestors that were removed from their graves during the excavations carried out at the Mapungubwe hill. [See copies of same annexed VNCM 01, VNCM 02, V7, V16, VNCM 03, V14 ] This was finally realised in 2007. Although there were about six groups of people who claimed that they were descendent to the Mapungubwe people, and who participated in the reburial process, Vhangoṋa were surely the only group that should have been accorded the right to rebury their ancestors. [See annexure VNCM 04 as attached]. It were the Vhangoṋa who made countless objections to COAL of Africa who wanted to do mining at Mapungubwe, and this saw us joining the Mapungubwe Action Group. We contributed immensely at the failure of the Vele Colliery since we knew it was trampling upon our heritage. [See annexure VNCM 5A-D as attached]

We also fought very hard during the preparations for the reburial of our ancestors’ remains around 2007. [See annexures VNCM 6 and VNCM 7 as attached]

2.3 Mitupo / Family names/ TotemsNow we have it from oral tradition that all the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa people are the descendants of His Majesty, King Shiriyadenga Ṋemapungubwe Mungoṋa. It is said that they were given the different names after birth. It is most probable that some or all of those names had some religious connotations or importance as they are generally associated with animals. It so happened then that over time, and as the nation grew, such names became the pillars of identity for the king’s descendants until they were used as mitupo or family names. Today we know that amongst the Vhavenḓa people there are lots of surnames and it may be very difficult to distinguish the Vhangoṋa from the non-Vhangoṋa people who are known as Vhavenḓa today based on surnames alone. One of the reasons why we have so many surnames is that during or after the conquests, some of the people had to change their surnames in order to conceal their identities from their persecutors. There are those who changed their surnames because of

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family feuds and other internal factors. But the easiest way to identify Vhangoṋa amongst the rest of the other people, even amongst the other African nationalities in the continent would be by asking them their mutupo. A person’s mutupo tells of his/her origin and subsequently of their identity. Unlike their surnames, the Vhangoṋa people’s mitupo are not so many.

Now the Vhangoṋa are easily identified amongst other African nationalities by their family names/mitupo or totems, and these are: Nḓou [elephant], Mudau (ndau/lion) [e.g. Dau, Tau, Motau, Bataung], Kwinḓa (khwanḓa/hoof), Mukwevho [nguluvhe/kolobe,boar] (e.g. Ṋeluonde, Modjadji the rain queen, Manamela, Kgopa, Muguboya, Sekgopo, Mamabolo etc.), Mbedzi (tivha/dzivha/pool) [e.g. Bakwena/Bakoena/Ngwenya, Mhlanga, Mlambo/ Musikavanhu of Chipinge, Dzivaguru of Gwangwava-Mount Darwin, Matibe of Mtetengwa, Madziva of Makoni/Maungwe Country, Masunda of Ha-Shabani, Ṋehoreka of Mungari, Ṋematombo of Hurungwe, Mutwiri of Inyanga, Moshoeshoe of Lesotho, etc.], Munyai [pfeṋe/baboon] (e.g. Mathebula, Baloyi/Valoyi, Muravha, Maṅwadu, etc.], Mudzanani [pfeṋe/baboon], Mutwanamba, Muleya, Muluvhu, Mufamaḓi [nguluvhe/kolobe/boar], Mulovhedzi, Muṋarini [ṋari/buffalo], Munzhelele, Muṱavhatsindi [nḓou/elephant], Murundwa [nḓou/ elephant], Mulembethu, Khomola [ṋari/buffalo]. Now all the people who fall under these totems are Vhangoṋa, and therefore we believe they compose a very considerable percentage of the black population both in South Africa as well as in many parts of southern Africa.

Now herein do we find out that all the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa people share the same origin. What is now known is that the names we now call totems today were mere names of his majesty, the King’s sons, that is, according to oral tradition. We all know that the king had a number of wives, and therefore bore many children. And so with time, the king’s sons married their own wives, and had many children. So it is said that it became necessary for each child to identify himself/herself, as well as to link themselves with his majesty the king. Now when each one had to really identify themselves, they had to mention their fathers’ or forefathers’ names, and so this later on became a practice amongst them. This, in short, is the story behind the origin of the mitupo system. It therefore goes without saying that those who share the same mutupo are related as they share the same origin or ancestry. It is surprising and painful to find out that today a lot of our people who share the same mutupo would deny the existence of any relationship amongst them. We all know that this came about as a result of a number of factors. It might have happened as a result of the following factors:

The painful persecutions our ancestors went through at the hands of the ruthless and careless invaders and land-seekers.

The killings, dispossession and deposition of our erstwhile rulers and leaders,

The advent of the colonial epoch, The collaboration between the colonizers and black invader groups. The invention and advent of the apartheid regime and its aftermath,

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The writers and researchers who cared very little about and/or those who deliberately twisted history to satisfy their narrow and selfish political ends, or those who wished to please their political pay masters.

2.4 The purpose of totems

It is generally said and believed that in their own wisdom and foresight, the ancestors wanted to ensure that there would be no identity confusion amongst their descendants in future.

Another reason for the system was that those who share or have the same mutupo should know that they are blood relatives. It means that people who have the same mutupo come from the same family or share the same ancestry. Now since there is a lot of denials and disowning amongst those who share the same mutupo today, this information ought to be known by every Muvenḓa as a matter of urgency. I believe this would help heal and restore the relations broken down throughout the centuries as a result of the divisions sown by the invaders and colonizers.

Another purpose was to avoid siblings from marrying each other without realizing it.

It is also said that this was done for traditional and religious purposes. We all know that all the royal leaders or families were given one or more wild animals to take care of. And in the process, these animals were regarded as gods for such families. That is why there is still today, a very close link and relationship between totems and wild animals as indicated above. The Vhangoṋa also claim that this was a very good recipe for nature conservation. Every family had the responsibility and obligation to hold sacred as well as to protect the wild animals to which they were attached or connected.

Now although many writers about Venḓa and its history could not come up with a comprehensive history, there are those who did a very sterling work in this regard. In the next few pages, I will try and quote from such good works in order to confirm that the Vhangoṋa are indeed the true or original Vhavenḓa.This also helps to confirm that they are autochthonous to this land.

“A writer who still maintains that the Vhavenḓa crossed the Vhembe towards the end of the 17th or the beginning of the 18th century may be compared with the one who may state that the English crossed the North Sea in 1066, referring to the Norman conquest. If the Vhavenḓa crossed the Vhembe during the above period, they would not have named all rivers, mountains, trees, places, etc. within a period of 300 years.

‘’ Under their chiefs Raphulu of Tshivheulwa, Tshidziwelele of Muṱuḓi and Dewasi of Tshaulu, they inhabited the whole area from Mount Songozwi in the West to Mount Tshiṱumbe in the East.Two Venḓa historians, M.M. Motenda and E.F.N. Mudau, writing during the first half of this century, contend that the Vhangoṋa were the true Vhavenḓa, which

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fact is accepted by all Vhavenḓa. The ruins of these primitive and peaceful people indicate that they occupied the Soutpansberg when development in Western Europe was still in the Middle Ages. Although Stayt did not know that the Vhangoṋa were the true Vhavenḓa, his greatest historical contribution was that he came across a Mungoṋa named Ṋetshiṱumbe who could recite the names of his paternal ancestors at Tshiṱumbe for the past sixteen generations.

… As first inhabitants of Venḓa they named all the places, mountains, rivers, hills, grass, trees, stones, birds, etc. Even today the inhabitants of Venḓa revere the ruins and the sacred places of Vhangoṋa. [Van Warmelo et al, 05, 10]

Now another work that further confirms that the Vhangoṋa are the first inhabitants of Venḓa is that of Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, where it states:

Original Inhabitants

These were Vhangoṋa, followed by Vhambedzi and Vhanyai. There is not a single Muvenḓa who does not know that they named mountains, places, lands and other things. It is for this reason that ruins, whom nobody claims, were their homes. Up to this day their ruins and sacred places, cannot be entered by everybody other than themselves. (These people believed that when a person died, his shadow changed into a god, which lived for ever. Such gods lived in pools, forests, wells, where they appear to the living as zwiḓuḓwane, snakes and crocodiles. These became places of offering sacrifices.) [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, 16,17] (See copy of same attached as VNCM 14A-B)

Now herein do we get to know very well that the Vhangoṋa are without any doubt, the indigenous people of Venḓa. It only needs to be said right here that the writers did not know that Vhambedzi and Vhanyai are part of the clans that compose the Vhangoṋa nation. The reason for their mistake is easy to understand since they were the graduates of the school of thought that those people migrated here from across the Limpopo River, and therefore they considered them to be the off-shoots of the Kalanga people, which fact also helps us to understand that the real Kalanga people are part of the Vhangoṋa nation.

Now Doctor D.N. Beach also confirms that the Vhangoṋa were the true Vhavenḓa when he states:

“The most striking feature of pre-Singo history is the contrast between the picture presented by Venḓa and northern Sotho traditions and that given by the documents and archaeology. The traditions give a picture of many small groups living independently of each other in the whole area between the Limpopo and the Olifants rivers. The archaeology of the Venḓa country, however shows that at various times there has been sufficient wealth and political power to support the construction of Zimbabwe in a style derived from the Shona state of the north, while documents written by the Dutch at Delagoa Bay in the 1720s make it clear that there was a Venḓa state dominating the whole Venḓa-speaking area and many neighbouring lands…

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This earlier state was known as Thovhela, as was its ruler, who also went by names of Lavhelani or Matchiwalaune’…

It is clear that the Thovhela was not the same as the first Singo, for the connections between the Singo and the Changamire Rozvi are clear, whereas it is obvious from the Dutch reports of the 1720s that there was no political connection between the Thovhela and the Changamire and that there was probably no dynastic connection. [Beach, 1980: 212, 213]

Now here in what is known as Venḓa today, apart from the aboriginal Vhangoṋa who compose more than 80% of the nation, there are a number of small clans who now form part of the Vhavenḓa people, e.g. Vhasenzi [i.e. Vhalaudzi and Masingo] from the D.R.C, (These people claim that when they came here they were called Vhavenḓa and those found here were called Vhangoṋa), Amandebele [of Pafuri/Pafudi/Mphaphuli from Zululand, Baloti of Ṋelwamondo, (Swazis) from Zululand, Vhalemba from Israel, and Vhandalamo from Ethiopia.

Now it is a well-known fact that when these people sojourned, their groups were mainly composed of men since their journeys were long, risky and uncertain. It therefore comes as no surprise that wherever they settled they got married to the women of the communities which welcomed them. And this saw them losing their culture, language and traditions and they were ultimately absorbed and assimilated into the cultures and languages of the dominant host communities. And consequently, having settled in Venḓa, they lost their Kalanga affinities through intermarriage with Vhangoṋa women, and they were subsequently absorbed into the Tshivenḓa culture and language as it is even today. They now dwell here being a people without a land of their own, a culture of their own, without a language, and so they adopted the culture and language of their conquerors. That’s why we don’t hesitate to call them Vhavenḓa today. We know that they became part of us through assimilation.

2.5 The Length and Breadth of the Country Venḓa

When many people hear of Venḓa today, what immediately comes to mind is the very small and minor piece, even a fraction of what used to be the Thovhele State or the Vhangoṋa United Kingdom or the Mapungubwe Kingdom as it was commonly known then. Very few people today know which country the real Venḓa was. The country Venḓa that the people of today know is the small portion which came about as a result of both colonialism and the clandestine activities of the apartheid regime, the one that later on became known as the Republic of Venḓa. It must be pointed out here and now that such a portion has nothing to do with the size of the land Venḓa of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa-Vhabikwanaibwe nation.

The real Venḓa of yore was, we understand, very big, wide, beautiful, fertile and a very rich country. Because of its tempting beauty, wealth and fertility, Venḓa attracted so many people, the majority of whom finally decided to make it their permanent home. And indeed, they are still here today. However, when all those

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people came here, they found the kingdom in the hands of its original citizens, namely the autochthonous Vhangoṋa who were scattered throughout the length and breadth of it, although they were by then not as many as they now are. And these were the subjects of his Majesty, King Shiriyadenga Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe of Mapungubwe.

Lukungurubwe : The Land Venḓa of Yore

It is widely known, from both oral (history) tradition and written sources that the erstwhile Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa kingdom had covered a very wide area. Contrary to what many people today believe to be the real Venḓa, which as I have already indicated above, came into being as a result of apartheid on the part of the boers and of ignorance and negligence on the part of the ruling black elite, as well as the collective efforts and bad intentions of both these two groups.

The former Vhangoṋa United Kingdom of Venḓa had covered the whole of what is today known as sub-Saharan Africa. It did happen, however, that as time went by and also as a lot of people, both black and white started with their migratory missions, that the Vhangoṋa kingdom was adversely affected. It is common cause that a lot of the immigrants had pre-meditated and very covetous intentions well before they embarked on such missions. Also, there were those who were forced to migrate, some because of incessant skirmishes and tribal wars, others because of starvation, and yet some because of acute shortage of land. There were those who engaged on such missions, (especially amongst the whites), because they were looking for wealth, particularly during a period which came to be known as mercantilism. Now as a result of all these factors and a whole range of others, many an African countries and kingdoms were adversely affected and/or disturbed. This undoubtedly led to the downfall and/or division and sub-division of some of the kingdoms, and in other instances it led to the promulgation of the divide and rule policies of the colonizers.It happened then that over time the Vhangoṋa kingdom was reduced until a river like Ḓambedzi [now wrongly referred to as Zambezi] became a boundary between the Thovhele State and some of its former territories yonder up north. In fact the name Zambezi is a corrupted form of the Luvenḓa name, Ḓambedzi because it is indeed a Tshivenḓa noun, now being spelt incorrectly by those who don’t know its origin. And in the south the Ḽigwa River was declared as a boundary. This is testimony to the fact that Africans were helpless against the greed-driven, ruthless and powerful encroaching and invading foreigners, particularly the whites. Now the process of the reduction of the kingdom so continued until some important and strategic parts of it like today’s Mozambique, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Lesotho, etc. were declared independent, and very little was said about their former status as parts of Lukungurubwe, their motherland. And this over time led to their establishment as independent states or republics as they are still known even to date. Some of these so-called independent states or republics still find it very difficult to exist without help from South Africa.

Now to confirm my point with historical facts here, I will then give a few examples. Now we know that there were many Vhangoṋa traditional leaders across the Limpopo. This, owing to the many district centres from which the paramount chiefs ruled. All those paramount chiefs were under the control of and paid homage to King Shiriyadenga Tshidziwelele at Mapungubwe. Some of them were:

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Mabanga Phaswana, a Munyai paramount chief who was at Musiningira, Paramount Chief Muṱovhe of Ha-Muṱovhe, Paramount Chief Nḓou Tshivhi of Ha-Tshivhi, Paramount Chief Matibe of Ha-Matibe, the same was a younger brother to

Paramount Chief Matibe Mbedzi Ṋemiyohe of Miyohe, now known as Xikundu area. Some of the areas under Matibe were Gokhwe, Lupanda. Dithe, Zwamukuyu, etc.

Paramount Chief Matibe Mbedzi of Malungudzi, and many others.

The Limpopo River

Now history, both oral and written, published and unpublished, has it on record that the river Limpopo had never been a boundary between Venḓa and what is now known as the Republic of Zimbabwe. Limpopo [Vhembe] River was merely one of the rivers found deep at the heart of the land Venḓa of old. In fact the real name of this river is not Limpopo but Vhembe, which when loosely translated means a river that criss-crosses many areas until it reaches the sea, (Wone we wa vhimbila u tshi ya na ḽo u swika u tshi guma nga lwanzhe). Just as to why and how the river became known as Limpopo is still unclear. Equally unclear is the meaning of the same name. So far it is even unclear from which language the noun comes, whether African or otherwise.

However, it is known that there are those who think that the name Limpopo came from the noun Lebepe. But to those who know that Lebepe is merely a corrupt form or spelling of Luvhimbi, such an explanation is therefore unacceptable. Maybe if they associated it with the Luvhombo [Lebombo] Mountains it would have been better.

Now we learn it from history that for the Vhembe River to become a boundary was the aftermath of colonial activities and wars like the Anglo-Boer War of the late 1700s. Was it not after such skirmishes that a white British man called Cecil John Rhodes became the governor of the other part of our land across the Vhembe River? Was it not he who later changed the name of that area from Dzimbabwe to Rhodesia, which was just a clear indication that he had successfully colonized it? Not until after independence from white rule was the great country called by its original [Luvenḓa] African name, Dzimbabwe, which means houses built of stone. Surely it were the aftermaths of activities like these that further exacerbated the demise of the Vhangoṋa kingdom. Now as a result of the wars, deposition and killing of their traditional leaders by both whites and greedy blacks vying for political power and wealth, a lot of Vhangoṋa fled the country and came to settle on this side of the Vhembe River. It might help us to point it out here and now, however, that the majority of the Vhangoṋa people chose to stay in the country of their origin and did not therefore move anywhere. It could also be advisable to hint that the people now commonly known as the Shona are actually the Hungwe. Now we all know that the Hungwe are the Mbedzi, and are therefore Vhangoṋa.

The Southern Side of the Vhembe River

Now we all know that on this side of the Limpopo River, King Tshidziwelele of the Vhangoṋa had a very wide domain. It is common knowledge that the whole southern tip of this continent was part of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa kingdom. But as time went by, the Ḽigwa River became the boundary on the southern side.

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Otherwise the whole of the former Transvaal Province was part of the Vhangoṋa kingdom of yore. Now we know that the Ḽigwa River later got to be known as the Vaal River. But originally it was known as the Ḽigwa River, which is a Tshivenḓa name. It was apparently after the whites had crossed the Ḽigwa River that they named the area Transvaal, since they had then “crossed” it. The name Vaal is rather a colonial one, we the Vhavenḓa and other Africans know it as the Ḽigwa River.

Perhaps it might be necessary to hint it here and now that the above mentioned boundaries do not necessarily reflect the reality about the actual length and breadth of the erstwhile Vhangoṋa Kingdom. This is also confirmed by the quotation from D.N. Beach above.

Now Doctor Beach continues to confirm that the Vhangoṋa are the autochthonous citizens of Venḓa. All we need do here is to have the common understanding that the Venḓa country he speaks about seems to be the portion south of the Vhembe River only. He does not seem to have the knowledge that some of us now know that even Dzimbabwe is part of the erstwhile Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa kingdom. For this we need to excuse his ignorance and instead focus on the good work of research he conducted which helps all his audience to know and understand much about the Vhangoṋa and/or the Thovhele Kingdom.

“We have no idea when the Thovhela state first emerged, and the paragraph above summarizes most of what is known of it; the most that can be said is that the ruling dynasty was probably of Shona origin, given the style of stone building used at the Zimbabwe. We do, however, have some idea of the composition of the pre-Singo population of the long, parallel valleys of the Zoutpansberg. They had many names, Ngoṋa, Mbedzi, Ṱavhatsindi, Twanamba, and Lembetu and the Venḓa traditions about them are much like those of the Shona in that they tend to concentrate on the ruling lineages rather than upon the people as a whole. This in turn leads to a situation in which informants state that the ‘real’ members of a certain people are of a certain totem, that of the ruler. In fact the pre-Singo Venḓa had several totems. This was certainly true of the Twanamba, who were originally Shona, with the mbedzi, dau, nngu, and leya totems, and the Ṱavhatsindi who were of the dau, kwebo and nḓou totems. The various pre-Singo groups were evidently mixed geographically, with Ngoṋa being found as far east as Tshaulu and Mbedzi as far west as Mianzwi. Since the mountains would not have hindered cultural assimilation as much as political unity, the language classification of these pre-Singo, or allegedly pre-Singo, groups assumes a special importance. Whereas the Zoutpansberg was apparently solidly Venḓa-speaking, it seems possible that in the dry lands of the Limpopo valley scattered villages of different language groups were more easily able to preserve their distinct tongues.

The two basic Venḓa-speaking peoples were the Mbedzi and the Ngoṋa. The Mbedzi (pool) people are generally regarded as having been the eastern most of the pre-Singo Venḓa. Their traditions state that they came from Marungudzi mountain across the Limpopo, led by Luvhimbi. There is some reason to doubt this, however. Firstly, some Venḓa used to retain the basic idea that they came

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from the north or west even though, as we have seen, the main Venḓa population has been settled in the country so long that genuine traditions of this kind could not have survived. Marungudzi is clearly visible from the Zoutpansberg as the nearest major mountain to the north across the Limpopo. It is therefore as ‘natural’ as a staging-point in Venḓa migration myths. Moreover – and this is probably the root of the matter – Marungudzi is now occupied by the Mbedzi dynasty of Matibi and a branch of the Raluvhimba cult has been centred there for some time. Unfortunately for the Mbedzi tradition, an examination of the traditions of Matibi’s Pfumbi shows that the ruling Mbedzi dynasty came to Marungudzi from the Mbedzi country to the south, bringing the Raluvhimba cult with it, not earlier than the mid-eighteenth century and possibly much more recently. The original inhabitants of Marungudzi were the original Pfumbi, under the zhou-totem of Chikada. The truth of the matter probably lies in Gray’s suggestion that both the Mbedzi and the Ngoṋa have been in Venḓa for so long that they no longer have a clear idea of which of them, if either, arrived first, except in very limited areas. This means that even the ruling Mbedzi were probably descended directly from the original South-east Bantu-speaking settlers of the area.

The lands of the Mbedzi were scattered, with some lying south of the Luvuvhu River, and others at Tshaulu in the north-east, but the main land of Vhumbedzi was around the Mianzwi, Maṱangari, and Makonde hills in the Mutale valley in the area now known as Thengwe. Here was Ha Luvhimbi, and here Luvhimbi was based. Luvhimbi was, according to traditions, both a ruler and a rain-maker who came from Marungudzi. On the whole, the evidence suggests that Luvhimbi was a dynastic title rather than an individual, and that the Luvhimbi dynasty has been powerful in Vhumbedzi since the construction of stone buildings attributed to the Mbedzi.

The Ngoṋa component of the pre-Singo Venḓa was more complex. One of the factors aiding this was the tendency for the Singo to call all their predecessors ‘Ngoṋa’. Essentially, it is obvious that there was a basically Venḓa population called Ngoṋa, but others had the names of Lembetu, Twamamba, and Ṱavhatsindi and were immigrants from the Shona-speaking area to the north. The whole pre-Singo ethnic structure was highly fragmentary.

Despite Mudau’s claims that Raphulu’s line controlled the whole eastern part of the country and was recognized as paramount by Luvhimbi of the Mbedzi. It is clear from his own account that Raphulu was no more than a minor monarch and that events treated as major wars almost on the scale of the Singo civil wars actually took place in a few square miles in the Lutanandwa valley. Two major dynasties, the Ngoṋa ruler, Raphulu, and the Twamamba ruler Tshivhula, appear to have been based on the same mountain of Vuvha, perhaps on opposite sides, since a mountainside with access to surrounding valley floors would probably have been of more use than a mountain-top site. Nevertheless it is possible that Raphulu had been beginning to extend his power shortly before the Singo arrived, for he also ruled at Tshirululuni. Tshivhula is also said to have extended his power at the same time, conquering the Lembetu ruler, Mutele.

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The Ngoṋa proper included the Raphulu, Ḓamani, and a number of minor dynasties. There is no recorded tradition for the Raphulu dynasty, but the history of the nearby Ḓamani dynasty at Tshakhuma in the Lutanandwa valley shows that the settlement of these Ngoṋa dynasties, quite apart from their underlying population, was very early...

Other Ngoṋa included Ramphaga, who ruled the west side of Mauluma hill, and who may have been subject to Raphulu, the dau totem Ngoṋa of Mangwele mountain, Diwase’s Ngoṋa at Tshaulu, and Tshidziwelele who preceded ṊeTshiendeulu’s Ṱavhatsindi at Tshiendeulu in the Nzhelele valley.

Of the three peoples of Shona origin who ruled over the Ngoṋa, the Lembetu were found largely in the Mutale valley. One community was well downstream at Makuya, another further up in the Thengwe area, and their most important ruler, Mutele, originally an Ngoṋa, at Ha Mutele. Another Lembetu ruler was Makahane. There were also Lembetu in the Nzhelele valley.

Although the Lembetu speech was said by Mudau to resemble Kalanga, it seems that he referred to the original Lembetu speech that was still used by malombo exorcisers, and that the Lembetu actually came to speak Venḓa, as did all the other rulers of Venḓa. The Ṱavhatsindi were generally found in the west. ṊeTshiendeulu held Tshiendeulu hill in the Nzhelele valley near the site of the Dzaṱa stone buildings, Matidza was at Luonde in the south-east, Ṋemaungani in the Luvuvhu valley, Ṋetshiavha at both Khalavha in the Nzhelele valley and a territory called Tshiheni near Lake Fundudzi, Maṋenzhe at Maṋenzhe, and Ṋethengwe at Shakadza, alongside some Lembetu. There does not seem to be any evidence that Ṋetshiendeulu ruled a true state, or even that he was important except in the immediate vicinity of Dzaṱa. His importance lay in the choice of the incoming Singo dynasty of his area as the site for the capital of their state, for, as the muridziwepasi (owner of the land) of the Singo capital, he assumed a considerable ritual importance and apparently intervened in Singo politics at least once in the eighteenth century. The Twanamba seem to have been primarily in the south-west, especially around Vuvha Mountain where Tshivhula lived, but there were also Twanamba in the Nzhelele valley. Some people of ‘Kalanga’ origin who preceded the Ḓamani Ngoṋa at Luvhalani have not been classified into any of these three groups.

The origins of the Shona ruling over the pre-Singo Venḓa cannot be ascertained very clearly. Tshivhula’s group of Twanamba were driven from Vuvha to the Blouberg-Saltpan area in the west, and there it was found in the 1930s that their surviving non-Venḓa dialect was Kalanga. Whether this was a genuine survival from their pre-Veṋda days before they came to Vuvha, or whether they re-acquired it after they left Vuvha, is not known. It is possible that Kalanga-speakers have dominated the dry lands of the Brak River valley to the foothills of the Venḓa area in the Zoutpansberg since the decline of Mapungubwe. Generally, it seems that Shona immigrants into Venḓa lost their own language and adopted Venḓa after only a few generations, except for some survivals encountered in the Ṱavhatsindi dialect. Since Kalanga was the common

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speech of both the Leopard’s Kopje and the Khami culture, we cannot be sure which of the two was the original home of most of the Twanamba and Ṱavhatsindi rulers mentioned. The exception is ṊeTshiendeulu, who was named after Tshiendeulu hill, which had the same name as the Torwa leader Chihunduro soko of the Khami culture.

In short, although the basic political and ethnic structure of the Venḓa-speaking area in the seventeenth century is now fairly clear, we have no idea of their internal history at this time except in the case of the Ngoṋa of Ḓamani. Statements that one group of pre-Singo found another there before them, or that they came from the north or the west, or attempts to link up totems in the style of the diffusionists of the Frobenius school are all unhelpful. Only the discovery of new, rich sources of oral tradition, or, more, probably, the work of archaeologists across the whole south, seems likely to give us a history of the Venḓa before 1650...

There are also traditions of ‘Ngoṋa’ preceding the Lovedu dynasty, and stone buildings are associated with them, but there are no surviving Ngoṋa in the Lovedu country and only archaeology can prove or disprove the existence of a pre-Lovedu or Shona element corresponding to the pre-Singo Ṱavhatsindi, Lembetu, or Twanamba. The Lovedu dynasty is generally agreed to have arrived in the south before the Singo dynasties reached Venḓa, but it is not yet possible to state which Shona culture it came from. The Phalaborwa Sotho dynasty also claims Shona origins, but with even less supporting evidence. [Beach, 1980: 213 – 218] (See copies of same annexed VNCM 08A-D)

2.6 Religious Practices

The true Vhavenḓa, i.e. the Vhangoṋa have, ever since time immemorial, been closely related to and associated with wild animals, birds and reptiles. This kind of practice also had some religious connotations. It was during those days before the invention of what is today known as a house/hut. These people lived in caves and other primitive places. It therefore goes without saying that they rubbed shoulders there with wild animals. It so happened that they tamed and domesticated some of these animals. Now of those they could not tame they took some for their own gods. This was mainly so during the epoch before the gospel of the kingdom of God was preached to them. Now after the missionaries preached the gospel to them, many of our people became Christians. Even today the majority of our people are born-again Christians and have abandoned ancestral worship. We now have amongst our own people, even those servants of the Most High God who are world renowned for preaching the gospel of life and peace. Be that as it may, however, the dawn of democracy in South Africa opened many doors for other religions. And now some of our people are followers of such religions. The greatest challenge right here is that some of these are no religions at all. We have in this regard, a lot of satanic forces masquerading as religious groups, and they are causing a lot of damage in our country.

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Gods

Now Vhangoṋa have been known for being a very religious nation. As already indicated above, they happened to take some of the wild animals and reptiles to be the gods they worshipped. This is evident during their times of rites, where particular periods and/or months are set aside for such practices. Although our people do not necessarily have a religious calendar, it is generally believed amongst them that a period from around August to October is set aside for cultural and religious rites. Many people, particularly families and relatives come together for the performance of rituals. Some people would at such times visit the old shrines and sacred places (zwifho) for such purposes. Others would prefer to visit the burial sites or graves to clean them up. There are of course those who would go to the cemeteries to perform some rituals there. This is done particularly when people without hope in the living God experience serious problems in life. Because they believe that the dead are now their gods, they would then visit the graveyards to try and communicate with the dead for relief. In many such instances, the witchdoctors or traditional priests are consulted or hired in order to assist.

It does not matter whether such zwifho are located very far away, people would take journeys to such places dear to both their heart and soul. Some such rites are performed around Good Friday. This is the time when Christians celebrate and commemorate the crucifixion, death and resurrection of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Now as already stated above, some of our people still worship animals like: snakes, lions, leopards, crocodiles, water spirits and baboons. The most unfortunate thing about this kind of worship today is that it seems as if Satanism has taken advantage of our people’s desperation and is abusing these animals. In many such activities today, some innocent people, especially children happen to be chosen by evil spirits and are consequently dedicated or sold out to Satanism. Perhaps our people need to rethink their strategies or at least they need to find alternative ways of doing it. Now hereunder follows the pictures of some of these gods:

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Now Vhangoṋa were also good at nature conservation. Each and every royal family, as we hear from oral tradition, was assigned an animal or reptile they should take care of. This simply meant that they had to protect the animal and make it their family god. So they would both adore and take care of the same animal. These animals were not just entrusted to the families.

Now the animals assigned to the families were closely related to such families in the sense that the names of the same families took the animals for totems, for example: Ndau/lion was given to the Vhadau, the elephant was entrusted to the people now using nḓou/elephant as their totem, Vhambedzi were entrusted the crocodile, Vhanyai and Vhadzanani were entrusted the baboon, Vhaṋarini/Khomola were given the buffalo, Vhakwevho and Vhafamaḓi were given the boar (pig), etc.

Now Vhangoṋa believed in the protection of their ancestors and their gods. They believed that their gods would defend and protect them against all the odds. Now these gods lived in sacred places like pools, caves, grooves, mountains, thick bushes, fountains, etc. Each family had its own priest and a mediary. Not 26

every one was ever allowed to approach the sacred places save the priests. It is said that whoever attempted to do the same would land themselves into danger. The same sort of thing still applies even today. All the sacred places/shrines (zwifho) of the Vhangoṋa are still respected and revered by all the Vhavenḓa today. Even the ruins of the Vhangoṋa are still revered by those who took over the vhuhosi positions in the Vhangoṋa areas. They made it a point that even when they were chasing or killing many aboriginal people, they left a Mungoṋa priest who would take care of the shrines.

Now, as we are still talking about the sacred places and Vhangoṋa religion, I think we’d better look at Doctor Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al’s document, The Final Edited Report on Dzaṱa Exhibition Museum:

SACRED PLACES“These people believed that when a person died, his shadow changed into a god, which lived for ever. Such gods lived in pools, forests, wells, where they appear to the living as snakes, zwiḓuḓwane and crocodiles. These became places of offering sacrifices”. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, 17]

Now some of the Vhangoṋa sacred places according to Doctor Ṋemudzivhaḓi are the following:

Phiphiḓi Waterfalls [Panel M]

The waterfalls and the pool of Ṅwadzongola were associated with water spirits (zwiḓuḓwane), where Vhangoṋa of Ṋephiphiḓi, offered sacrifices before crossing, one had to throw something into the water as a form of ritual to appease the gods.

THATHE [Panel N]

This beautiful indigenous forest was a burial place of mahosi of Thathe whose dead were said to change to lions. Here the Vhangoṋa of Ṋethathe offered sacrifices to their gods. The forest is sacred and protected. No trees may be chopped.

FUNDUDZI [Panel O]

Lake Fundudzi (Dzivha ḽa Mufundulelo). The only natural lake in South Africa, believed to be the lake of gods, was considered to be the centre of Venḓa. The lake is said to have been the result of a huge rock fall, as is the case with Lake Bosomtwe in the Ashanti area of Kumasi in Ghana.

The Vhangoṋa of Tshiavha, the original owners of the lake and later the Vhaṱavhatsindi, who replaced them, believed that their dead changed into gods (zwiḓuḓwane), whose home was this lake. It was seen as a sacred place where offerings were made to these gods.

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To appease the gods, visitors had to turn their backs, facing the direction from which they came, bent forward, with legs apart and looked at the lake from below, ending by spitting on the ground. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al: 27; 28; 29]

Now according to the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa nation, their religion goes hand-n-gloves with traditional healers. This, more so since it were only from amongst the Vhangoṋa where you would find traditional healers in the whole of Lukungurubwe. It was traditionally believed that a non-Mungoṋa could not be a traditional healer. The main school of thought behind this was that the Vhangoṋa were the owners of the land and they also communicated with and were closely related to the different gods found all over the land. It were they who gave names to all the trees and they knew which ones to use for any specific purpose. It was generally believed that a non-Mungoṋa could not be a traditional healer since he had no connection with both the trees and the gods.

Now when the Vhangoṋa were to appoint a successor to the throne they first had to consult with their gods or to perform the rituals in order to establish who the real incumbent was. Now after a successor is appointed, on the day of his inauguration he would be given a family god from amongst the five aforementioned ones. This is where the issue of animal hides that are worn by mahosi emanated from. Each and every royal leader would be clothed with an animal hide over and above his royal regalia during such a ceremony.

The Vhangoṋa would, according to tradition, never perform any activity without first performing some rituals and offering sacrifices to their gods. All traditional functions would first have to be made known to the family gods before they were conducted.

Now apart from the wild animals, Vhangoṋa also chose some domestic animals as their gods. You would find in this case, animals like cattle, goats, etc. They did not choose just about any animal. They would make sure that they chose an animal with a very pitch black colour. In other words such an animal should not have any other colour or spot on its skin. The animals usually chosen for such purposes are usually cattle and goats. Now when the animal has aged, it is slaughtered for meat and another one will take its place. Such an animal is called makhulu (ancestor).

2.7 Culture and TraditionNow it is common cause that Vhangoṋa are the original citizens of what land later on came to be known as Venḓa. Now the Vhangoṋa had a very powerful kingdom whose capital city was Mapungubwe. This kingdom dominated the whole of what is known as the SADC today. It is therefore a well-known fact that the king and other royal leaders are the custodians of culture. So every cultural or traditional activity that we still see today here in Venḓa was instituted by the Vhangoṋa. Now even those clans which usurped power from some Vhangoṋa royal leaders do not practice any culture of their countries of origin since they were culturally and linguistically swallowed up and assimilated into Tshingoṋa culture and language. It therefore does not come as a wonder since the

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Mapungubwe kingdom was very well sophisticated and organized. It was a highly civilized kingdom. Now the Vhangoṋa have their own culture which is mainly seen in their initiation schools, traditional dances, traditional clothes and marriage.

Traditional Attire

Now the Vhangoṋa were people whose men wore vhugoni (tsindi) and the women wore misisi. All these were made from animal hides.

Initiation Schools

Now Vhangoṋa have since time immemorial, been a nation which had its own ways of educating the young. The children or young people would be grouped according to both their age groups and gender. There were instances where both male and female youths would be brought together. Everything was done for a purpose. Some of these initiation schools are: vhusha, domba, tshikanda, tshiṱambo, musevhetho, muḽa/murundu, etc.

Now from Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al this is what we hear about these schools:

2.8 PREPARATION FOR ADULTHOOD (INITIATION) : Panel J

Boys’ initiation

In the past Venḓa boys had to look after goats, sheep and cattle. This was how they became acquainted with the bush and wild life.

After reaching puberty they were initiated in the thondo where they learnt discipline, endurance, respect and the arts of warfare. …

The boys who went through initiation together, were given an age-group name. Such age groups also formed the basis of military battalions and regiments.

Girls’ initiationGirls on the other hand, learnt from their mothers in their day-to-day activities. They swept huts and yards, cooked, drew water and collected wood.

As soon as they reached puberty, the training became more formal. They had to be taken to musanda for another initiation called vhusha. Here they received training in preparation for family life, respect and good manners. On completion they went back home.

Vhusha was followed by domba ceremony, which was meant for dzikhomba and vhaṱhannga (matured girls and matured boys). A fire was lit at musanda (khoroni), which had to keep burning until the end. Here they received further and advanced training for preparation as women, respect for husbands and family life. In some cases this important ceremony, domba could go on for the whole year. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al: 22, 23]

2.9 Traditional Dances

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Now it is a well-known fact that Vhangoṋa are very good at arts. They are the real experts and masters of the arts. They are very good at song composition, singing and dancing. They have different songs for various traditional activities. There are songs for times of celebration, songs for the times of pain and suffering, songs for ritual performances, etc. The songs will also go hand in hand with the different traditional dances. Here are some of the different traditional dances of the Vhangoṋa: tshikona, tshigombela, malende, tshifasi, etc. Now these wonderful people are also very skilful at wood carving as well as in different forms of craft. Now each dance has its own instruments.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS:

“The Vhavenḓa used a variety of musical instruments. Of these, drums and flutes were the most important as they produce tshikona.

Ngoma

The Vhavenḓa people use different types of drums, namely matale (large), thungwa, dumbula (small) and murumba (small elongated).

Musununu

Of all the dancing and entertainments, tshikona features the most prominently. It is a flute and ngoma dance performed by men on musununu flutes. This special type of reed, believed to have been planted by Mwali, grows at Makhaleni in Tshaulu and in Ḽilozwi. Its forest is held sacred and protected, as it was believed to have been the resting place of Mwali on his peregrinations. There is a person in charge of the forest who cuts and prepares flutes in different lengths and tuned them to seven specific notes. There are two kinds of plants, male, which is not hollow and is not cut and the female, which is cut because it is hollow.

Tshikona muladzashango

Tshikona whose rhythm is accompanied by the melody of ṋanga and ngoma consists of seven flutes and the participants are arranged in a set of 21 or 24. There are five types of tshikona; i.e. for filling the pools (u vhumba vhukoma), for enforcing loyalty (mukumbululo), for celebrating victory (muḓalo), for the passing away of the king (tshikumo) and for entertainment (bepha)”. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al: 25, 26]

2.10 Marriage (Vhuselwa)

Now the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa as a nation with a very strong culture have their own customary practices regarding marriage. Every care was taken to make sure that the marriage of their young should be honourable and admirable.

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Now when a young man had reached full maturity, he would then be considered fit to get married. This, after he shall have gone through all the initiation protocols and processes, the adults in his family would then sit down and discuss the issue of marriage. In those days, as opposed to what is happening nowadays, it were the parents and other adult family members who would choose a bride for the young man. Now in choosing a bride for the matured young man, the adults would make sure they got a young woman whom they believed would be the best candidate for getting married to their son. Not just about any girl would be taken. There were a number of factors to be considered when such a choice was made, for example; they would first have to satisfy themselves that the girl was a hard-worker, respectful and also that the family did not have a bad report or history of witchcraft. Now after a suitable girl was identified, a reliable and eloquent delegate would be sent to the girl. After the girl had accepted the proposal, a person would be sent to the girl’s family to inform them about this. Such a delegate would carry along a certain amount of money called vhopfangannyi. The girl’s parents would then sit down with her and ask if she knew anything about the groom in question and also if she was willing to marry him. If the girl was positive, her family would then receive vhopfangannyi from the groom’s family. This was then an official sign that they were consenting to the intended marriage. Now if the girl rejected the proposal, the onus then lay with the boy’s family to sit down again and decide upon another prospective fiancée for their son. And when all was said and done, the boy’s family would then start paying lumalo/lobola.

Now before the introduction of money, Vhangoṋa used cattle as a form of payment for marrying a girl for their son. But as time went by, and as western culture was setting in, money was then used instead of cattle. It is still possible to find those who pay lumalo with cattle rather than money even today. Now after this the groom is allowed to start buying clothes and other necessities for his future wife. Now when the time for the marriage of the girl was fully come, the boy’s family would send word to the girl’s family. Now if the groom would be part of the delegation that would go to the girl’s family for marriage, there were some monies he had to pay. These were : Khandamiṱa, khumbelatshiashi, masintshavhe and ṱhomolamisi.

Now when everything was said and done, the families would then focus on the marriage itself. There was a week-long period or process known as vhuselwa which had to be observed. This simply means that the groom’s delegation would stay for at least a week at the bride’s home before they took her along. After that they would take her with them. Now the girl’s family would then send some delegates/strooies to accompany her to her new home. They would also decide upon the number of such delegates.

Now the delegates would take a whole week at the groom’s home. During that period they would be rendering services to members of the groom’s family. This included things like cooking, preparing warm water for body washing, etc. Now

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after a week has lapsed, the rest of the girls would leave for home, save for one. Usually the girl that remained behind was the closest friend of the new bride. This girl would remain with the bride for a few days before bidding her friend farewell. She, like the others, would then go back home.

Royal Wives (Vhaṱanuni)Now when a young Mungoṋa prince has matured, the family would decide upon a suitable partner for him. As in the case above, it was the parents’ responsibility to choose a partner for their sons. Now as royalty is always at play, a prince is not allowed to marry a girl from a non-Mungoṋa family. They are only allowed to marry vhaṱanuni from other Vhangoṋa families. It is said that this had religious connotations. If a non-Mungoṋa wife was taken, she would not enter into the royal cemetery since the family gods (believed to be there) would attack her. It is also said that such a woman would not enter the shrine during the time of rituals. In fact during those days every person who was not a Mungoṋa was not allowed to enter into a Vhangoṋa burial site.

Now one other important reason why a prince was not allowed to marry a non-Mungoṋa wife was in connection with the choice of the heir to the throne. Any child born of a non-Mungoṋa wife was not allowed to ascend the throne. This would be a violation and contravention of both customary and religious laws of the Vhangoṋa.

2.11 Burial

Now Vhangoṋa have their own burial practices. In the good olden days, the priests or traditional healers would be required to perform the rituals before royal leaders were buried. It also happened that most senior royalty would not be buried alone. In some instances, there had to be maalo (bed) for them. This meant that someone had to be sacrificed in order to become a maalo for the chief or king. With time, such practices were finally abandoned.

Unlike what is happening today, Vhangoṋa used to bury their dead at the beginning of the week or somewhere towards midweek. Today they are mainly buried on Fridays. This is something new to the tradition. It also happened that some of these people are now buried at night. This again is said to be a new trend or practice. Now another thing which was not there in the ancient past is the name tshiendeulu, referring to the royal cemetery. The Vhangoṋa called this place vhuweloni, since they believed that whoever went there would never come back again. It is said that the name tshiendeulu came about as a result of one Paramount Chief Mukwevho Ṋetshiendeulu of (Lwanḓali) Tshiendeulu. This man’s duty it was to perform rituals (u elula) at the place where chiefs and kings were to be buried. He did this in many places across the entire Vhangoṋa kingdom. So, over time the resting places of the royalty became known as tshiendeulu as it is until today.

2.12 ELOPING

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Now apart from the organized marriage (Vhuselwa) there were those who would elope. This practice, although it was unpopular, also became one of the traditional ways of getting married. It was, however, a secret between the young man and the young woman. There were instances where only the young man’s family would decide to elope a girl with her parents knowing nothing about it.

This kind of practice usually happened where the family of the groom were concerned about his age. They would then decide to get him a wife. So they would arrange to take the bride away without informing her parents or family. Now after the groom’s family realized that the young man eloped a wife, they would sit down and discuss the issue. Thereafter they will have to send an informant to the girl’s family. Now the informant would be given money called maṱoḓelangeno, since the girl’s family would be looking for her amongst friends and relatives, not knowing where she was. In essence, the money was some kind of admission of guilt by the groom since he took the girl without their knowledge or consent. It therefore effectively meant that they should stop looking for her.

Now after the two families had agreed on the matter, the girl’s parents would charge the lumalo upon the groom. This money would then include the other dues like: khandamiṱa, ṱhomolamisi, khumbelatshiashi and masintshavhe.

Pre-marital Sex

Now Vhavenḓa as a nation have a very strong culture, initiation schools, cultural institutions and various other ways of educating their young. It was at these institutions that the youth received training about good behaviour, respect, adulthood, marriage, household chores, warfare, etc.

Now in this way they managed to make it a point that the youth grew up well-disciplined and with a sense of pride when they succeeded in implementing what they were taught. In fact all the young people would really pride themselves in the norms and values of their society. Whoever broke them would be ashamed as others would jeer at him. As a result there was order amongst the Vhavenḓa. The youth listened to their parents, respected and obeyed them. This is one of the reasons why it was then very easy for the parents to choose life partners for their children. Parents had absolute authority upon their children.

It also happened that some parents practised paedophilia. A small girl would be given over to a future husband, right from a very young age. Parents arranged this without the child knowing it due to age.

Now, during those days the youth were very proud of their virginity. Matured boys and girls used to play together (mahunḓwane), out there without engaging in premarital sex. It was very rare then to hear of any such things. Where it occurred, it only happened at a very small scale.

Now when the girl’s parents realized or suspected that she might be pregnant, they would then sit down with her. After she confirmed that she was indeed pregnant, they would then want to know the young man who caused it. They would then send a messenger to the boy’s parents to inform them of this. The

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messenger would have to get someone (a mediary) who would then take the matter to the boy’s family.

The boy’s parents would, after receiving the information, sit down with him to find out if indeed he knows about the issue. If he agrees that he knows it, he would be expected to pay thendamulandu (admission of guilt fine). After paying the fine he is allowed to take his wife into his own family. Then after he is staying with her the two families would communicate about lumalo. Then the man will have to start paying up the amount charged until he finished.

2.13 NAMES OF PLACES

Now according to the culture of the owners of the land Venḓa, all the names of the chiefdoms were given after the names of the chiefs who owned and ruled them. Now although some of those areas today are ruled by people who are not Vhangoṋa, such names still exist. It is only unfortunate because some of those names are being spelt out incorrectly. Now the Tshingoṋa names that are still called or used today although corrupted are for example: Vhilavhila [Bela Bela/Warmbaths], of Mukwevho Ṋevhilavhila, Vhuḓogwa [Botlokwa], of Mudau Ṋevhuḓogwa, Bulugwane, [i.e. Bulu ḽo dovhaho ḽa anda ngwane; bulu + ngwane = Bulugwane, i.e. a flat area/plain with many boulders], of Kwinḓa Masuvhelele Matshavha, Vhulovhedzi [Bolobedu] of Musehane Mulovhedzi, which is under Munzhedzi [Mudzhadzhi] a Mukwevho, Musina of Muleya Ṋemusina, which was then known as Messina, Dzanani [Tzaneen] of Mukwevho Ṋedzanani, Ha-Mugwabana of Nḓou Mugwabana [the former Potgietersrus, now known as Mokopane], Muravha City [Marabastad/Pretoria] of Munyai Muravha, and many others.Now it is common cause amongst all the Vhavenḓa that all the people whose surnames start with the prefix Ṋe-are the true Vhavenḓa. And they are therefore the owners of their respective areas. The prefix Ṋe-indicates that that particular person is the owner of the land; for example: Ṋe- + Phiphiḓi = Ṋephiphiḓi,which means the owner of Phiphiḓi),Ṋe- + Luonde= Ṋeluonde, Ṋe- + Ngovhela = Ṋengovhela, Ṋe- + Mafukani = Ṋemafukani, Ṋe- + Sane= Ṋesane, Ṋe- + Tshakhuma= Ṋetshakhuma, Ṋe- + Khubvi =Ṋekhubvi, Ṋe- + Makonde= Ṋemakonde, Ṋe- + Pfumbaḓa = Ṋepfumbaḓa, Ṋe- + Tshimvele = Ṋetshimvele, Ṋe + Tshimunye = Ṋetshimunye, Ṋe- + Mbilwi = Ṋembilwi,Ṋe- + Tshiluvhi = Ṋetshiluvhi, etc. Lest the readers of this essay shall be confused, I need to clarify something here . Saying that all the people whose surnames start with the prefix Ṋe-, are the true Vhangoṋa, I’m fully aware that there are a few people in Venḓa today, whose surnames do start with the same prefix, but they are non-Vhangoṋa. The issue is that things have slipped out of hands. There are a few factors at play here. We have those who after conquering some Vhangoṋa royal leaders and taking over their areas, they then took over even the names of those Vhangoṋa. And to a certain extreme, some of those people also took upon themselves even the mitupo of the Vhangoṋa. We also have those who received the names which start with the Ṋe- prefix as a result of their attending and

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graduating in the royal or traditional schools, or they were experts in or fond of doing certain things. Then, over time, these people abandoned their surnames. This issue would therefore call for a thorough research into the history and identity of the Vhangoṋa people proper. 2.14 MOUNTAINSNot only did the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa people give names to different places, even the mountains were named after the names of the rulers in which they are found. To the Vhavenḓa people proper, a mountain means far more than just that. We hear of all the royal leaders being figuratively referred to as “thavha” (i.e. the mountain). For example, it is said in Tshivenḓa;’ “Vha khou vhulawa thavhani,” meaning; “You are being called by the royal leader.” In this case, the “mountain” refers to the royal leader as the shepherd and protector of his subjects. Mountains are seen as the refuge of the people in times of calamities. It is with the same mountains that when the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa people praise themselves conclude by mentioning them. People would proudly identify themselves with their mountains since they were closely related to them. This kind of relationship lies in the fact that they would run to the mountains in times of trouble. They would also fetch fire wood from the same mountains. A lot of wild fruit would be mainly found on the same mountains. Not only that, the Vhangoṋa people also hid or kept their fetishes in the caves and other hideouts in the mountains. Whilst still talking about the mountains of the land of the Vhangoṋa, let’s take a look at the writings of Dr M.H. Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al;

THE MOUNTAIN RANGES OF VENḒA [SOUTPANSBERG]

The mountains were originally formed some 1800 million years ago from archaic group of basalt or sedimentary rocks and lava.

The mountains stretch from east to west for a distance of over 200 kilometres and are 60 kilometres wide at their widest point. Seismic activity created fault lines on the rocks. Remnants of this activity are found in the thermal springs. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, 01]

Now history has it that the royal leadership of all the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa was connected to the mountains since time immemorial. It is for that reason that even today we hear people calling the chiefs ‘the mountains’. One of the reasons for that is because the rulers used to build their houses and stay on the mountains so that they may be able to watch, secure, shepherd and protect their subjects. The majority of the palaces were built on the mountains and hills for security reasons. We still have some royal palaces on top of mountains today. This is evidence to the fact that some of the royal leaders still practice their culture even in this day and age. Now as already stated above, all the mountains have names, and belong to those who gave them such names. To confirm this, maybe we need to look at the following examples;

Muteswi, a mountain at Mamilwe area. Even the current royal leader of Mamilwe tribe is called Paramount Chief Muteswi Ṋemamilwe. Muteswi here is

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the royal title of the leader, but it is at the same time the name of their mountain.

Tshivhungulela, a mountain at Musina. It belongs to the Vhaleya of Ṋemusina tribe, who are the owners and rulers of the area.

Miyohe is the mountain of the Vhambedzi of Ha-Matibe at Miyohe, Xikundu area, Thavha Nḓevhe and Tshelenzhe (Nḓevhe and Tshelenzhe mountains) are the mountains of Dzinḓou of the Ṋephawes at Phawe, Thavha Tswime (Mount Tswime) is the mountain of the Vha-Dau of Tshilande-Ṋetswime at Tswime, Nzhelele area, Mount Makakavhale (Makakavhale) is the mountain of Makwinḓa of Ṋetshivhale at Tshivhale (Lwamondo area), etc.Now as already explained in greater detail above, the Vhangoṋa people are the ones who named all the rivers, trees, grass, birds, mountains and all things which are called by Tshivenḓa names, and they did that using their own language.

2.15 Luvenḓa language

Now Luvenḓa has been the language of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa nation since time immemorial. This language is as old as the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa nation itself. It is in this same language where a person can be able to see clearly the art, skill, wisdom, abilities and the knowledge of the Vhavenḓa people, particularly our ancestors. Now although Tshivenḓa (Tshingoṋa) language is comparatively smaller than other (major) languages in the world, it is nevertheless not insignificant. This, particularly when there are today, some languages spoken by the communities around the former kingdom which are thought or believed to be independent. But it seems most probable that such languages are dialects of the Tshingoṋa language. One is just confident that one has a good ground and reason to believe this since the whole area was a kingdom in times past. So it is common cause that the people who formerly lived together under one king should have been speaking one main language. The apparent similarities between Tshivenḓa language and other African languages on the continent, particularly in the SADC region, is simply a testimony that there is more to it than meets the eye.

Not only are there similarities between our native language and other African languages, even some Chinese words have similarities with Luvenḓa, for example; ṱhoho (head) is Thou, same sound, and to suck is mama in Luvenḓa and mamanda in Chinese.

3. The Vhavenḓa Kingdom

Now it is common cause that Vhangoṋa are the autochthonous citizens of what came to be known as Lukungurubwe. So far we do not know the land’s name

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which preceded this one. This is the same land that later on became known as Venḓa. There is therefore no relationship between the size of the erstwhile Vhangoṋa Kingdom of Lukungurubwe and what is only a fraction of it known as Venḓa today. It is said that the erstwhile Thovhele Empire or Kingdom became known as Lukungurubwe due to the intermittent rolling of rocks down the praecipes of the mountains. This was its name before it became known as Venḓa.

Now Vhangoṋa nation had a very powerful kingdom. So powerful and influential was this kingdom in such a way that it was felt and revered far beyond its borders. Now Vhangoṋa were ruled by their royal leaders since time immemorial. What is now called a traditional leader was then known as a royal leader. The concept of traditional leadership came with the colonizers and was therefore imposed upon our leaders, their people and culture. Royalty was just in our ancestors’ blood. In fact it was part and parcel of their origin.

Now the ultimate head of their kingdom was known as Thovhele (king). Now under Thovhele there were Mahosimahulu (paramount chiefs/principal traditional leaders), then Mahosi (chiefs/senior traditional leaders), Mahosana (headmen) and Vhakoma (petty headmen). Now this was so even long, long ago before there was any petty politics as we know it today. The King was the ultimate authority in all matters affecting the people throughout the entire kingdom. The kingdom was however decentralized. He had delegated authority to the various paramount chiefs who were stationed at different district centres throughout the kingdom. The paramount chiefs also delegated some authority to mahosi who were under their jurisdiction. The chain then went down in the same manner until it we came to the petty headmen. This simply spells out the chain of command, protocol and accountability as it was then. Through time, it did happen, however, that there were some independent chiefs. Although they were not fully-fledged paramount chiefs, they operated almost exactly like them.

Now those who know their style of leadership ascribe it to the unbelievable peace that was the hall-mark of the Thovhele kingdom. It was generally believed then that Thovhele had a good relationship with God. He communicated with God on behalf of the nation and things went well. It did happen over time, however, that the people in general turned their back on the Living Creator. And so were the royal leaders. And when things went sour, or when calamities struck, they had to search for Him. Now they had to ask the king to communicate with God on their behalf as before. Now since the king was no longer in good standing with the Lord, he failed to get answers.

It so happened over time that people continued to seek answers both for the calamities as well as for such a failure by his majesty. It is therefore said that people began to believe that the departed ancestors were then closer to their Creator than when they were still amongst them. They then thought if they could ask them to communicate or advocate their cause, the Creator would then hear them better. This then seems to be an explanation on the beginning of ancestral worship as we know it today. In the process, the sangomas then took advantage

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of the people’s confusion and search for truth and for God. Be that as it may, however, the king’s position and good relationship with God earned him the authority, reverence, trust and the almost unquestionable loyalty he commanded amongst all his subjects.

The Kingdom

Now as already explained several times that Mapungubwe was the capital city of the erstwhile Vhangoṋa Empire. In fact Mapungubwe is not the first name of the old citadel. We have it in good authority that it went by the names of Iṱoḽaṅwali [Tshavhadzimu] and Makolele before it became known as Mapungubwe.Talking about Mapungubwe today raises a lot of eyebrows. For a very long time in the history of South Africa, Mapungubwe was rendered of no value or importance. This mainly happened during the apartheid epoch. It seems the apartheid regime either cared very little about it, or they deliberately avoided giving it the prominence it deserved. It is also possible that the fear factor might have been at play then. Or they needed to plunder and amass its wealth (for themselves) at the expense of the helpless, muzzled, divided and marginalized blacks in general and Vhangoṋa people in particular. But one thing is for sure, they were hell-bent on keeping Mapungubwe concealed from public consciousness, and they succeeded, albeit for a short season only.

Now Mapungubwe today, thanks to the dawn of democracy, has gained the prominence it deserves. It is now very much in the public domain and many people have heard about it. There are those who only hear of it, but who fail to understand its significance. Mapungubwe is, as we now speak, both a National Park and a World Heritage Site. One of the historic events that helped many local people understand its significance was the reburial of human remains which was conducted there in 2007. Notwithstanding available knowledge and literature about Mapungubwe today, a lot is still to be discovered and made known to the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa nation, the people of South Africa and the rest of the world.

It is now common cause that Mapungubwe was the centre of African civilization, the economic hub of southern Africa, a centre and home to the African culture and tradition, the egoli of South Africa as well as the home to both the political and judicial powers of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa nation. All this, many centuries before the arrival of any Europeans or white settlers here. The black people of Mapungubwe did what was, in the minds of many people today, unexpected of them. They did such marvellous works that those who did research many centuries later thought were the works of whites, Chinese or Hottentots. Even today, many archaeologists, anthropologists, ethnologists, researchers and authorities find it difficult to accept that our ancestors had the know-how and ability to run such a powerful kingdom without assistance from whites or other foreigners. (Just as the tower of Babel was a construction of Africans with Nimrod as the Architect thereof. Another classic example is that of the Egyptian pyramids, they were constructed by blacks as evidenced by the black Pharaohs on the edifices of buildings on the pyramids). This prompted them to come up with lots and lots of assumptions and theories about the Mapungubwe kingdom and its people as will be seen a little later on.

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Why is Mapungubwe such a Special Place?Now as we speak today, there are many ideas, ideologies, beliefs, theories, hypotheses and explanations amongst different people about the old Vhangoṋa citadel. There are lots and lots of things people think and say about Mapungubwe. And this may still persist for some time to come but will wane and subside as the general public is educated about the kingdom and its enigmatic people.

Apart from that, we do have a number of people who recommend and/or rightly understand what the old citadel stands for or is all about:

3.1 “Mapungubwe, which developed around a flat-topped hill, was believed to be the headquarters of an African kingdom. It is here that a class-based society is found. This, as a direct result of wealth accumulated through the east coast trade, together with the power that went with controlling and redistributing the trade goods to loyal followers. The king with his wives lived on top of this hill, secluded from the common people. And whilst being here he performed all the duties and responsibilities of a leader.

As archaeologists and anthropologists have not yet agreed on the beginning and the early inhabitants of Mapungubwe, resort will have to be taken to follow Venḓa tradition and views of Afro-Centric researchers on both sides of the Vhembe. From their findings, the Early Iron Age people who inhabited the area north and south of Vhembe from 330 to 900, could have been Vhangoṋa, Vhambedzi and Vhanyai. Unfortunately their failure to separate the groups led them to regard these as one nation, the Hungwe. Therefore, as far as Mapungubwe is concerned, the inhabitants could have been Vhangoṋa and Vhambedzi, while those of Thulamela were Vhanyai Tshilembethu”. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al; 8] (See Annexure VNCM 09)

3.2 “The Kingdom of Mapungubwe (1220-1290) was a pre-colonial state in Southern Africa located at the confluence of Shashe and Limpopo rivers (222S29”36E22, 033”S 29.6”E) south of Great Zimbabwe. The kingdom was the first stage of development that would culminate in the creation of the Kingdom of Zimbabwe in the 13th century, with gold trading links to Rhapta and KilwaKisiwani on the African east coast.Contents* 3.2.1 Origin* 3.2.2 Early human settlement* 3.2.3 Stone masonry* 3.2.4 Origins of the name* 3.2.5 Culture and society* 3.2.6 Re-discovery* 3.2.7 Burials at Mapungubwe Hill* 3.2.8 Mapungubwe National Park*3.2.9 See also* 3.2.10 Notes

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* 3.2.11 References* 3.2.12 External links

3.2.1 Origin

Mapungubwe Hill was the largest settlement in the area, which has been named the Leopard’s Kopje culture (K2 culture) and was the immediate predecessor of the settlement of the kingdom of Mapungubwe. The people from K2 culture, probably derived from eastern Bantu or the Urewe culture, which were attracted to the Shashe-Limpopo area because it provided varied agricultural possibilities. This was also a resource for hunting, including elephants and other wildlife. The control of the gold and ivory trade greatly increased the political power of the K2 culture. By 1220, the population of K2 had outgrown the area and relocated to Mapungubwe Hill.

3.2.2 Early human settlement

Mapungubwe is located within a predominantly Venḓa-speaking area in the present-day Limpopo Province of South Africa. The area around it was initially occupied by the Vhangoṋa who were later joined by the Vhatwanamba, Vhalea and other Sotho groups. Ancient paintings found on rocks and in caves alluded to an earlier settlement by the San group. Research is not unanimous regarding how far back the area has been inhabited by Bantu speaking people and a number of potential dates have been suggested. For example, Huffman (2000) posits that Bantu speaking people (most likely the Vhangoṋa who are the aboriginal Venḓa) first settled around the Mapungubwe Valley around 300 AD and were part of the so-called western stream which is also referred to as the Kalundu Tradition (or the Happy rest facies) within the archaeological literature. Robertson and Bradley (2000) on the other hand, suggest a much earlier date of around 200 BC. In fact, Robertson and Bradley cast serious doubt on the whole Bantu migration thesis that suggests that Bantu speaking people migrated from West Africa to Southern Africa, a thesis which has been accepted as conventional wisdom without subjecting it to scrutiny. The conventional Bantu migration model has also been challenged by a growing literature which includes among others, Gramley (1978), Schepartz (1988), Hall (1990) and Vansina (1995). This literature questions the migration thesis and suggests rather, that instead of migrations, there was continuity and organic growth and expansion of populations around early settlements and whatever migrations there may have been before 1500 AD were mostly associated with traders and a few other travellers. While this literature generally dismisses the thesis of large scale earlier Bantu migrations in general, it suggests however that large scale migrations by Bantu speaking people only started occurring from the 1500 AD onwards.

3.2.3 Stone masonry

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Spatial organization in the kingdom of Mapungubwe involved the use of stone walls to demarcate important areas for the first time. There was a stone-walled residence likely occupied by the principal councillor. Stone and wood were used together. There would have also been a wooden palisade surrounding Mapungubwe Hill. Most of the capital’s population would have lived inside the western wall.

3.2.4 Origins of the nameThe capital of the kingdom was called Mapungubwe, which is where the kingdom gets its name. The site of the city is now a World Heritage Site, National Park and archaeological site. However, there is controversy regarding the origin and meaning of the name, Mapungubwe. Conventional wisdom has it that Mapungubwe means ”place of jackals”, or alternatively, “place where jackals eat” or according to Fouche’, one of the earliest excavators of Mapungubwe, “hill of the jackals” (Fouche’, 1937 p.1)This origin is supposedly derived from the Venḓa word for jackal (i.e. Phunguhwe) or alternatively, the Tsonga word for the same animal Mungubywe. On the other hand, others have proposed that the name means “hill or place of stones/boulders/rocks”. This latter version appears a lot closer to the meaning of the word since Mapungubwe actually means “place of boiling or simmering stones/boulders/rocks”. The word is derived from the root morpheme “Pungu”, (Venḓa language for boiling or simmering), and the suffix morpheme “bwe” (Venḓa language for rocks/stones/boulders). Other morphemes denoting rocks/ boulders/stones are “he and gwe”, e.g. Dzingahe (place of black boulders/rocks/stones), Mahematshena (place of white boulders/rocks/stones) and Mavhiligwe. Interestingly, the morphemes denoting rocks are common among Bantu language words, such as “we” (Kiswahili), “bye” (Tsonga), “tye” (Zulu/Xhosa), “bwe” (Karanga), and at times displaying striking phoneme variations e.g. “Mawe” (Swahili for rocks/stones/boulders) vs “Mabwe” (Karanga for rocks/stones/boulders) and “Mabje”(Tsonga for stones/rocks/boulders). Indeed, the Republic of Zimbabwe derives its name from the famous Great Zimbabwe monuments whose name is derived from the Karanga word “Dzimba dza mabwe” which means houses of stones.Incidentally, Mapungubwe is also referred to as “Tshavhadzimu” which means “place of the gods” or a “revered place”. The Venḓa area is still dotted with similar Vhangoṋa revered places such as Zwiṱaka (sacred groves), Zwifho (sacred places), and Zwiawelo (sacred resting places) which are as revered today as they have always been. Some examples of the Zwiṱaka and Zwifho can be found along the Sibasa-Wylliespoort Road (R525), (e.g. Tshiṱaka tsha Mungaḓi or the sacred grove of Mungaḓi at Ngovhela Village and Tshiṱaka tsha Vhuṱanḓa-sacred grove of the Vhuṱanḓa) or along the Punda Maria-Louistrichartd road (R524) (e.g. Tshiṱaka tsha Khwevha-sacred grove of Khwevha) while Lake Fundudzi, Guvhukuvhu ḽa Phiphiḓi waterfalls on the Mutshinduḓi River at Phiphiḓi and Tivha ḽa Tshiswavhathu (pool where human remains are cremated) which is also on the Mutshinduḓi River at Mukula Village

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are just but some of the examples of the numerous Zwifho still to be found in Venḓa. These Zwiṱaka (sacred groves) respectively belong to the Ṋemungaḓi, Ṋevhuṱanḓa and Ṋekhwevha Ngoṋa clans while the Zwifho respectively belong to the Ṋetshiavha (Lake Fundudzi), Ramunangi (Phiphiḓi waterfalls) and the Mamphwe (Tivha ḽa Tshiswavhathu) families who still practice their respective rites at these facilities.This reverence probably explains (as will be seen later) why the natives residing around the Mapungubwe Hill area were reluctant to disclose or share with strangers (or anyone else for that matter), anything related to its whereabouts. Indeed, such reverence largely explains why Mapungubwe Hill remained untouched, especially by the natives throughout all those centuries after its abandonment.

3.2.5 Culture and SocietyMapungubwean society was “the most complex in southern Africa. It is thought by archaeologists to be the first class-based social system in southern Africa; that is, its leaders were separated from and higher in rank than its inhabitants. Mapungubwe’s architecture and spatial arrangement also provide “the earliest evidence for sacred leadership in southern Africa”. Life in Mapungubwe was centred around family and farming. Special sites were created for initiation ceremonies, household activities, and other social functions. Cattle lived in kraals located close to the residents’ houses, signifying their value.Most speculation about society continues to be based upon the remains of buildings, since the Mapungubweans left no written record.The kingdom was likely divided into a three-tiered hierarchy with the commoners inhabiting the low-lying sites, district leaders occupying small hilltops and the capital at Mapungubwe hill as the supreme authority. Elites within the kingdom were buried in hills. Royal wives lived in their own area away from the king. Important men maintained prestigious homes on the outskirts of the capital. This type of spatial division occurred first at Mapungubwe but would be replicated in later Butua and Rozwi states. The growth in population at Mapungubwe may have led to full-time specialists in ceramics, specifically pottery. Gold objects

were uncovered in elite burials on the royal hill.3.2.6 Re-discovery

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UNESCO World Heritage Site

Mapungubwe Cultural landscapeName as Inscripted on the World Heritage ListCountry South AfricaType CulturalCriteria ii, iii, iv, vReference 1099UNESCO Region AfricaInscription HistoryInscription 2003(27th session)

After Mapungubwe’s fall, it was forgotten until 1932 (but not to the descendants of the original occupiers of the hill, the Vhangoṋa, the Vhatwanamba and Vhaleya clans among the present-day Venḓa people on the South African side as well as residents of present day Republics of Zimbabwe and Botswana). On New Year’s eve in 1932, E.S.J. van Graan, a local farmer and prospector and his son, a former student of the University of Pretoria, set out to follow up on a legend he had heard from a very old native about a strange story of a white man gone mad. The mad white man was a character well known at the time called Lottering who in the last decades of the nineteenth century had established himself about half a mile from Mapungubwe. This Lottering had apparently climbed the sacred Mapungubwe Hill and found items because he presented to van Graan’s informant, a bead, earthenware pot, beautifully made and unlike anything the natives had at that time. It is unclear what else he found. Following the story, van Graan made inquiries until at last he located the general area where the Mapungubwe Hill was supposed to be located. On 31 December 1932, he set out with his son to investigate. Father and son were joined on the way by three other adventurers and had to be very secretive about their search since the land on which the hill is situated was private property, whose owner was unknown, nor had he given permission for exploration on his property. An old Mungoṋa native called Tshihwana had promised to point out the hill to van Graan but when a party of five whites arrived, he developed cold feet and refused point blank to point out the way and told them that they would never find the place, nor the secret way up and if they do, they would never come back alive! Eventually, the five men persuaded Tshihwana’s son to show them the hill which turned out to be a great mass of sandstone, about 31 metres high and 320 metres long with sheer cliff sides, and apparently un-scalable except with the help of ladders and ropes. At this point, Tshihwana’s son, who was literally shivering with fright had to be forcibly detained, at last he pointed the stairway to the top. Such was his fright that he had to point it out facing the other way to avoid directly looking at the hill. Such was the reverence of the Mapungubwe hill that it was believed that untold misery would be visited upon anyone who not only ascends the hill, but so much as look at it directly! On reaching the top, the five men found breastworks of stone and great boulders balanced on smaller stones, ready to be pushed on intruders. Scattered all over the top were great quantities of potsherds.

A search on the surface which proved to be loose sandy soil brought to light, rusted remains of iron tools and some bits of copper wire and glass beads. Soon, an exposed yellow metal plate was discovered which the senior van Graan pronounced to be gold. An excited search followed and the five men were soon finding gold beads, bangles, broken bits of thin gold plating and human remains adorned with quantities of gold and beads. The next day (1 January 1933), yielded even larger pieces of gold including the remains of the now famous Mapungubwe Rhinoceros. The five men had realized a school boy’s dream! They had found hidden treasure! In the end, the spoils were divided equally between

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the five men who went their separate ways. Fortunately, the van Graans were men of education and the junior van Graan, who as fate would have it, an archaeology student, sent some specimen from his share to his old professor, Leo Fouche’.The five men were finally persuaded (upon compensation and subtle threat from the law) to turn over their loot to the government and the absentee owner of the farm (Greeswald), a Mr. E.E. Collins was located and persuaded to sell his farm to the then Union (of South Africa) government. The site was turned over to the University of Pretoria for further exploration which continues to this day and it yielded more findings than what the five adventurers found. The find, when it made its way to the public domain stirred a lot of excitement with hundreds of treasure hunters streaming to the area. However, by the time news of the find made its way into public domain, adequate protection from the police had been secured ensuring the preservation of what has come to be one of the most important archaeological finds in present-day South Africa. Although the University of Pretoria excavated the site ever since 1932, Mapungubwe was not known to the general public until well into the 1990s (though it was well-known within the archaeological circles). Obviously, the find challenged and made nonsense of the conventional wisdom prevailing in South Africa at the time regarding race relations. Indeed, immediately after the find (and just like with other sites such as Great Zimbabwe), concerted attempts were made to dissociate Mapungubwe from the native people (e.g. Vhangoṋa, Vhatwanamba and Vhaleya clans within the Venḓa nation who are the direct descendants of the original occupants of Mapungubwe) and indeed, black South Africans. Just like Great Zimbabwe was associated with Arabs and everything non-African (e.g. Mullan, 1969), early writings on Mapungubwe sought to associate it with everything but Bantu (e.g. Gardner, 1949 & 1955) albeit there were some authors who avoided falling into the same trap (e.g. Walton, 1956 (a), (b)).

Incidentally, it is only among the Vhangoṋa, Vhatwanamba and Vhaleya clans (of all the black people in present-day South Africa) that oral history and folklore making references to Mapungubwe exists to this day. Moreover, when Prof. Lestrade was conducting his ethnological investigation at the time of the first excavations of Mapungubwe, he could not find a single informant from among the Western Venḓa Kings/Chiefs (Mphephu-Ramabulana, Sinthumule, Kutama, etc.), Eastern Kings/Chiefs (Tshivhase, Mphaphuli, Rammbuḓa, Makuya, etc.) nor among the Vhalemba, Tsonga-Shangaan and Karanga who was able to recognize the name Mapungubwe or its site albeit these informants had no problem in knowing about Great Zimbabwe (Fouche’, 1937). It is important to note that we cannot however, discount the possibility that Prof. Lestrade may simply have been seeking information from the wrong or uninformed informants albeit he had no such problems with the Ngoṋa, Twanamba and Leya informants. However, it should not surprise us that the kings and chiefs of the Singo dynasty in Venḓa may generally have been less informed about Mapungubwe. According to their own traditions, they are recent migrants into Venḓa, having only migrated there in the late 1600s, long after Mapungubwe’s abandonment!

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According to an article published in 1985: translated from the Afrikaans text: Remains of a Rock Fort located on top of the hill, were under investigation, dated back to the 13th century. The archaeological site is closed to the public, except for supervised visits and tours. However, some of the items discovered were on display at the Department of Archaeology, at the University of Pretoria. Mapungubwe Hill and K2 were declared national monuments in the 1980s. Until 2002, when the University of Pretoria was undergoing renovations that a large number of artefacts collected were subsequently found locked away and forgotten in a storage room, the architect contracted to do the renovations at the University of Pretoria, Mr. Moorrees Janse van Rensberg came across this room and had to break through the door as the keys were nowhere to be found and no one had any knowledge of what was in the room. It appeared that this was a secret that was purposely withheld from the South African public.

When Mr van Rensberg broke the door open he found a room filled with small boxes, in those boxes were priceless gold artefacts that came from the original site. It is still a mystery how these artefacts ended up at the University and when they arrived, but the fact remains that these were deliberately kept from the public eye.

The artefacts found dated from approximately 1000 AD to 1300 AD and consisted of a variety of materials such as pottery, trade glass beads, Chinese celadon ware, gold ornaments (including the famous golden rhino), ceramic figurines, organic remains, crafted ivory and bone and refined copper and iron….

3.2.7 Burials at Mapungubwe Hill

At least twenty-four skeletons were unearthed on Mapungubwe hill but only eleven were available for analysis, with the rest disintegrating upon touch or as soon as they were exposed to light and air. Most of the skeletal remains were buried with few or no accessories with most adults buried with glass beads. Two adult burials (labelled 10 and 14 by the early excavators) as well as one unlabelled skeleton (referred to as the original gold burial) were associated with gold artefacts and were unearthed from the so-called grave area upon Mapungubwe hill. The remains were all buried in the traditional Bantu burial position (sitting with legs drawn to the chest, arms folded round the front of the knees) and they were facing west. The skeleton numbered 10, a male, was buried with his hand grasping the golden sceptre.

The skeleton labelled 14 (female) was buried with at least 100 gold-wire bangles around her ankles and there were at least one thousand gold beads in her grave. The last gold burial (male), who was most probably the King, was buried with a head-rest and three objects made of gold foil tacked onto a wooden core, a bowl, sceptre and rhino. At least two more rhino were in the sample, but their association with a specific grave is unknown”. [The Legal Resources Centre: 2013]

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3.3. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (MCL) World Heritage Site is located near the confluence of the Shashe and Limpopo Rivers, the meeting point for Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe. The boundaries of the property are defined by the coordinates:

NW corner 22o12’56”S 29o08’22”ENE corner 22o10’10”S 29o29’04”ESE corner 22o14’15”S 29o31’35”ESW corner 22o17’40”S 29o12’00”E

This area is bound by the Limpopo River to the north, in the west by the Alldays-Pont Drift road; in the south by the Messina-Pont Drift road and the boundary of the farm Riedel; in the east the boundary of the farm Riedel and an as yet unsurveyed line up the western side of the irrigated lands on the farm Weipe. In total, this area is 28 168.66 hectares in geographical extent. This area is likely to increase to close to 100 000 hectares if plans for developing a Trans frontier park including adjacent areas of Botswana and Zimbabwe are realized. According to the nomination dossier, the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape is comprised of:

Remains of palaces – (Mapungubwe period); Archaeological remains testifying to Mapungubwe’s growth 900-1200 AD

(Zhizo, Leopard’s Kopje); Remains of early settlement: Stone Age & Iron Age & rock art; ‘Natural’ landscape surrounding the built remains. Intangible heritage: Mapungubwe Hill associated with sacredness, beliefs,

customs and traditions of local communities. Living heritage: continuing traditions and associations such as rain

making, and participation by local communities in reburial ceremonies. Landscape sharing and interaction between farmers and hunter-gatherers.

Although the landscape has evidence of human occupation dating back to millions of years, the nomination dossier states that the landscape was nominated on the basis of the Iron Age period, particularly the period between AD 900 and 1300. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape, whose remains are a testimony to the earliest known state society in Southern Africa (AD 900-1300), when viewed against the present-day fauna and flora, and the geo-morphological formations of the Limpopo/Shashe confluence, creates an impressive landscape of universal significance (Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier 2000). The occupation of the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (MCL) has continued over time anti-climaxing with the forced removal of local people during colonialism and the establishment of private farms, ranches and mines (KYS 2011). 3.4 “It is not common in the archaeological world that you can actually pinpoint and say: “This is the place where society transformed from one quite different kind of organisation to another”. That’s one of the things that makes this place absolutely unique.’ These were the words of Professor Tom Huffman in 2001. [Marsh ,06]

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3.5 MAPUNGUBWE: SOUTH AFRICA’S FIRST CITY: “To the Sesotho people, Mapungubwe translates as ‘Hill of the Jackal’. In Tshivenḓa, the word means ‘Place of Stone’. The ancient citadel, which lies about 100 kilometres west of Messina in Limpopo Province, has been described as one of the most precious archaeological sites in South Africa, and yet for almost 60 years – from the late 1930s to the middle of the 1990s – the South African government kept Mapungubwe out of the public consciousness. For this reason very few people have heard of Mapungubwe. Fewer still understand its significance to South Africa’s national heritage… Mapungubwe at the height of its power for only 60 to 80 years during the 13th century, was South Africa’s first Egoli – a place where gold was smelted 600 years before Johannesburg was established. Indeed, the crafting of gold was to become the trademark of Mapungubwe. It was also the centre of an important trading area, and probably the first location in Southern Africa where cotton was grown and woven into cloth. More significantly still, Mapungubwe was a place where southern African society was ‘transformed from one kind of organisation to another’, where for the first time in southern Africa a king ruled over his subjects and, in turn, was venerated by them”. [Marsh, 06] (See copy of same annexed VNCM 10)

3. 6 OTHER OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTPANSBERG:

“On the basis of oral tradition therefore, it seems reasonable to accept that the Mapungubwe people who lived in the mountains were known by the name of Vhangoṋa... A small elongated kingdom containing several district centres, and covering an area from the Soutpansebrg in the south to the Matopos near Bulawayo in the north was controlled from Mapungubwe. Each district appears to have had its own capital under the jurisdiction of Mapungubwe..” [Hanisch, 1994: 71,73] (See copy of same annexed VNCM 11A-B)

3.7 THE CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE: “It was obvious that Mapungubwe was a site of considerable black achievement but the powers-that-were refused to accept this fact. Black people in the 13th century were simply incapable of such advanced work, many argued. The conclusion, therefore, was obvious: Mapungubwe was the result of outside- that is, Egyptian or possibly European-influence...” [Marsh:10] (See Annexure VNCM 12)

3.8 KNOW YOUR COUNTRY: “South Africa’s beauty is recognized worldwide. She has six UNESCO World Heritage Sites: Robben Island, where Nelson Mandela was held prisoner for 27 years fighting for a political freedom for all; Mapungubwe, which was the centre of the largest kingdom in the subcontinent, where a highly sophisticated people traded gold and ivory with China, Egypt and India thousands of years ago…” [Maligavhaḓa et al: All Aboard English, Grade 09 :2006; 152,153]

Now it is true that as we speak today, a lot of published and unpublished sources are in circulation. It is very unfortunate indeed that many such works were

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apparently aimed at distorting and concealing the truth about the true history of Venḓa in general, and that of the Vhangoṋa and Mapungubwe in particular. A lot about Venḓa the land has also been written. It would only take a careful and knowledgeable reader to be able to draw the line between the chaff and the correct history of this our land.

There are those who say that the population of Mapungubwe was around 5 000, but there are also those who put it at around 9 000. These figures should not worry us much since they are all estimates. As stated in the above extract from the Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier, the area had been occupied for over many millions of years ago. Now we shall all agree that of the things that happened millions of years ago, no one can easily come up with certain facts. In many such instances, people tend to estimate or make assumptions. But one thing could be certain, there must have been many more people at Mapungubwe than the numbers presumed by archaeologists.

Today Mapungubwe has become the pride of all Africans. Everyone wants to identify themselves with this magnificent cultural and historical citadel. So much so that there are those who claim that there was a number of national groups who ruled at Mapungubwe. There is a suggestion that it’s like the Sothos, Pedis, Vhavenḓa, Vhangoṋa and Vhambedzi were there at different times. This is pure fallacy. We’ve never heard of a kingdom that was run by different nationalities; i.e. where a kingdom, like a political government [where winning parties change the faces of government] just changes hands from one nationality to another. There is no such thing in traditional leadership the world over! What seems to be the cause for this fallacy is apparently the fame, wealth and prominence of the area. Now that the area has gained popularity, everyone just wants to identify themselves with it, and in the process they would like to marginalize the aborigines and owners thereof. And those with influence would like to take advantage and mislead people with little knowledge about it. This was also evident during the reburial of the human remains which were removed from Mapungubwe by archaeologists who conducted excavations there since 1933.

The process saw a lot of differences between the so-called stakeholders. There were about six groups which were called stakeholders or what became known as the bona fide descendants of the Mapungubwe people. The same people were also described as indigenous people of Venḓa. These were: Vhangoṋa, Tshivhula Royal Family which later divided itself into three groups, namely; Tshivhula, Machete and Ḽishivha; the San Community, which was roped in very much later on by politicians, and the Vhalemba group. What was very ironic about Vhalemba was the fact that they claim to be Black Jews who originated from Judea (Israel). And now the question that immediately comes to mind is: Is it possible for the Vhalemba to be indigenous both to Judea and Venḓa? This issue was hotly debated and contested in almost every meeting. But since the then deputy minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, i.e. Ms Rejoice Mabuḓafhasi was a Mulemba, and she was the most senior politician in charge of the reburial process, all attempts and objections by the other stakeholders to exclude them from the process on the basis of their origin were fruitless. It was inconceivable

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for anybody just to fathom how on earth the Jews in general, and the Vhalemba in particular, who claim to be black Jews could have anything in common with the first people of this region, namely the Vhangoṋa and their heritage. Now as already indicated above, the Mapungubwe kingdom had existed for millions of years. And the Jews in question only came here a few hundreds of years ago. In fact by the time they came down here, Mapungubwe had already been abandoned. Now as if that was not enough, they also claimed that some of the remains that were removed from the top of the hill where only the kings and members of their immediate families were buried were of some of their relatives. This was hypocritical to say the least!

Maybe one of the reasons why there is such confusion today is because the apartheid regime deliberately kept the issue of Mapungubwe away from public consciousness for quite a very long time. Now hereunder follows a display of the picture of Mapungubwe:

The Meaning of the Name MapungubweNow since Mapungubwe resurfaced to the public domain, and also as a result of its prominence, many people wanted to know what such a name meant. There was a dire need for people to know. Now there were different views and explanations about the meaning of Mapungubwe.

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There were those who suggested that Mapungubwe meant a place of jackals (phunguhwe). In other words, they thought the place had many jackals, and so it was called ‘the Haven or Centre of Jackals’. This is how some people wanted to make meaning out of this noun. Such a baseless and unsubstantiated assumption, made by some of the people who were known and revered as authorities in the historical and archaeological world, was misleading.

Some people thought that Mapungubwe meant a place of stones. Now whereas this suggestion has some relationship with the real meaning of the name, it only deserves to be dismissed. The name did not come about as a result of the many stones that are there, much as there are many rocky and mountainous areas elsewhere, where the name would have been most appropriate.

Now we believe that some of the writers who failed to come up with the correct meaning of the name were those who went to wrong sources for their information. It is now common cause that the powers-that-were in what came to be known later on as the Republic of Venḓa had their own attitudes and conservative policies towards researchers. They had the power to decide and delegate informants who would assist all the researchers, particularly those who were non-Venḓa. In most cases they would appoint people from the ruling Singo royal families. So it goes without saying that such informants would not divulge information that would jeopardize the rulers who were struggling to suppress the real history of Venḓa as well as the Vhangoṋa people themselves. In some instances, you would find that such informants did not know the real history of Venḓa, and so they would only relate what they were told.

Some of the historians who erred were those who deliberately decided to put Vhangoṋa aside. They chose to say that the Mapungubwe kingdom belonged to nationalities like the Sothos, Hottentots, etc. In this way it seems they were trying to remove Vhangoṋa from the picture. Now as long as you deliberately decide to push the owners of the place aside, you will surely struggle to get to the roots of the real history of such a place. In fact it is surprising since there were other chroniclers who had already revealed and told the truth about the original inhabitants and owners of the Mapungubwe kingdom.

Another simmering problem amongst many researchers was that of the north-south black migratory theory. If a writer’s starting point about any historical issue here in southern Africa was based on the movements of all the black people from around the Sudan or the Great Lakes region, such a work was already doomed before it ever started, particularly if it were to talk about Venḓa, Vhangoṋa or Mapungubwe. Whoever ignored the truth that Vhangoṋa are the autochthonous people of Lukungurubwe would never succeed in explaining the complex history of Venḓa and its enigmatic people. To confirm this we need perhaps to look at Beach’s account where he rightly indicates that the history of Venḓa before the arrival of the Singo people is very complex:

“We have no idea when the Thovhela State first emerged, and the paragraph above summarizes most of what is known of it, the most that can be said is that the ruling dynasty is probably of Shona origin, given the style of stone building

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used at the Zimbabwe. We do, however, have some idea of the composition of the pre-Singo population of the long, parallel valleys of the Soutpansberg. They had many names, Ngoṋa, Mbedzi, Ṱavhatsindi, Twanamba and Lembetu and the Venḓa traditions about them are much like those of the Shona in that they tend to concentrate on the ruling lineages rather than upon the people as a whole…

The Ngoṋa component of the pre-Singo Venḓa was more complex. One of the factors aiding this was the tendency for the Singo to call all their predecessors ‘Ngoṋa’… [Beach, 1980:213-218]

Now before I get deeper into explaining the meaning of the noun Mapungubwe, I deem it fit to first explain what language it comes from. I do believe that if all my predecessors knew the language from which it came, they would have most definitely sought its meaning from those who speak the language. And I believe in this way they would have saved themselves the criticism now going on. I say this because some of the definitions given are laughable and ridiculous. It is a well-known fact the world over that whoever first gives a name to a place or thing is the owner of such a place or thing. So, what we all know as Vhavenḓa is that in our culture a name is not just given. Every name has a purpose and meaning, particularly to the one who gave it.

It is common cause that Mapungubwe is a Tshivenḓa word. This is further confirmed by the fact that all the names of places in and around Mapungubwe are of Tshivenḓa origin, for example: Luongwe, Tshiloda, Fhambananaḽo, Shashe, Dongola, Tshugulu, Khomuṋala, Ṱhahatshane, Musina, etc.

I therefore need to say it here and now, particularly in an attempt to help all those who read this essay, that the noun Mapungubwe must never be seen in isolation. One would better understand it if it’s seen together with other names to which it is closely related, viz.: Lukungurubwe, Ṱhophomabwe, Subwe, Tshililambombwe, Dzimbabwe/Dzimbahe, etc. All these names are of Tshingoṋa origin, and each one of them has something to do with stones.

I believe it is necessary to mention it right here that the name Mapungubwe came later. We have it from oral tradition that the same place had different names, for example: Makolele, Tshavhadzimu and also Iṱoḽamwali (Mwali’s eye, referring to the high position of the place from which the king as the shepherd of the nation watched over them). Now after the original inhabitants of the place started smelting hard metals and produced different products thereof, it became known as Mapungubwe.

It is common cause that Mapungubwe was a centre of many economic activities, for example; iron smelting, cotton growing and weaving, diamond and gold smelting, ivory and animal hide trade, etc. Mapungubwe was indeed the economic hub of sub-Saharan Africa. Now the noun came about as a result of the metal smelting and the production of various metal products.

In fact Mapungubwe is a combination of the following words: Pungu (from fhungula/ fhungudza); meaning to pour out + mabwe (stones). Now pungu +

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mabwe = Mapungubwe. Now in Tshivenḓa mabwe is the plural of (ḽ)ibwe, which means stone, so mabwe mean stones. Here once again, I need to indicate that the word ibwe should not be seen in isolation. Other Tshivenḓa words that mean stone are: ihe (stone) as in Maheni [i.e. today’s Mahikeng in Setswana], meaning a place of stones, Mahematshena, meaning a place with lots of white stones, Dzingahe, meaning a place with black stones whose colour is like that of the dzinga (a snake), ive (stone) as in mubikwanaive, etc. Now this is how the Vhangoṋa people of Makolele came to call the area Mapungubwe.

This name was then closely associated with the wealth, skill, art, and wisdom of the inhabitants. Mapungubwe became very famous as a result of its trade links with countries as far afield as China, India and Egypt. Whereas Mapungubwe was the capital city and the major trading centre for the Vhangoṋa, other smaller centres (district centres) were used. We have in this case district centres like Ḽifurudzi (in today’s Botswana), Thulamela, Ha-Luṱanga (Swaziland), Lumbelule, Khami, Dzimbabwe, Ṱhophomabwe, Malungudzi, Maputo, etc. Now from the above account I believe we can all see that Mapungubwe is a Tshivenḓa noun. Now if all the people who ever tried to explain the meaning of this noun had known that it is a Tshivenḓa word, they would have done well to explain it from that context. Mapungubwe was home to King Shiriyadenga Tshidziwelele Ṋemapungubwe (of the Vhangoṋa) and his people. It was the capital city of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa’s lone and most powerful, dominant and influential empire.

Now the whole of Venḓa of yore (Lukunguluwamabwe) was a single united kingdom. The ultimate head of that kingdom was a Mungoṋa king. This was the only kingdom in sub-Saharan Africa then. This means that the Vhangoṋa were the only people with a kingdom in this region. I believe this should teach us something.

With the Mapungubwe kingdom, it was just the king (Thovhele) over the entire domain. This is why it was called a Thovhele State. This was many centuries before party politics was introduced in our continent. The king was the head of state with executive powers. His cabinet was composed of some of the mahosimahulu and royal council members. At the helm of the kingdom was the Thovhele, then came Mahosimahulu [at different district centres], Mahosi [under Mahosimahulu], Mahosana [under Mahosi] and Vhakoma [under Mahosana]. Our kingdom then was based on a model almost like that of England, Sweden, Swaziland, Saudi Arabia, Switzerland, etc.

The organogram of our royal leadership stands as follows:

THOVHELE [KING]

MAHOSIMAHULU [Paramount Chiefs/principal traditional leaders]

MAHOSI [SENIOR TRADITIONAL LEADERS]

MAHOSANA [HEADMEN]

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VHAKOMA [PETTY HEADMEN]

The Mapungubwe Hill

Now we need to indicate to all the people that we the Vhangoṋa know who those our ancestors who were buried there are. Hereunder follows a list of some [about 27] of the kings who were buried right on top of the hill:

King Shiriyadenga

King Mungoṋa Shiriyadenga

King Tshidziwelele I

King Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe II

King Seani Ṋephawe

King Langanani Ṋephawe

King Denga Ṋephawe

King Mmbanguleni Ṋephawe

King Thilivhali Ṋephawe

King Mudzunga Ṋephawe

King Mmbulungeni Ṋephawe

King Muloiwa Ṋephawe

King Mmbudzeni Ṋephawe

King Fhulufhuwani Ṋephawe

King Ndamulelo Ṋephawe

King Phumula Ṋephawe

King Mavhungu Ṋephawe

King Nyavele Ṋephawe

King Shiriyadenga Ṋephawe

King Mmbulaheni Ṋephawe

King Khaukanani Ṋephawe

King Ratshalingwa Ṋephawe

King Tshilangano Ṋephawe

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King Phungo Ṋephawe

King Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe III

King Raphulu Ṋephawe

King Luduvhungu Ṋephawe

Now according to Rob Marsh, the last Vhangoṋa king was buried there about 800 years ago. This is found in the following extract:

The treasures of Mapungubwe

‘A number of exquisitely worked gold objects, most notably the golden bowl, the golden rhino and the golden ’sceptre’ were discovered in graves on the summit of Mapungubwe. The objects are made up of gold sheeting laid over wood and held in place with solid gold nails. Today, these have been declared national treasures.

While gold artefacts are probably the most celebrated of Mapungubwe’s treasures, a number of other significant finds were made at the ancient site, not the least of which were the age-old spindle whorls – clay discs with a hole in the middle – which were twirled and used to pull cotton from the cotton boll. In fact, the Limpopo valley is the oldest site in the country at which spindle whorls have been found, suggesting that Mapungubwe and its surrounds was the first place in Southern Africa where cotton was cultivated.

Grave sites also proved an extraordinary rich archaeological find, despite the fact that the last king was buried at Mapungubwe 800 years ago. At the so-called royal cemetery on the hilltop, 23 bodies have been discovered and in three of these graves gold objects such as the gold rhino, the gold bowl, the gold sceptre and various items of jewellery accompanied the bodies.’ [Rob Marsh:11] (See Annexure VNCM 13)

Now in the next few paragraphs I would like to take a few moments looking at some of the important district centers that were controlled from Mapungubwe.

Although a writer like Rob Marsh, just as many people here in South Africa do, did not mention that the Mapungubwe kingdom was of the Vhangoṋa, he managed to put it very clearly that such a kingdom had dominated the whole of southern Africa, and was the only kingdom in the region then:

Wrecks and Ruins“Disasters happen. Accidents occur. Motorcars collide, aeroplanes fall out of the sky, ships sink and nations decline and fall. In the end, all we are left with to mark their passing are the wrecks and ruins they leave behind. On the following pages, we will examine some of the more noteworthy occurrences that have, over the years, profoundly affected the lives of ordinary South Africans, and, in some instances, even changed the course of history.

Mapungubwe: South Africa’s first city

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To the Sesotho people, Mapungubwe translates as ‘Hill of the Jackal’. In Tshivenḓa, the word means ‘Place of Stone’. The ancient citadel, which lies about 100 kilometres west of Messina in Limpopo Province, has been described as one of the most precious archaeological sites in South Africa, and yet for almost 60 years – from the late 1930s to the middle of the 1990s – the South African government kept Mapungubwe out of the public consciousness. For this reason very few people have heard of Mapungubwe. Fewer still understand its significance to South Africa’s national heritage.

Display above: A picture of the Mapungubwe Valley.

Why is Mapungubwe special?“It is not common in the archaeological world that you can actually pinpoint and say: “This is the place where society transformed from one quite different kind of organisation to another”. That’s one of the things that makes this place absolutely unique.’ These were the words of Professor Tom Huffman in 2001.

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Mapungubwe at the height of its power for only 60 to 80 years during the 13th century, was South Africa’s first Egoli – a place where gold was smelted 600 years before Johannesburg was established. Indeed, the crafting of gold was to become the trademark of Mapungubwe. It was also the centre of an important trading area, and probably the first location in Southern Africa where cotton was grown and woven into cloth. More significantly still, Mapungubwe was a place where southern African society was ‘transformed from one kind of organisation to another’, where for the first time in southern Africa a king ruled over his subjects and, in turn, was venerated by them”. [Marsh, 06]

NB! Now we know very well that this interesting subject could spark a lot of debate and could raise a lot of ire. But our main intention here was to try and show that the kingdom had covered the whole of southern Africa, and this is done solely for historical purposes. It is not our intention herewith to try and reclaim the areas mentioned above. We know full well that some of those areas fall under other states or republics, and we also understand that the Commission’s mandate is to reinstate any part of land that belongs to the republic. We are fully aware that we are talking about Mapungubwe, which area is now commonly known as the Mapungubwe National Park and World Heritage Site, and that’s exactly the area this claim is made for.

But at least everyone who reads this document gets a glimpse of what used to be the Thovhela State. All we intended to do here was to show the brutality and cruelty of colonialism, apartheid and subsequent wars, all of which led to the deposition of many indigenous peoples in the African continent. Now we know that it became the culture of many white settlers to take over and colonize many countries which belonged to many an African peoples and nations. No wonder we still have traces and legacies of colonization here in this our beloved continent.

Now on this side of the Vhembe River were many paramount chiefs who were stationed at district centres under the jurisdiction Mapungubwe, for example:

Paramount Chief Munyai Muravha of Ha-Muravha [Pretoria]. Now as a sign that the area was indeed under him, part of the big city is still called after him, viz. Marabastad (Muravha City). This is nothing else but a testimony that before the city of Pretoria was established somewhere around 1951, there lived a Mungoṋa Khosikhulu who was known as Muravha of a Munyai mutupo (totem).

Paramount Chief Mukwevho Ṋedzanani of Dzanani. The same area is now commonly known as Tzaneen. We all know that Tzaneen is just a wrong spelling or pronunciation of Dzanani. The area belongs to Khosikhulu Ṋedzanani.

Khosikhulu Mukwevho Ṋevhilavhila of Vhilavhila (Warmbad/Warmbaths). The area is today known as Bela Bela. The reality of the whole matter is that the area was under Khosikhulu Ṋevhilavhila, a Mungoṋa who lived and ruled from that district center.

Khosikhulu Nḓou Mugwabana of Ha-Mugwabana (Mokopane). The area now known as Mokopane was then Khosikhulu Mugwabana’s domain.

Khosikhulu Mbedzi Ṋelumbelule of Lumbelule (Lepelle). Khosikhulu Ṋelumbelule, who was widely known and revered for his rain-making powers and iron smelting, lived and ruled from that area. It was after him or his name that the refugee people from the then Bechuanaland were named. It is said that after their arrival there, the Bakgatla people revered

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the paramount chief and his subjects for their rain-making and iron smelting powers and decided to identify themselves with them. That is why until today they are still called the Bapedi, meaning the Vhambedzi.

Khosikhulu Kwinḓa Masuvhelele Matshavha of Bulugwane (Pietersburg). The area now known as Polokwane was Khosikhulu Matshavha’s domain. Although a different meaning is now attached to the name, the real name of the area is Bulugwane in Luvenḓa. What everybody knows is that the whole of that area is mainly flat [bulu], and has a lot of big round boulders [ngwane] on its hills. So the name Bulugwane came about as a combination of the relief of the area plus the kind of rocks it has, i.e. Bulu + ngwane = Bulugwane.

Khosikhulu Mudau Ṋevhuḓogwa of Vhuḓogwa (Botlokwa). The fact that the same area is still known as Botlokwa is a clear indication that it was Khosikhlu Ṋevhuḓogwa’s domain.

Mukwevho Munzhedzi [Mudzhadzhi] of Vhulovhedzi [Bolobedu]. We all know that the world famous rain queen of Vhulovhedzi is a Mungoṋa of a Mukwevho totem. They normally prefer to call themselves ‘Kolobe/Nguluvhe’ tribes. It is indeed true because they are the boar tribes from Luonde.

Munyai Ṋefhasi of Dzimauli. The area now known as Ha-Rammbuḓa, was Khosikhulu Nyafhasi’s domain. Before she was deposed by Phophi Rammbuḓa, a Singo, she used to rule from there.

Khosikhulu Muleya Ṋemusina of Musina. Although many people do not know that the name Musina is a Tshivenḓa name for copper, Musina belongs to Ṋemusina, the owner and former ruler of the area.

Khosikhulu Makahane Nḓou of Thulamela (Kruger National Park). It is a well-known fact that Thulamela belongs to Paramount Chief Makahane. It is also known that Thulamela and Great Dzimbabwe were contemporary cities which were built after the Mapungubweans had gathered lots of wealth. These cities were also controlled from Mapungubwe.

World Heritage Property Descriptions

The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (MCL) World Heritage Site is located near the confluence of the Shashe and Limpopo Rivers, the meeting point for Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe (see Figs 1 & 2). The boundaries of the property are defined by the coordinates: NW corner 22o12’56”S 29o08’22”ENE corner 22o10’10”S 29o29’04”ESE corner 22o14’15”S 29o31’35”ESW corner 22o17’40”S 29o12’00”This area is bound by the Limpopo River to the north, in the west by the Alldays-Pont Drift road; in the south by the Messina-Pont Drift road and the boundary of the farm Riedel; in the east the boundary of the farm Riedel and an as yet unsurveyed line up the western side of the irrigated lands on the farm Weipe. In total, this area is 28 168.66 hectares in geographical extent. This area is likely to increase to close to 100 000 hectares if plans for developing a Trans frontier park including adjacent areas of Botswana and Zimbabwe are realized. According to the nomination dossier, the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape is comprised of:

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Remains of palaces – (Mapungubwe period); Archaeological remains testifying to Mapungubwe’s growth 900-1200 AD

(Zhizo, Leopard’s Kopje); Remains of early settlement: Stone Age & Iron Age & rock art; ‘Natural’ landscape surrounding the built remains. Intangible heritage: Mapungubwe Hill associated with sacredness, beliefs,

customs and traditions of local communities. Living heritage: continuing traditions and associations such as rain

making, and participation by local communities in reburial ceremonies. Landscape sharing and interaction between farmers and hunter-gatherers.

Although the landscape has evidence of human occupation dating back to millions of years, the nomination dossier states that the landscape was nominated on the basis of the Iron Age period, particularly the period between AD900 and 1300. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape, whose remains are a testimony to the earliest known state society in Southern Africa (AD 900-1300), when viewed against the present day fauna and flora, and the geo-morphological formations of the Limpopo/Shashe confluence, creates an impressive landscape of universal significance (Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier 2000). The occupation of the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (MCL) has continued over time anti-climaxing with the forced removal of local people during colonialism and the establishment of private farms, ranches and mines (KYS 2011).

The MCL contains about 400 archaeological sites in the core area (listed property), some of which provides evidence for the evolution of the state of Mapungubwe. The settlement sequence of the MCL starts with the Early Stone Age, followed by the Middle and Late Stone Ages with the Early, Middle and Iron Ages subsequently following (Huffman 2000; Manyanga 2007). Recent research demonstrates the contemporary occupation of the landscape by both hunter gatherers and farmers during the Iron Age to historical times (Hall and Smith 2000). In the last hundred years, farmers of European stock displaced local people creating ranches. Mines have been established in the area showing the continual evolution of this layered landscape (KYS 2011).

Three main phases of development are recognized in the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape and these are associated with the Iron Age (Huffman 2007). The first phase, known as Zhizo, lasted from about AD 900-1020 and is best preserved at the site of Schroda. The second phase, known as Leopard’s Kopje or K2, has been investigated in most detail at the site known as K2 on the farm Greefswald and dated from about AD 1020-1220. The most elaborate settlement during the third phase was on Mapungubwe Hill and the adjacent Southern Terrace and dated from AD 1220-1300. At the height of its importance, between AD 1220 and 1300, the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape sustained a population of at least 9000 people. According to Huffman (2000), regular flooding of the Limpopo River provided silt and water for crops. Grazing lands enabled stock to be kept. Elephants were hunted for their ivory and other animals for their hides while mining provided iron, gold and copper ores (Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier

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2002). This landscape has evolved overtime with each period leaving its marks, a process that continues to this day (Manyanga 2007).

At any given point in history, MCL witnessed new activities done at different scales. In the last thirty years or so, archaeological excavations, cattle and game ranching, intensive agriculture and mining have threatened the integrity of the landscape (see also Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier). The establishment of the Park has cushioned the 400 sites within its borders from the ravages of development. Those outside are protected through the National Heritage Resources Act and ancillary legislation.

1.5 Heritage at risk and mining

There are a number of World Heritage Sites at the risk of mining or modern development encroachment in the form of scale and extent similar to Mapungubwe. A significant number of sites is found in Africa, and indications are that this number is on the increase. According to IUCN, African Natural World Heritage sites that are increasingly threatened by commercial mining and oil/gas projects include Virunga National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo (gold mining and other armed conflict posing a threat to a park with greatest diversity of habitats of any park in Africa: from steppes, savannahs and lava plains, swamps, lowland and montane forests to volcanoes and the unique giant herbs and snowfields of Ruwenzori over 5,000m high), Comoé National Park, Cote d’Ivoire (the government is now issuing licences to explore in West Africa’s largest biosphere reserve), Mount Nimba Strict Nature Reserve on the boundary of Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea (its unique biodiversity is under threat from miners extracting high grade iron ore), Dja Biosphere Reserve, Cameroon (home to some of the largest and best protected rainforest tracts in Africa, is under threat from cobalt mining on the precincts of the reserve), Kahuzi-Biega National Park in the DRC (threat to gorillas due to illegal coltan and gold mining), Selous Game Reserve, Tanzania (uranium exploration within the property, a 50,000 km2

sanctuary to a large number of elephants, black rhinoceroses, cheetahs, giraffes, hippopotamuses and crocodiles, relatively undisturbed by human impact), Aïr and Ténére Nature Reserve , Niger (the largest protected area in Africa, covering some 7.7 million ha, due to its unique desert landscape, flora and fauna is under threat from petroleum prospecting activities), Manovo-Gounda Nature Reserves, Central African Republic, (the largest savannah park in west and central Africa, located at a major biogeographic crossroads of central Africa, being threatened by gas and petroleum exploration), Mana Pools National Park, Sapi and Chewore Safari Areas, Zimbabwe (illegal gold, copper and uranium).

These natural or cultural landscapes may be regarded as heritage at risk. These mining and exploration projects are in their nascent stages, which means that governments, mining and oil/gas companies, financial backers and other stakeholders have the opportunity to make well-informed decisions for present and future generations by committing to preserving the heritage and thereby

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also safeguarding the livelihoods of local people and Africa’s long-term sustainable development.

Other world examples include Larentz National Park, Indonesia, with the highest level of biodiversity in South-East Asia (gold mining taking place directly in the national park), The Cave of Hands (Cueva de las Manos), Argentina (where gold mining is now taking place within the associated landscape, threating outstanding panels of rock art in the Pinturas River ravine), Yellowstone National Park, USA (waste contamination, sewage leakage, alien species and gold mining, all posing a threat to the park’s ecology and wildlife), Kakadu National Park, Australia (uranium mining is taking place inside the park, posing a risk to indigenous people living there), Doñana National Park, Spain (metallic waste spill), Zhoukoudian, China (quarrying within the site precincts, leading to loss of important geological specimens).

A wide range of conservation measures have been suggested or implemented to minimise threats to OUVs for which the world heritage sites adjacent to the mining represent. The conservation, protection and management of Mapungubwe should draw from some of these examples, in respect of granting of mining licences, environmental management, community development, stakeholder participation, etc. The main lesson from this comparative study is that if done within a compliance framework, heritage and development can co-exist.

Now having spoken about the art and skills as well as the scientific knowledge of those our ancestors at Mapungubwe, I need to confirm it with the following pictures of the artefacts which were found there during the period of excavation, courtesy of Rob Marsh and Sian Tiley:

The treasures of Mapungubwe

A number of exquisitely worked gold objects, most notably the golden bowl, the golden rhino and the golden ’sceptre’ were discovered in graves on the summit of Mapungubwe. The objects are made up of gold sheeting laid over wood and held in place with solid gold nails. Today, these have been declared national treasures.

While gold artefacts are probably the most celebrated of Mapungubwe’s treasures, a number of other significant finds were made at the ancient site, not the least of which were the age-old spindle whorls – clay discs with a hole in the middle – which were twirled and used to pull cotton from the cotton boll. In fact, the Limpopo valley is the oldest site in the country at which spindle whorls have been found, suggesting that Mapungubwe and its surrounds was the first place in Southern Africa where cotton was cultivated.

Grave sites also proved an extraordinary rich archaeological find, despite the fact that the last king was buried at Mapungubwe 800 years ago. At the so-called royal cemetery on the hilltop, 23 bodies have been discovered and in three of

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these graves gold objects such as the gold rhino, the gold bowl, the gold sceptre and various items of jewellery accompanied the bodies.

Display above: Manopi Hill, south of Mapungubwe

Display below: One of the many Baobab trees at Mapungubwe.

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Display below: This rare photograph from the Mapungubwe Archives was taken in 1934, and reveals the vast quantities of gold in just one burial. Today this gold is on exhibition at the Mapungubwe Museum at the University of Pretoria.

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Display above top left: An ingot the Vhavenḓa call musuku. It is believed to represent the ancestors and was used as a commercial item of barter or trade. These ingots vary in size and shape. On top are studs, which usually indicated the amount of copper in the ingot. In many cases, one stud was the equivalent in value to an iron hoe or a specific number of cattle.

Display above bottom left: A bronze bangle.

Display above, right: Besides gold, large quantities of other metals, such as finished iron and copper, were excavated at the Mapungubwe site. These were in the form of rings, links, wire, beads, plates, wound bangles, bracelets, arrowheads, small spearheads, hooks, nails awls, pins, punches, chisels and blades.

Display below: Gold beads on shallow ceramic bowl from Mapungubwe Hill.

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Display above: Early excavations working on Mapungubwe Hill removed this stone board game in the 1930s. This ancient game is known locally as mankala

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or muravharavha. Rows of shallow holes are pecked or engraved directly into the stone and rounded river pebbles are used as ‘draughts’. It is interesting to note that versions of the game, played exclusively by men, are still played to this day throughout Africa.

Display above: A flat-based beaker apparently from K2.

Display: One of a pair of gold-foil fragments that covered carved head and shoulders of an animal figurine like a crocodile or horse-like creature .

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Display : The fragments of Chinese Sung celadon ware (AD 960- 1279) were found at Mapungubwe and are identical to the celadon wine kettle from the Van Tilburg Museum. This museum, also located at the University of Pretoria, showcases the largest ancient Chinese ceramic collection in Africa, donated to the university by J A Van Tilburg. The celadon in this museum provide valuable comparative ceramics to the Mapungubwe celadon sheds.

Display: Top left: The most remarkable of the indigenous glass beads were manufactured at K2. Craftsmen melted down whole or broken blue trade glass beads and the molten glass was wound into clay moulds in which they set. When cold, the moulds were broken to free a large glass bead, known as garden roller beads. The translucent turquoise beads in the forefront are called vhulungu ha

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maḓi, or sea beads, as legend had it that the white man grew beads under the water and in Venḓa.

Bottom Left: Various stones such as calcite and quartz, as well as marine shells, were also worked into beads and strung together with trade glass beads to create variety.

Above right: The terrestrial land snail mollusc, known as Achatina immaculate, was used and manufactured into small shell beads predominantly found at K2. These beautiful shells clearly show signs of cultural modification and may have carried religious significance due to the frequency of their use as grave goods.

Below and top right: The remains of an animal torso.

Above left and bottom right: Nails were cut from tapered gold rods and then hammered cold, forming a flattened head.

Above bottom left: Two large gold ears.

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Above: Nearly all the figurines originate from K2, and only a handful were found on Mapungubwe Hill. This human figurine, with a rounded head and stubby arms and legs depicting no specific gender, is unlike the other human forms found. Conical shaped figurines, ceramic spindle whorls used for spinning cotton, ceramics stoppers and a few animal figures were also found.

Above: The shaping of large pots presents difficulties to any potter, whether thrown on a rotating wheel or hand moulded. Iron Age potters devised a number of ways in which they were able to shape their pottery, one of which was rolling

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the clay into rings or long cylinders that were used as successive coils to form the desired vessel shape.

Below: Spouted pots are rare in the Iron Age archaeological record and these spherical, neck less, undecorated pots with cylindrical spouts originate from K2. They were probably used for brewing traditional sorghum beer. A steaming process was used to extract alcohol coming from the spout. Communities usually call a pot by a name that indicates its shape and the use to which it is put; for example, in Zimbabwe, a ceramic pot in which beer is stored is called mbiziro, while the Sotho word for drinking is bizo.

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Below: This fat-bellied rhinoceros is about 15.2 centimetres in length and shaped out of two finely beaten sheets of gold foil only 0.5 millimetres thick, and was fashioned around a soft core, probably sculpted wood, and held in place with minute gold nails. Its single horn is a cone of gold plate centred between two rounded gold mails for eyes. The upright tail is solid and the animal’s strength is depicted in short, stubby legs and sturdy shoulders. This figurine – representing one of Africa’s ‘Big Five’ – is a unique and magnificent example of indigenous craftsmanship.

Now having spoken about the art and skills as well as the scientific knowledge of those our

Above: A miniature ceramic bowl (right), ceramic stopper(above) and a ceramic spoon(left), possibly used for snuff.

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Above: This is one of the shallow bowls with slight black-burnt, umber surface finishes, decorated with chevron and diamond incisions and was found in the grave area on Mapungubwe Hill.

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Above: The gold, drawn into thin wire, was fashioned into decorative helical ‘braiding’ as anklets, which were extraordinarily large, indicating the marriageable status of a well-rounded female member of royalty. Traditionally, the larger a woman, the better looked after and desired by her husband, the leaner woman indicating that her husband does not take good care of her.

Below: This white-washed (probably a mixture of clay and ash) shouldered pot was excavated complete, with burnt sorghum remains inside. The charred remains of storage huts, stone granaries, grinding stones, iron hoes, and spindle whorls were also found, showing that pearl millet, sorghum, several species of bean and cotton were also cultivated by these ancient communities.

Below: Gold was one of the most sought-after trade commodities – not only because of its economic value but also because of the symbolic significance attached to this precious metal. Copious amounts of gold beads were excavated from three royal burials on Mapungubwe Hill. No other gold was found in the vicinity.

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Below: This large sub spherical bowl from Mapungubwe Hill is typical of the Mapungubwe ceramics, which differ from the vessel shapes and decorations unearthed from K2.

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Above: Many gold beads ere manufactured by using the punching technique, while others were wrapped by bending pieces of gold wire into loops (right, bottom). Some larger beads were individually cast, while others were hammered flat and decorated with grooves. These methods, although seemingly simple, would be challenging even for the most skilled goldsmith today. The smallest gold bead at Mapungubwe measures less than one millimetre in diameter.

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Display: The gold beads and ornaments from Mapungubwe show great attention to detail, where the artists used sophisticated technologies to create miniscule beads and ornaments whose rich surface patterns and textures may have complex meanings.

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Above left :The countless trade glass beads found in the Limpopo Valley may reveal much about Mapungubwean society. They serve as evidence of contact with India, Persia, Egypt and Arabia via the East Coast trade network and merchants from places such as Sofala.

Bottom left: Some of these beads are known as Trade Wind Beads, Indian Red or Lemon beads (from Cambay); others are known as seed beads, due to the miniscule size. Every type of colour glass bead was traded, with Mapungubwe Hill black beads a favourite for burials.

Bottom right: Hexagonal and hoop cobalt-blue glass beads look like tiny tyres. In the 1900s, a farm worker revealed that a blue bead worth five pound would buy one cow.

Below: Wound bangles and anklets were made from hammered gold wire or gold sheet, which was cut into strips and helically wound into flexible bangles or anklets. These were wrapped around a fibre core, which recent tests on surviving fibre strands have proven not to be cattle hair as was initially thought but, in all probability, a cellulose plant fibre or even baobab fibre.

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Below: An aerial view of Mapungubwe Mapungubwe Hill from the southwest circa 1972, looking towards the base of the hill, known as the Southern Terrace.

Below: Clay animal figurines such as cattle, goats and sheep probably depict the domestic animals kept by the people at Mapungubwe and K2. Many of the cattle figurines clearly display a pronounced hump behind the head, indicative of the Sanga breed found in Africa. Figurines are moulded with such precision that the udders of cows, female goats and even the dewlaps of cattle are clearly portrayed. Sheep figurines have a distinctive shape and depict no tail, indicating that these Iron Age communities may even have practiced tail docking.

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Below on top: These large shallow bowls were probably used as containers for dry foods such as sorghum, millet and other edible grains. The women in this society were both potters and planters, as farming and pottery were closely associated. With the development of agriculture, vessels of this kind became a necessity.

Below bottom: The ceramic pot on the left is white-washed with clay and ash, while the larger vessel has been burnt from cooking.

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Below, top right and bottom right: Gold half-moon-shaped ornamental sheets of gold were engraved and tacked to wooden forms with gold nails. The gold sheet and nail heads were scratch burnished to create a reflective sheen on the exposed surfaces.

Right: Gold, a very malleable and soft metal, could be fashioned into almost any shape or form. These two small forms of rolled gold are unique and indicate a novel fabrication technology that required great skill, despite the simplicity of technique.

Below: The gold bowl, or more correctly, a headdress or crown which was found lying at the side of a cranium, is also gold foil mounted onto a wooden object and then carved into shape. As indicated by the small holes, it was held in place on its wooden base with tiny gold nails.

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pun

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Above: Geometric shapes were used frequently and some representations in gold are abstract and do not seem to take a specific form. Many of the gold pieces reveal a deep aesthetic beauty created by goldsmiths as ornaments.

Above: This gold bangle is now in four separate pieces but once covered a wooden bangle that has since disintegrated.

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Above bottom: This small, hand-moulded ceramic container is no bigger than 5 cm.

Top left: This cordage was excavated from Fhambananaḽo. organic remains are a rare find.

Top right: Small, flat, donut-shaped spindle whorls from Mapungubwe and K2 were fashioned from either ceramic or stone, some were decorated with incisions drawn into the wet clay.

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Top: Perhaps one of the most rare clay figurines in the collection is K2’s stylized hippopotamus or crocodile, which has a human torso and green trade glass beads pushed into the clay to represent its eyes.

Bottom: Most clay animal figurines depicted are domestic animals. However, one of the most remarkable figurines is that of a wild animal: a giraffe. The small clay giraffe is very well proportioned, with an elegant, elongated neck and its curled tail held above the rump, a position it would hold while running.

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Display: Complete ceramics or pottery sheds are the most common cultural material found at an archaeological site. Preserved in the middens or found in burials, practically indestructible and available in vast quantities, ceramic sheds belonging to varied vessels provide details about Mapungubweans’ traditional way of life.

Above left: Archaeological ceramics are classified according to the profile of the vessel: their shape, their rims, the nature and quality of the clay and decoration, textures, decorative techniques and added features, such as spouts, lugs, handles, bases and perforations.

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Above Right: The symmetry of the large hand-made ceramics from Mapungubwe is remarkable. The thickness of the clay, the finish of the surfaces and the precision of decoration is commendable. This large wide-bellied pot from Mapungubwe Hill has a series of diamond-and-triangle-shaped incised decorations, and was probably used to store water. The girth and closed neck of the pot were designed to keep the liquid cool.

Above: Six rather bizarre graves at Fhambananaḽo, known as the ‘Beast Burials’, contained cattle bones that were deliberately buried with layers of potsherds, spotted pots, copper bangles, land-snail shells, cowries, glass beads, dismembered bones of rodents and pigs, and pieces of mica placed inside bracelets. When reconstructed, the ceramic sheds reconstituted 14 pots.

Below top: By tracing the decorations on sheds and the distribution of ceramics, one can tell a story of human progress and deterioration. With hundreds of decorative variations, the ceramics are characterized by incised, geometric patterns with cross-hatching and parallel grooving and diagonally incised triangles etched into the wet clay. These two beaker-shaped ceramic bowls are characteristic of the K2 ceramic tradition.

Below bottom: Literally thousands of pottery sheds were excavated, and in some fortunate instances, even ceramic vessels-unbroken over a 1000-year period – were uncovered. This selection of small-shouldered pots from Mapungubwe Hill

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were probably drinking cups. The decorations on these seem more refined – for use by royalty – than other ceramics found at K2.

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Above left: Clay figurines of the human form, mostly from K2, depict the female body. Clay was sculptured to shape small protuberances for breasts, a navel (umbilical hernia) and torsos impressed or incised with decoration. The distinctive patterns on the back, sides and around the navel are possibly reminiscent of the scarification marks on female inhabitants.

Right: These pendant-shaped ceramic objects are uniquely crafted and decorated whistles, perhaps used by a herdsman for summoning cattle. They were found on Mapungubwe Hill and are rather rare objects, not usually found in South Africa’s Iron Age record.

Below top left: The pipe-shaped ornament decorated with chevron designs and it consists of a single sheet of gold rolled and tacked at a seam. The gold mace or sceptre found in a separate grave to the gold rhinoceros and gold bowl on Mapungubwe Hill. The sceptre was constructed much like the other gold-foil objects and mounted onto a wooden core. The top of the sceptre is decorated with two rows of punched ornamental indentations and, in some places, the gold foil is no more than a fraction of a millimetre thick.

Below bottom: The Mapungubwe and K2 ceramics, together with agricultural activities, were attributed to the labour women. Part of pot-making is traditional knowledge of the soil and the selection of clay, which eventually determine the texture, shape and firing of the ceramic pot. Ceramics, decorated and undecorated, took the form of spherical pots, shouldered pots, shallow bowls, deep bowls, sub spherical bowls, beakers, flat dishes, round and wide-bellied pots and spouted pots… the varieties seemingly endless.

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Above: The gold rhinoceros is the only complete and restored animal unearthed at Mapungubwe. However, two other rhino torsos lie among the fragments of torn gold, other ears and tapered solid tails and the remains of the snout of a gold buffalo. These were probably sacred animals made from fine gold foil that was hammered, engraved, coiled and pierced along the edges or seams and then mounted onto wood. The foil was then tacked with minute gold nails to wooden objects that have long since decayed.

Top right and right: Gold funnel shapes, which could possibly be horns.

Left: Snout of a gold buffalo. Centre: Tiny gold nails Right: Gold tail and the largest of gold nails.

Below on top: Perhaps one of the finest ceramics from Mapungubwe Hill is this shallow terracotta bowl, which served as funerary ware. This unique bowl was elaborately described in 1937 as having a fine matt Indian Red surface with a bevelled rim to the outside, and is divided by three projecting lugs, each of which has two deep rounded grooves on the face and lightly scratched chevron along the surface of the bevel. The panels between the lugs are decorated with impressions of a round stylus made in the wet clay, and a festooned effect is produced by making them narrower at the ends than in the middle.’

Below bottom: Pottery was an important aspect of the everyday life of Mapungubweans and, likewise, remains a reliable clue to the archaeological studying this ancient community. A single shred can, for example, be a valuable tool in reconstructing the ways of life. This is a reconstructed ceramic beaker extracted from K2.

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Below: Human clay figurines, generally from K2, come in a variety of shapes and sizes hat vary from no more than 3 centimetres. Some figurines are depicted as half human and half animal. Other conical shaped figurines, or phallic symbols, are thought to be associated with male and female initiation ceremonies, where they were used to demonstrate points of instruction, and illustrate life skills, family histories and traditions.

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Below: Many beakers were manufactured with knuckle-shaped protrusions known as lugs or bosses on either side, and were used as drinking cups. Most decorations were engraved directly onto the burnt clay after burnishing. Beakers, in particular, are associated with the graves of people from the K2 period of occupation.

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Above: Wrapped beads were made from gold strip or short lengths of gold wire, which were hammered rather than drawn. There is no evidence for wire drawing at Mapungubwe, and all the wire appeared to have been hammered and, in some cases, coiled.

That is by no means all about it. There are lots and lots of other artefacts beside the ones above. All these only bear testimony to the art and skills of our ancestors. Archaeologists know that they got more than we have already heard of or seen. Now all those who hear of all such mighty works of art only tend to marvel and ask: Were these things indeed done by black people? Was it possible for the ancient people of Mapungubwe to do such glorious and glamorous deeds without assistance from outside? Then again, many people would choose rather to ascribe such works to several other groups of people than to the Vhangoṋa. But most unfortunately, the truth remains unchanged: Mapungubwe is the home of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa nation. Now we need to further confirm Marsh with Hanisch’s account where he says:

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On the basis of oral tradition, therefore, it seems reasonable to accept that the Mapungubwe people who lived in the mountains were known by the name of Vhangoṋa.

The structure of the settlement at Mapungubwe places the hill at the centre, with the town spread out around it. There was a clearly demarcated main entrance for visitors to enter, and which led them past houses to the foot of the hill where the court was situated between large upright boulders.

A small elongated kingdom containing several district centres, and covering an area from the Soutpansberg in the south to the Matopos near Bulawayo in the north was controlled from Mapungubwe. Each district appears to have had its own local capital under the jurisdiction of Mapungubwe. Numerous sites of these old villages are to be seen along the Soutpansberg, extending deep into the heart of present day Venḓa. At about 1250 A.D. it appears that the town of Mapungubwe was abandoned for reasons still unknown, but this did not mean the total collapse of the Leopard’s Kopje B kingdom in its entirety. Work done on various sites in the Soutpansberg and the Matopos indicates that the Leopard’s Kopje B culture continued to exist for a further 200 years without undergoing a major change in these areas. [Luvhone, 1994 : Legends, Oral Traditions and Archaeology: A Look at Early Venḓa History by E.O.M. Hanisch, Department of Anthropology, University of Venḓa: 71, 73]

Now both Marsh and Hanisch help us all to unearth the conspiracy that was done both by the ruling Masingo invaders, colonizers and Afrikaners. All these groups of people, despite the fact that in some instances they could not find each other, here they connived in concealing the true identity of the Mapungubwe people. This, so much so that until now there are those who are still in the dark about it. This they did, despite or against the significance of the citadel, its incomparable, undisputable and rich cultural history, its uniqueness, its religious importance as well as the role it should play in the concept of the African Renaissance.

Not until recently did the majority of South Africans hear about Mapungubwe. Many people in this province happened to hear of this name during the time of public consultation by the Geographical Names Council on the provincial name change. The province was then known as the Northern Transvaal Province. So, Mapungubwe was one of the names proposed for adoption. But since the majority of black people were not acquainted with it, they rejected it although it was the most favoured over the rest. This saw our province becoming known as Limpopo.

Now talking about the conspiracy of silence by those in power, we realize they used many ways and means to suppress the truth. Secrecy and denial was one strategy they employed to achieve their hidden agenda. Censorship of any written research material was another. In many instances they designated their own informants, particularly to researchers who were non-Vhavenḓa. They also concealed the information about Vhangoṋa and Mapungubwe, particularly the fact that there was a Vhangoṋa kingdom whose capital was Mapungubwe. A little about Vhangoṋa was written and circulated. A lot of written material that was

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allowed publicity and easy circulation, even with state sanction and sponsorship, in some instances, were those that spoke of the arrival here in our beloved country, of the Afrikaners, other Europeans and the different migrant blacks who came in groups of mainly men who ran away from their countries of origin. This they did, despite the fact that there was and still is ample and undeniable evidence about Vhangoṋa all over the country and even beyond its borders. Names of places, rivers, mountains and any other landmark are still of Tshivenḓa origin, although some of them have now been coined to suit the languages of the people who now live around them. All these seemed to mean nothing to them, so long as they wielded power. It did not make any considerable difference between blacks and whites, they all had one agenda in common, to usurp power, plunder and amass the wealth and continue to subjugate, marginalise and suppress the aboriginal inhabitants. This kind of unscrupulous practice easily finds its way across the colour line.

It is an undisputable fact that Mapungubwe was the capital city of the then Vhangoṋa United Kingdom of Venḓa or the Thovhele State as it was also known. Everybody who lives in the former apartheid Transvaal Province, which province is now divided into four new ones, namely; Gauteng (PWV), Limpopo (Northern Transvaal), North West and Mpumalanga (Eastern Transvaal), knows that it was part of the Vhangoṋa kingdom.

Now I think it is apt that the treachery of both the whites and invader black groups should be exposed. We shall therefore look again at the work of Rob Marsh where he says:

(The 20th century: Secrecy and denial) : The Diggings Begin.

“The first excavations at Mapungubwe were carried out between 1933 and 1935, when the government of the Union of South Africa acquired the farm on which Mapungubwe stood and appointed the University of Pretoria as its nominated authority to carry out a formal investigation …

A year later, Fouche published a report on the site, which was titled: ‘Mapungubwe – An ancient Bantu civilisation on the Limpopo.’ In this report, Fouche argued that Mapungubwe had clear links to Tswana and Sotho cultures and was obviously of African origin. He also said that the site was less than 200 years old and the settlement founded there had been established after that at Great Zimbabwe. Both these theories were, however, later proved false and only in 1959 did radiocarbon tests prove the age of a kingdom flourishing 1 000 years ago…

The Conspiracy of Silence

It was obvious that Mapungubwe was a site of considerable black achievement but the powers-that-were refused to accept this fact. Black people in the 13th century were simply incapable of such advanced work, many argued. The conclusion, therefore, was obvious: Mapungubwe was the result of outside – that is, Egyptian or possibly European - influence.

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In 1935, Captain Guy Gardner was appointed to excavate the site, a task he carried out until 1940…

Gardner also held onto a number of preconceptions: the site, Gardner argued, was neither ancient, nor Bantu. K2 was instead the product of ‘Hottentot’ culture, and most likely the work of the ‘Hottentot’ who had migrated to the region from elsewhere. In Gardner’s opinion, an Nguni community absorbed some of the K2 Hottentots, where they eventually established an empire at Mapungubwe.

This, of course, was all part of a much larger race debate. Gardner, like so many of his contemporaries, also argued that Bantus were not living in the area at the time and, to lend credence to his theory, he created new names for these ‘Hottentot migrants’, whom he maintained had moved into the area 600 – 700 years before. He referred to them as Proto-Hottentot and Bush-Boskopoid peoples”. [Marsh, 9, 10]

AN OPEN SECRET

Now after going through Marsh, and also taking into account many other writings by different authors, one comes to a better understanding of the unscrupulous intentions and hidden agendas of such people. Until this day we still have people who don’t believe that the mighty works of the Mapungubwe people were of Vhangoṋa alone and not of foreigners or with foreign help. These people find it difficult, or they told themselves never to acknowledge that the Vhangoṋa people could make such achievements. This is one of the main reasons why up until now they are being undermined, muzzled, marginalized, deprived, suppressed and oppressed. Those who took over their land are still afraid of them, even though they pose no real threat to them. What Gardner and Forche said about Mapungubwe are mere fallacies. For anyone to suggest that the kingdom was there for only 200 years or so is dishonesty at its worst. It could be true that they had some hidden agenda. The only unfortunate reality is that such conspiracies could not last. Other archaeologists and researchers dismissed their myths, and rightly so as seen in the following extract:

“Although the landscape has evidence of human occupation dating back to millions of years, the nomination dossier states that the landscape was nominated on the basis of the Iron Age period, particularly the period between AD900 and 1300. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape, whose remains are a testimony to the earliest known state society in Southern Africa (AD 900-1300), when viewed against the present day fauna and flora, and the geo-morphological formations of the Limpopo/Shashe confluence, creates an impressive landscape of universal significance (Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier 2000). The occupation of the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (MCL) has continued over time anti-climaxing with the forced removal of local people during colonialism and the establishment of private farms, ranches and mines” (KYS 2011).

Right now we deem it fit to declare to all the people of Venḓa, Limpopo Province, the Republic of South Africa, the African Continent (Muno) as well as of the rest of the world that Mapungubwe is the home of Vhangoṋa, the true Vhavenḓa.

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Now as it has been explicitly and candidly explained and indicated in this essay, I believe everybody knows beyond any shadow of doubt up to now that Mapungubwe is the seat of the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa Empire. In fact it is one of the main purposes of this document to dispel the myths, mysteries, distortions, misrepresentations and fallacies by many writers concerning the ownership of the Mapungubwe kingdom. A lot has been said about this, and no doubt, the resultant misunderstanding and confusion of many people about this subject was well purported and calculated beforehand. All the people now know that the Mapungubwe kingdom was the only one in this region many millions of years ago.

The very people who are now despised, marginalized and suppressed are the same people who were masters in arts, iron smelting (ironsmiths), pottery, cotton growing and spinning, ivory trade, goldsmiths, international trading, etc. The people of Mapungubwe were the ones who brought civilization in southern Africa during the time when Western Europe was in the Middle Ages or even long before that. It is common cause that Mapungubwe was the egoli of southern Africa. Gold was the hall-mark of the old citadel. Who else could those people be, if they are not the Vhangoṋa? This is undisputable truth, which truth enjoys ample evidence and support both orally and historically here in Venḓa.

What is a bit surprising is the fact that all the writers, researchers, archaeologists, ethnologists, authorities, etc. agree that Mapungubwe was the capital city of an African kingdom. But they don’t want to disclose the identity of the owners of such a kingdom. This only helped to yield a fertile ground upon which opportunists easily propagated fallacies like those of Forche’ and Gardner as exposed and discarded above. The only thing all the people don’t want to do, and which thing I declare for all and sundry to know, as well as to understand, is that Mapungubwe is the home of the Vhangoṋa nation, the original inhabitants of Venḓa. All the kings who ruled there were Vhangoṋa kings. Mapungubwe was home to Shiriyadenga, the king of the Vhangoṋa. Now, as already indicated above, that happened many millions of years ago.

Now to further substantiate my assertion here that many people misrepresented our history and achievements, I quote Dr Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al’s document, commonly known as “The Final Edited Report on Dzaṱa Exhibition Museum”.

“As requested by the above Committee during its recent meeting, I have compiled, translated and edited the report, in accordance with the panels indicated by the consultants. I have no doubt that the Venḓa people will be delighted as the museum will be a mirror through which the outside world will see them.

In order to do this, findings of archaeologists, anthropologists, have to be viewed against the Afro-centric approach. ‘The Venḓa people and their land have not been properly presented to the world as Euro-centric researchers tend to view Africa through foreign spectacles. It is not surprising to see in their writings that the Venḓa they present excludes Vhutwanamba and parts of Vhuilafuri and Vhuronga. This was done despite the Venḓa’s age-old history, with their

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sacred kingship, their ruins, extending far beyond those of any other group in the sub-continent. To bring this to life, the Venḓa names for lands, rivers, places, etc. have been indicated. By the way, it is only the Venḓa people who have a name for their country, while in other nations lands are named after the people, with a prefix Ka-, Bo-, Kwa. With Vhavenḓa, the land is [Venḓa] and not Vhuvenḓa. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al,06 ]

Now whilst still staying with Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, when talking about the Vhangoṋa kingdom at Mapungubwe, we read something like this:

“Mapungubwe, which developed around a flat-topped hill, was believed to be the headquarters of an African kingdom. It is here that a class-based society is found. This was a direct result of wealth accumulated through the east coast trade, together with the power that went with controlling and redistributing the trade goods to loyal followers. The king with his wives lived on top of the hill, secluded from the common people. And whilst being here, he performed all the duties and responsibilities of a leader…

As archaeologists and anthropologists have not yet agreed on the beginning and the early inhabitants of Mapungubwe, resort will have to be taken to follow Venḓa tradition and views of Afro-Centric researchers on both sides of the Vhembe. From their findings, the Early Iron Age people who inhabited the area north and south of Vhembe from 330 to 900, could have been Vhangoṋa, Vhambedzi and Vhanyai…

Therefore as far as Mapungubwe is concerned, the inhabitants could have been Vhangoṋa and Vhambedzi, while those of Thulamela were Vhanyai Tshilembethu.

As the Arabs founded Sofala around 900, it is probable that trade between Mapungubwe and the Arabs could have started at that time. This implied the settlement could have begun earlier…

Such treasures of antiquity, were brought to the surface by archaeological excavations in 1933 in the form of gold artefacts, including bangles, beads, a bowl and a mace. The most important of these was the well-known golden rhino, which was made of thin gold foil tacked to a carved, wooden base.

Mapungubwe continued with its trading activities until it was evacuated. What else could have forced them to leave, other than an outbreak of disease, or any abnormal situation, which they thought would annihilate them. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, 8,9]

Now after going through Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, one better understands that the origin of all the Vhangoṋa is Mapungubwe. It therefore goes without saying that it were the Vhangoṋa who built Mapungubwe. Now saying this I’m fully aware of the fact that many people did not want to state it that Mapungubwe belongs to Vhangoṋa. All they did and still would like to do is to mention that it was the seat of an opulent and affluent African kingdom. They keep mum on the identity of such Africans. But with Ṋemudzivhaḓi, the situation is very different. He became very clear on the identity of the owners of Mapungubwe. Another thing I need to

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commend Ṋemudzivhaḓi on is when he mentions that Vhangoṋa were in charge of the area north and south of Vhembe. This goes against popular opinions and beliefs by many. A lot of people who had the opportunity to be listened to or those in power did everything in their power to cast shadows of doubt on the identity of the Mapungubwe people. Dr Ṋemudzivhaḓi is very clear on the subject of the kingdom that was the only one in the whole sub-continent.

However, there’s something I need to clarify from the above extract. I believe so far everybody knows that Vhangoṋa are not a clan or one of the clans of the aboriginal citizens of Venḓa. We all know that Vhangoṋa are a nation, and also that Vhambedzi and Vhanyai are just but clans that form part of the nation. The fact that these people have a link or relationship with the Mapungubwe people should not bother anyone. It is common cause that all the Vhangoṋa claim Mapungubwe for their origin. So, Vhambedzi and Vhanyai, as much as all the many other Vhangoṋa clans, whether on the southern or the northern side of the Vhembe, originated at Mapungubwe.

This becomes clearer when Ṋemudzivhaḓi explains it like this: “This was done despite the Venḓa’s age-old history, with their sacred kingship, their ruins, extending far beyond those of any other group in the sub-continent.” Another description almost the same as this one is this:

"In 2004, Mapungubwe officially became a national park after decades of neglect by apartheid rulers uninterested in promoting a black civilization that flourished centuries before white settlers arrived. [Courtesy of New Horizon, June 2010 – Tourism Report]

Now having gone through the above expose’, one may begin to question Gardner and Forche’s assertions that Mapungubwe was not an African kingdom, or their suggestion that it was only about 200 years old. This tells us that these people are insulting our intelligence and God-given abilities. It means they refuse to accept the truth that before any single white person set their feet on African soil, Vhangoṋa were reputable and revered iron and goldsmiths. Unfortunately we also find that some of our African brethren sail in the same ship with the prejudicing whites. This may be understandable since some of these people graduated from the school of thought that preaches that Africans are sub-humans, and that whites brought civilization to the savage, hostile, heathen and uncouth Africa.

It is an undisputable truth that Mapungubwe is the home of the Vhangoṋa nation. All the graves that were dug up by the excavators, as well as the human remains and artefacts that were found there belong to Vhangoṋa. Only the Vhangoṋa know the national identity of those who were laid to rest there since time immemorial. It were the Vhangoṋa who wrote and informed the government about the need for the reburial of the human remains as well as about the artefacts that were removed from there by the archaeologists. It were they who first requested the government, starting with the apartheid regime up to the current one, for the return and reburial of the human remains.

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Now another writer who tells us more about the settlement pattern at Mapungubwe is Tom Huffman in his Mapungubwe and the Origins of the Zimbabwe Culture where he says:

ABSTRACT

Class distinction and sacred leadership characterized the Zimbabwe culture, the most complex society in pre-colonial southern Africa. This complex society evolved between AD 1000 and 1300 at the sites of K2 and Mapungubwe in the Shashe-Limpopo Valley. Tremendous wealth from long distance trade and an increased population stimulated a series of internal transformations involving economy, social organisation, ideology, religion and settlement patterns. The abandonment of Mapungubwe for climatic reasons led to the rise of Great Zimbabwe 250 km to the north-east.

Mapungubwe is the most important pre-colonial farming site in South Africa. Located in the Shashe-Limpopo area, Mapungubwe’s architecture and spatial arrangement provides the earliest evidence for class distinction and sacred leadership in southern Africa. This stratification and associated ideology are the essence of the Zimbabwe culture.

Although its origins are not fully understood, the Zimbabwe culture has well-known archaeological and architectural sequence and can be used as a case study for the rise of socio-political complexity. Until recently, explanations have focused on Great Zimbabwe, but the main points apply equally well to Mapungubwe. Credible hypotheses have emphasized either peer-polity interaction or wealth in cattle, long distance trade or ideology and religion as catalysts. Cattle bones and trade items can be recovered but, until recently, archaeologists often neglected, or presumed, the role of ideology and religion because they lacked relevant data. Fortunately, the Zimbabwe culture provides rich evidence because it evolved in the recent past and continued in one form or another until early in the twentieth century. A broad understanding of Zimbabwe ideology and religion is therefore possible. [Huffman, 2000: 14]

Now hereunder follows a list of our traditional leaders and their former/current areas:

1. Thovhele Shiriyadenga Tshidziwelele Ṋemapungubwe-Ṋephawe Nḓou.

2. Mahosi Mahulu [Paramount Chiefs]

2.1 Mutwanamba Matshisevhe of ha-Matshisevhe2.2 Muleya Ṋemusina of Musina2.3 Mutwanamba Tshivhula of ha-Tshivhula2.4 Mudzanani Ṋemuungaḓi of Muungaḓi2.5 Mukwevho Ṋeluonde of Luonde2.6 Mudau Tshilande-Ṋetswime of Tswime, Nzhelele2.7 Munyai Ṋetshamanyatsha of Tshamanyatsha2.8 Nḓou Raphulu of Vuvha2.9 Munyai Khurukhuru Ṋembilwi of Mbilwi2.10 Mudau Ṋevhuḓogwa of Vhuḓogwa [Botlokwa]2.11 Kwinḓa Masuvhelele Matshavha of Bulugwane [Polokwane]2.12 Nḓou Mugwabana of ha-Mugwabana [Mokopane]

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2.13 Mukwevho Ṋevhilavhila of Vhilavhila [Bela Bela]2.14 Munyai Muravha of ha-Muravha [Marabastad, Pretoria]2.15 Ṋemaḓimaswa of Maḓimaswa2.16 Mbedzi Ṋelumbelule of Lumbelule [Lepelle/Olifants River area]2.17 Muluvhu Mulima of ha-Mulima2.18 Mufamaḓi of Ha-Mufamaḓi [ha-Mashau]2.19 Mbedzi Ṋemadzivhaṅombe of Madzivhaṅombe [Giyani]2.20 Mukwevho Ṋedzanani of Dzanani [Tzaneen]2.21 Mudau Ratshiuvhu Ṋeluvhalani-Ṋetshakhuma of Tshakhuma 2.22 Kwinḓa Ṋetshivhale of Tshivhale [Lwamondo]2.23 Nḓou Makahane of ha-Makahane [Mananga,Thulamela]2.24 Mbedzi Matibe Ṋemiyohe of Miyohe [Xikundu] 2.25 Mukwevho Lutsinge Maneta of ha-Lutsinge [Luvhombo]2.26 Munyai Ṋetshikuni-Dovho Mulembetu of Vhulembetu2.27 Kwinḓa Ṋetshiṱumbe of Tshiṱumbe2.28 Nḓou Tshiisaphungo Ṋethengwe of Thengwe [not related

toTshiendangamudozwo]2.29 Mbedzi Raphalalani Luvhimbi of ha-Luvhimbi2.30 Mudau Ṋetshirovha of Vhufuli (Tshirovha)2.31 Mbedzi Mukununde of ha-Mukununde2.32 Kwinḓa Ṋevhembe-Ṋetshidzivhani of Vhembe-Tshidzivhani2.33 Kwinḓa Ṋemamilwe of Mamilwe2.34 Mukwevho Mmbwayapenga Ṋetshiendeulu of Tshiendeulu

[Lwanḓali/Dzaṱa]2.35 Mbedzi Ṋetshimvele of Tshimvele [Ha-Makuya]2.36 Munyai Nyafhasi of Dzimauli2.37 Mudzanani Ṋesunguzwi of Sunguzwi [Luvuvhu]2.38 Nḓou Muṱovhe of ha-Muṱovhe [Dzimbahe]2.39 Nḓou Tshivhi of ha-Tshivhi [Dzimbahe]2.40 Mbedzi Matibe of Malungudzi [Dzimbahe]2.41 Munyai Mabanga Phaswana of Musiningira [Dzimbabwe]2.42 Munyai Ṋetshiavha of Tshiavha2.43 Mbedzi Raphalalani of Ḽimbedzi2.44 Nḓou Maitakhole Ṋephawe of Phawe2.45 Mukwevho Mudzhadzhi of Ha-Mudzhadzhi [Vhulovhedzi/ Bolobedu] 2.46 Nḓou Dewasi Ṋetshaulu of Tshaulu

3. Dzi-Nḓou Royal Leaders

3.1 Murundwa Ṋevhuṱanḓa of Vhuṱanḓa3.2 Ṋetshifhefhe of Tshifhefhe3.3 Ṋenngwekhulu of Nngwekhulu3.4 Ṋemauluma of Mauluma3.5 Ṋethulwe of Ṱhulwe3.6 Ṋeḓonḓwe of Ḓonḓwe (Tshipise)3.7 Ṋetshapapame of Tshapapame (Now known as Ha-Maṋenzhe]3. 8 Ṋefolovhoḓwe of Folovhoḓwe3.9 Madide of Ha-Madide3.10 Ṋetshivhodza of Tshivhodza3.11 Ramavhona Ṋemavhiligwe of Mavhiligwe 3.12 Ṋemafukani of Mafukani 3.13 Ṋeshakadza of Shakadza 3.14 Ṋetshokotshoko of Tshokotshoko

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3.15 Ṋevonḓo of Vonḓo 3.16 Ṋeṅwalwi of Ṅwalwi 3.17 Ṋedombeloni of Dombeloni (Dopeni) 3.18 Ṋekhalavha of Khalavha 3.19 Ṋemandala of Mandala 3.20 Ṋetshikombani of Tshikombani 3.21 Ṋemaaṋame of Maaṋame 3.22 Ṋetshifume of Tshifume 3.23 Ṋemaungani of Maungani 3.24 Ṋelunungwi of Lunungwi 3.25 Ṋemalamangwa of Malamangwa 3.26 Ṋemushiru of Mushiru 3.27 Ṋeḓuvhuledza of Ḓuvhuledza 3.28 Khomuṋala-Sikhiṱha of Ha-Khomuṋala 3.29 Ṋephalama of Phalama 3.30 Ṋevhuṱalu of Vhuṱalu 3.31 Ṋemalale of Malale 3.32 Ṋetshisahulu of Tshisahulu 3.33 Ṋetsianḓa of Tsianḓa 3.34 Ṋetshidzini of Tshidzini 3.35 Ṋetshitongwe of Tshitongwe 3.36 Ṋengweṋani of Ngweṋani 3.37 Ṋetshilaṱa of Tshilaṱa 3.38 Ṋemuṱamba of Muṱamba 3.39 Ṋetshifhire of Tshifhire 3.40 Ṋemukula of Mukula 3.41 Ṋevari of Vari 3.42 Ṋevhulorwa of Vhulorwa 3.43 Ṋemudzivhaḓi of Mudzivhaḓi 3.44 Ṋetshidzaṱi of Tshidzaṱi 3.45 Ṋevuu of Vuu 3.46 Ṋemakonde of Makonde 3.47 Ramphabana of Ha-Ramphabana 3.48 Ṋekhavhambe of Khavhambe 3.49 Sikhwetha of Ha-Sikhwetha 3.50 Ṋemadavhila of Madavhila 3.51 Ṋephawe of Gandwani 3.52 Ṋephawe of Mabeani 3.53 Ṋephawe of Nḓevhe3.54 Ṋemuṱuḓi of Muṱuḓi3.55 Ṋetshianane of Tshianane3.56 Ṋemafhohoni of Mafhohoni

3.57 Ramashia of Muḓunungu

3.58 Ṋemufulwi of Mufulwi

3.59 Kharivhe Ṋeṱanḓa of Ṱanḓa

3.60 Mmbubana Ṋetshitomboni of Tshitomboni

3.61 Mugwabana of Ha-Mugwabana [Nzhelele]

3.62 Ṋetshipise of Tshipise [Kwanzhe,Dambale]

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3.63 Ṋetshiṱuni of Tshiṱuni

3.64 Ṋtshiilavulu of Tshiilavulu

3.65 Ṋetshivhambe of Tshivhambe

3.66 Ṋemalili of Malili

3.67 Ṋemahunguni of Mahunguni

4. Vha-Dau Royal Leaders

4.1 Ṋethenzheni of Thenzheni4.2 Ṋemaunguhwi of Maunguhwi4.3 Ṋemaangani of Maangani4.4 Ṋetshiheni of Tshiheni4.5 Ṋengome of Ngome4.6 Ṋekhubvi of Khubvi4.7 Ṋempheni of Mpheni4.8 Ṋetshiṱungulu ofTshiṱungulu4.9 Ṋelurangwe of Lurangwe4.10 Ṋekhwevha of Khwevha4.11 Ṋedzingahe of Dzingahe4.12 Ṋevhulamba of Vhulamba4.13 Ṋelufhangani of Lufhangani4.14 Ṋeluheni of Luheni4.15 Tshikororo of ha-Tshikororo [Ga—Sekororo]4.16 Ṋemuramba of Muramba4.17 Ṋemaangani of Maangani

5. Ma-Kwinḓa Royal Leaders

5.1 Ṋemurangoni of Murangoni5.2 Ṋethavhani of Thavhani5.3 Ṋehelula of Helula5.4 Ṋetshithuthuni of Tshithuthuni5.5 Ṋetshidzivhe of Tshidzivhe5.6 Ṋekuvule of Kuvule [Ha-Mudimeli]5.8 Ṋetshivhiliḓulu of Tshivhiliḓulu5.9 Ṋemakanga of Makanga5.10 Khabana Ṋetshiṱavha of Tshiṱavha (Sambanḓou)5.11 Ṋemakanga of Makanga a Mbilwi5.12 Ṋetshiungani of Tshiungani5.13 Ṋemubvumoni of Mubvumoni5.14 Ṋentsuni of Ntsuni5.15 Ṋembidzane of Mbidzane5.16 Ṋetshiṱangani of Tshiṱangani5.17 Ṋevombe of Vombe5.18 Ṋenzhelele of Tshirenzheni5.20 Ṋematshema of Matshema5.21 Ṋelushi of Lushi5.22 Ṋemushungwa of Mushungwa5.23 Ṋetshivhongweni of Tshivhongweni5.24 Ṋetshikulwe of Tshikulwe

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5.25 Ṋetshiṱungulu of Tshiṱungulu [Mulambwane]5.26 Ṋemuloloni of Muloloni5.27 Ṋetshivhazwaulu of Tshivhazwaulu5.28 Ṋethathe of Thathe5.29 Ṋemuṱanzhela of Muṱanzhela5.30 Ṋefuri of Furi5.31 Ṋepile of Pile

6. Vha-Kwevho Royal Leaders

6.1 Ṋetshitandani of Tshitandani6.2 Ṋevhulaudzi of Vhulaudzi6.3 Ṋekalange of Kalange6.4 Ṋeluvhola of Luvhola6.5 Magoro of Ha-Magoro6.6 Matumba of Ha-Matumba6.7 Ṋefefe of Fefe6.8 Ṋevhuhulwi of Vhuhulwi6.9 Ṋemakololwe of Makololwe6.10 Ṋegunda of Gunda6.11 Ṋelukalo of Lukalo6.12 Ṋekokwane of Kokwane6.13 Ṋengweṋani of Ngweṋani (Ḽimbedzi)6.14 Ṋetshimbupfe of Tshimbupfe6.15 Sekgopo of Ga-Sekgopo6.16 Mamabolo of Ga-Mamabolo 6.17 Kgopa of Ga-Kgopa6.18 Muguboya of Ga-Muguboya6.19 Ṋemakhavhani of Makhavhani6.20 Ṋetshisengani of Tshisengani6.21 Ṋepfumbaḓa of Pfumbaḓa

7. Vha-Mbedzi Royal Leaders

7.1 Ṋekhambele of Khambele7.2 Mabila of Ha-Mabila7.3 Mushavhanamaḓi of Ha-Mushavhanamaḓi7.4 Ṋemavunḓe of Mavunḓe7.5 Tshisinavhute Ṋemianzwi of Mianzwi7.6 Ṋetshivhulana of Tshivhulana7.7 Musikavanhu of Chipinge Mel setter7.8 Dzivaguru of Gwangwava [Mount Darwin-Dzimbabwe]7.9 Matibe of Mtetengwa [Dzimbahe]7.10 Madziva of Makoni [Maungwe] Country7.11 Masunda of ha-Shabani [Dzimbahe]7.12 Ṋehoreka of Mungari [Dzimbahe]7.13 Ṋematombo of Hurungwe [Dzimbabwe]7.14 Mutwiri of Inyanga [Dzimbahe]7.15 Ṋemaḓoḓani of Maḓoḓani7.16 Ṋemanashi of Ha-Ṋemanashi7.17 Ṋengudza of Ngudza7.18 Ṋethononda of Thononda7.19 Ṋetshivhungululu of Tshivhungululu

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7.20 Ṋedididi of Dididi

8. Vha-Nyai Royal Leaders

8.1 Ṋegululuni of Gululuni (Soni)8.2 Matsa of Ha-Matsa8.3 Ṋetshianane of Tshianane8.4 Ṋetshimunye of Tshimunye8.5 Ṋegogogo of Gogogo8.6 Ṋelamvi of Lamvi8.7 Mukomawabani of ha-Mukomawabani8.8 Ṋeluombe of Luombe8.9 Ṋetshikweṱa of Tshikweṱa8.10 Ṋetshiḓongololwe of Tshiḓongololwe8.11 Manzere Ḓagaḓa-Ṋeguyuni of Guyuni8.12 Dimbanyika Ṋetshivhulana of Tshivhulana8.13 Ṋetshishiru of Tshishiru8.14 Ṋemangaya of Mangaya8.15 Mathegu-Ṋetshamutilikwa of Tshamutilikwa 8.16 Ṋekhungun of Khunguni8.18 Ṋemaxwi of Maxwi8.19 Ṋetshimboni of Tshimboni8.20 Ṋemuloḓi of Muloḓi8.21 Ṋegwangwatini of Gwangwatini8.22 Ṋemapakoni of Mapakoni8.23 Ṋemutshili of Mutshili8.24 Ṋetshabumu of Tshabumu8.26 Ṋetshiṱwarini of Tshiṱwarini8.27 Ṋengovhela of Ngovhela8.28 Maselesele of Ha-Maselesele

9. Vha-Twanamba Royal Leaders

9.1 Ṋelutshindwi of Lutshindwi9.2 Ṋemavhola of Mavhola9.3 Ṋemaranzhe of Maranzhe9.4 Musholommbi of Ṱhahatshane9.5 Mashoṱha of Mavhambo9.6 Ṋetswera of Tswera

9.7 Makaulule Ṋetshiṱavhaḓulu of Tshiṱavhaḓulu

9.9 Ṋemavhola of Mavhola-a-Kale

9.10 Ḽishivha of ha-Ḽishivha

9.11 Matshete of ha-Matshete

10 Vha-Luvhu Royal Leaders

10.1 Ṋesane of Sane10.2 Mashamba of Ha-Mashamba

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11. Vha-Famaḓi Royal Leaders

11.1 Malusele of Mukumbani11.2 Mashawana of Mashawana11.3 Mufamaḓi of Ha-Mufamaḓi

12. Vha-Dzanani Royal Leaders

12.1 Ṋetshipale of Tshipale 12.2 Ṋephiphiḓi of Phiphiḓi

13. Vha-Nzhelele Royal Leaders

13.1 Mutele of Duluthulu 13.2 Ṋemaṱaṱani of Vungwi-Maṱaṱani 13.3 Ṋedamable of Dambale 13.4 Ṋemasisi o Masisi

14. Vha-Ṋarini Royal Leaders

14.1 Ṋemavhulani of Mavhulani14.2 Ṋevhufumba of Vhufumba14.3 Ṋetshishivhe of Tshishivhe

15. Vha-Leya Royal Leaders

15.1Tshiṱaka-Muleya of Ha-Muleya 15.2 Ṋegondeni of Gondeni 15.3 Ṋedzamba of Dzamba 15.4 Makhwathana of ha-Makhwathana [Ha-Mavhunga]

16. Vhalovhedzi Royal Leaders

16.1 Ṋemaheni of Maheni [Mafikeng]

16.2 Ralushai-Musehane of Vhulovhedzi [Bolobedu]

16.3 Ṋetshiṱotsheni of Tshiṱotsheni

17. Other Mahosi in Venḓa

17.1 Ṋemuṱavhanani of Muṱavhanani 17.2 Ṋetshixwadza of Tshixwadza 17.3 Ṋemalinge of Malinge 17.4 Ṋemutangwa of Mutangwa 17.5 Ṋemaṱangari of Maṱangari 17.6 Ṋemaraxwe of Maraxwe 17.7 Ṋemuhuyu of Muhuyu 17.8 Ṋetshamutshedzi of Tshamutshedzi 17.9 Ṋemangondi of Mangondi

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17.10 Ṋeṅweli of Ṅweli 17.11 Ṋemulangwane of Mulangwane 17.12 Ṋembaleni of Mbaleni 17.13 Ṋetshififi of Tshififi 1714 Ṋevuvha of Vuvha 17.15 Ṋemutshenzheni of Mutshenzheni 17.16 Ṋetshamulangwe of Tshamulangwe 17.17 Ṋetswinga of Tswinga 17.18 Ṋemutsheṱoni of Mutsheṱoni 17.19 Ṋemaholoni of Maholoni 17.20 Ṋetshandama of Tshandama 17.21 Ṋevhuranga of Vhuranga 17.22 Ṋematshavhawe of Matshavhawe 17.23 Ṋegumela of Gumela

17.24 Tshikambe of Ha-Tshikambe

17.25 Ṋetshapasha of Tshapasha

17.26 Ṋedzaṱa of Dzaṱa

17.29 Ṋetshianzwane of Tshianzwane

17.30 Ṋeṱonzwi of Ṱonzwi

17.31 Ṋetshiloṅwe of Tshiloṅwe

17.32 Ṋephembani of Phembani

17.33 Ṋematshavhe of Matshavhe

17.34 Ṋendauni of Ndauni

17.35 Ṋepfumembe of Pfumembe

17.36 Ṋemaṱaṱani of Maṱaṱani

17.37 Ṋemathaga of Mathaga

17.39 Ṋetshikweṱa of Tshikweṱa

17.40 Ṋephali of Phali

17.41 Mphego of ha-Mphego

17.42 Silidi of ha-Silidi

17.43 Ṋemaguvhuni of Maguvhuni

17.44 Ṋetshilindi of Tshilindi

17.45 Ṋengalavhani of Ngalavhani

17.46 Ṋetshanzhe of Tshanzhe

17.47 Ṋemusunda of Musunda

17.48 Ṋemulenzhe of Mulenzhe

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17.49 Ṋemaruḓe of Maruḓe

17.50 Ṋetshitopeni of Tshitopeni

17.51 Ṋemadzivhanani of Madzivhanani

17.52 Ṋetshia of Tshia

17.53 Ṋematenda of Matenda

17.54 Ṋematandani of Matandani

17.55 Ṋempumbuluni of Mpumbuluni

17.56 Ṋemadandila of Madandila

17.57 Ṋemuruṅwa of Muruṅwa

17.58 Ṋetshilema of Tshilema

17.59 Ṋethomboni of Thomboni

Now since we are talking of a kingdom that had been there for millions of years, and I believe it is common knowledge that our ancestors were mainly illiterate, we therefore don’t and cannot have any written record of their activities and family tree. What follows here- under is just a family tree of what little could be had later on, and even this from oral tradition: Genealogical Family Tree of the Vhavenḓa [Vhangoṋa], Founders and Owners of Venḓa, [the then Transvaal, Matopo and Khami since Yore, i.e. today’s SADC].

King ( Thovhele) Shiriyadenga

King Mungoṋa Shiriyadenga

King Tshidziwelele I

Nḓou Mudau Kwinḓa Mbedzi Mukwevho Munyai Mutwanamba Munzhelele Muṋarini Mufamaḓi Mudzanani Muluvhu Muḽea Mulovhedzi Muṱavhatsindi Muronga Murundwa Khomola Mulembethu

King Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe (Mapungubwe Vhuhea Nḓevhe)

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MAPUNGUBWE KINGDOM [EMPIRE]

KhosikhuluTshiimangagole [Fhambananaḽo] Khosikhulu Makahane (Thulamanana)

King Seani Ṋephawe (Phawe)

Ratshiuvhu Raphalalani Mbedzi Ṋeluvhaḓa Ṋekhubvi Ṋetshavhaḓa Ṋeluvhalani Ṋemangwele Ṋeluvuvhu

Tshakhuma Vhumbedzi Luvhaḓa Khubvi Tshavhaḓa, Luvhalani Mangwele Luvuvhu

King Langanani Ṋephawe

Ṋekalange Ṋemamilwe Mmbubana Ṋetshandama Ṋefhasi Matshavha Ṋegodzwon ṊemphagoniMukuyu-Kalange Mamilwe Tshitomboni Tshandama Dzimauli Bulugwane Godzwoni Mphagoni

King Denga Ṋephawe

Khosikhulu Khosikhulu Ṋetswime Ṋetshamanyatsha Khosikhulu Khurukhuru Ṋembilwi Luvhimbi ṊemusumaniRaphulu [Vuvha] Tswime [Nzhelele] Mukumbani Mbilwi Ha-Luvhimbi Musumani

King Mmbanguleni Ṋephawe

Ṋekhavhambe Khosikhulu Matibe Ṋevhulaudzi Ṋemaḓimaswa Ṋevhudogwa Khavhambe [Miyohe Ha-Matibe, Xikundu) Vhulaudzi Maḓimaswa Vhuḓogwa

King Thilivhali Ṋephawe

Ṋevhilavhila Khosi Ṋelutsinge Mutele Ṋentsuni Masuvhelele Mugwabana Muravha Vhilavhila Ha-Lutsinge Ha-Mutele Ntsuni Ha-Masuvhelele Ha-Mugwabana Pretoria

King Mudzunga Ṋephawe

Ṋethulwe Ṋemukula Ṋematshavhe Khosi Maneta (Seli ha Luvuvhu) Ṱhulwe Mukula Matshavhe Sikhiṱha-Khomuṋala Ha-Maneta

Ha-Khomuṋala

King Mmbulungeni Ṋephawe

Mbedzi Ṋekhambele Ṋetshivhulana Ṋempheni Khosikhulu Ṋeluvuvhu Ṋemadzivhaṅombe [Vhumbedzi] Khambele Tshivhulana Mpheni Sigwavhulimu [ Sunguzwi] Madzivhaṅombe

King Muloiwa Ṋephawe

Ṋetshiwani Ṋemakwarani Khosikhulu Dewasi Ṋetshaulu Ṋeluonde Ṋetshivhodza Matumba ṊemaulumaTshiwani Makwarani Tshaulu Luonde Tshivhodza Ha-Matumba Mauluma King Mmbudzeni Ṋephawe

Khosikhulu Mudzhadzhi Makhwathana Ṋetsianḓa Ṋetshiungani Ṋetshitandani MafelaṊevhembe Ha-Mudzhadzhi Ha-Makhwathana Tsianḓa Tshiungani Tshitandani Ha-MafelaVhembe-Tshidzivhani (Mavhunga)

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King Fhulufhuwani Ṋephawe

Khosi Ṋephiphiḓi Ṋetshilungwi Ṋetshidzivhe Ṋevhuhulwi Tshisinavhute Dzhenzhele Ṋetshiilavulu Phiphiḓi Tshilungwi Tshidzivhe Vhuhulwi Mianzwi Vhumbedzi Tshiilavulu

King Ndamulelo Ṋephawe

Ṋepile Ṋetshiṱungulu Ṋevhuṱanḓa Ṋefolovhoḓwe Ṋetshapapame Ṋetshiavha Khosi Ṋethengwe Lambani Pile Tshiṱungulu Vhuṱanḓa Folovhoḓwe Tshapapame Tshiavha Thengwe Ha-Lambani King Phumula Ṋephawe

Ṋetshisaulu Ṋemarude Matshisevhe Masindi Ṋetshimboni Ṋehelula Ṋetsharotha ṊembaleniTshisaulu Maruḓe Ha-Matshisevhe Tshimboni Helula Tsharotha Mbaleni

King Mavhungu Ṋephawe

Ṋekhwevha Khosikhulu Mulima Ṋetshiheni Khosi Mashamba Ṋesane Ṋephembani Ṋetshimunye Khwevha Ha-Mulima Tshiheni Ha-Mashamba Sane Phembani Tshimunye King Nyavele Ṋephawe

Ṋemusina Ṋemapakoni Ṋemuṱanzhela Ṋethononda Ṋegunda Ṋengweṋani Ṋetshitopeni Musina Mapakoni Muṱanzhela Thononda Gunda Ngweṋani Tshitopeni

King Shiriyadenga Ṋephawe

Mabanga Tshivhi Ṋetshivhambe Ṋelushi Ṋemavhulani Ṋemalamangwa Ṋemutshenzheni Musiningira Ha-Tshivhi Tshivhambe Lushi Mavhulani Malamangwa Mutshenzheni King Mmbulaheni Ṋephawe

Ṋevhulamba Ṋemafhohoni Ṋetshiḓongololwe Ṋendauni Ṋepfumembe Ṋemuṱamba Ṋevari Vhulamba Mafhohoni Tshiḓongololwe Ndauni Maangani Muṱamba Vari

King Khaukanani Ṋephawe

Mukununde Ṋephalama Ṋemaṱaṱani Ṋetshivhale Ṋemalale Ṋelutshindwi Ṋemurangoni Ṋemaranzhe Ha-Mukununde Phalama Maṱaṱani Tshivhale Malale Lutshindwi Murangoni Maranzhe

King Ratshalingwa Ṋephawe

Ṋetshiloṅwe Ṋemandala Ṋemaungani Ṋetshixwadza Ṋemaangani Ṋelamvi Ṋeḓuvhuledza Tshiloṅwe Mandala Maungani Tshixwadza Maangani Lamvi Ḓuvhuledza

King Tshiṱangano Ṋephawe

Ṋemadzivhanani Ṋetshiombo Ṋeshakadza Ṋetshiṱuni Ramashia-Nḓou Ṋemulambwane Ṋetshiendeulu Madzivhanani Tshiombo Shakadza Tshiṱuni Muḓunungu Mulambwane Tshiendeulu

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King Phungo Ṋephawe

Ṋengome Ṋemusunda Mammburu Ṋetshifhefhe Ṋemuungadi Khosi Matsa Ṋephali Ṋevombe Ngome Musunda Mukula Tshifhefhe Muungaḓi Ha-Matsa Phali Vombe

King Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe

Makaulule Ṋembidzane Musholommbi Ṋefefe Ṋemakonde Ṋemufulwi Ṋemadzhatsha

Tshiṱavhaḓulu Mbidzane Ha-Musholommbi Fefe Makonde Mufulwi Madzhatsha

KING Raphulu Ṋephawe

Ṋemurangoni Khosi Ṋemavhola Ṋekhunguni Langanani Ṋethavhani Mphego Ṋegogogo Ṋetshia Ṋevhuṱalu

Murangoni Mavhola a Kale Khunguni Mamabole Thavhani Ha-Mphego Gogogo Tshia Vhuṱalu

King Luduvhungu Ṋephawe

Ṋemuloḓi Manzere Ḓagaḓa Ṋepfumbaḓa Ṋetshipise Silidi Ṋetshifume Ṋegondeni Ṋetshiṱotsheni

Muloḓi Guyuni Pfumbaḓa Tshipise Ha-Silidi Tshifume Gondeni Tshiṱotsheni

King Mugwamba Ṋephawe

Ṋetshianane Tshiovhe Ṋematenda Ṋekuvule Ṋedonḓwe Ṋetswera Ṋemuramba

Tshianane Tshirenzheni Matenda Kuvule [Hamudimeli] Ḓondwe Tswera Muramba

King Tshiṱumbe Ṋephawe

Ṋetshirovha Ṋetshilaṱa Ṋedombeloni Ṋegumela Ṋetshilindi Ṋengalavhani Ṋemaguvhuni Ṋetshiṱavha

Vhufuli Tshilaṱa Dombeloni [Dopeni] Gumela Tshilindi Ngalavhani Maguvhuni Tshiṱavha King Mudona Ṋephawe

Ṋetshiṱangani Ṋemakololwe Ṋedzamba Ṋemaheni Khabana Ṋetshanzhe Ṋemulenzhe Ṋemafukani

Tshiṱangani Makololwe Dzamba Maheni Sambanḓou Tshanzhe Mulenzhe Mafukani

King Mafanedza Ṋephawe

Ṋetshidzini Ṋemathaga Ṋetshikweṱa Ṋemushungwa Ṋekhalavha Ṋetshimvele Ṋempumbuluni

Tshidzini Mathaga Tshikweṱa Mushungwa Khalavha Tshimvele Mpumbuluni

King Azwidohwi Tshidziwelele Ṋephawe 33

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The Abandonment of Mapungubwe

Now since the area was abandoned many centuries ago, no one is really sure what happened or of the real cause for such an action. What we are meant to understand is that the Mapungubweans were somehow forced to leave that area. Now the abandonment was not an event but a process that might have taken up to two hundred years. We find this in Hanisch where it is said:A small elongated kingdom containing several district centres, and covering an area from the Soutpansberg in the south to the Matopos near Bulawayo in the north was controlled from Mapungubwe. Each district appears to have had its own local capital under the jurisdiction of Mapungubwe. Numerous sites of these old villages are to be seen along the Soutpansberg, extending deep into the heart of present day Venḓa. At about 1250 A.D. it appears that the town of Mapungubwe was abandoned for reasons still unknown, but this did not mean the total collapse of the Leopard’s Kopje B kingdom in its entirety. Work done on various sites in the Soutpansberg and the Matopos indicates that the Leopard’s Kopje B culture continued to exist for a further 200 years without undergoing a major change in these areas. [Luvhone, 1994 : Legends, Oral Traditions and Archaeology: A Look at Early Venḓa History by E.O.M. Hanisch, Department of Anthropology, University of Venḓa: 71, 73]

Now there are some other traditions about the reasons for the abandonment of the old citadel. But what really seems to be the real cause for the departure could have been climatic conditions that were seemingly unbearable to the inhabitants. These might have caused the king, other senior traditional leaders and the majority of the people to leave the area. We do know that not all the inhabitants left the area. Some of the people remained behind until they were forcefully removed. This was so because the powers-that-were decided to divide our heritage into farms. And it were because of such actions that Mapungubwe was finally left without any of its original inhabitants.

Now from Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al, this is what we hear about the possible reasons for the departure of the former inhabitants:

‘Mapungubwe continued with its trading activities until it was evacuated. What else could have forced them to leave, other than an outbreak of a disease, or any abnormal situation, which they though would annihilate them. [Ṋemudzivhaḓi et al: 9]

From the Mapungubwe nomination dossier, this is what also hear about the possible reasons for the same move:“Although the landscape has evidence of human occupation dating back to millions of years, the nomination dossier states that the landscape was nominated on the basis of the Iron Age period, particularly the period between AD900 and 1300. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape, whose remains are a testimony to the earliest known state society in Southern Africa (AD 900-1300), when viewed against the present day fauna and flora, and the geo-morphological formations of the Limpopo/Shashe confluence, creates an impressive landscape of universal significance (Mapungubwe Nomination Dossier 2000). The occupation of the Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (MCL) has continued over

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time anti-climaxing with the forced removal of local people during colonialism and the establishment of private farms, ranches and mines” (KYS 2011).

Now another writer who tells us more about the settlement pattern at Mapungubwe is Tom Huffman in his Mapungubwe and the Origins of the Zimbabwe Culture where he says:

ABSTRACT

Class distinction and sacred leadership characterized the Zimbabwe culture, the most complex society in pre-colonial southern Africa. This complex society evolved between AD 1000 and 1300 at the sites of K2 and Mapungubwe in the Shashe-Limpopo Valley. Tremendous wealth from long distance trade and an increased population stimulated a series of internal transformations involving economy, social organisation, ideology, religion and settlement patterns. The abandonment of Mapungubwe for climatic reasons led to the rise of Great Zimbabwe 250 km to the north-east. [Huffman, 2000: 14 ]

Another tradition on the decline of Mapungubwe is that of Rob Marsh where we read:

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF MAPUNGUBWE

After less than a century as the most powerful city-state in the region, Mapungubwe’s power and status began to wane. The reason for this is not clear, but was probably the result of a combination of factors, more significantly a change in climate – leading to cooler temperatures and less rainfall, which made growing crops more difficult – and a shift in power northwards and across the Limpopo to the settlement we now call Great Zimbabwe.

Whatever the reasons, by 1300 AD Mapungubwe had virtually ceased to exist and would remain forgotten for over 600 years. [Marsh:9]

Now as already stated above, some of the original inhabitants of Mapungubwe chose to remain behind when the rest decided to leave. These were then forcefully removed by the authorities who took over our land and divided it into farms. We therefore have the following farms in this regard:

a. Greefswald b. Little Muck, etc.

Our Submission

Now I, King Shiriyadenga Azwidowi Tshidziwelele 33, on behalf of my community, i.e. all the Vhangoṋa-Vhavenḓa people, hereby make a humble and sincere submission to the honourable House to help reinstate our land rights back to us. We would like to reconnect with our ancestors who were buried there. Yes,

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indeed we do go there from time to time to perform our rituals, but that is not good enough because we do not own the land and therefore stay very far from the place. We do go there at times to celebrate our heritage, but that is not really satisfactory. Mapungubwe is our shrine. It is our home. It is where our roots are, and we need to go back and settle where our predecessors are.

We also need to humbly request our government to seriously consider the issue of assisting successful land claimants with skills and whatever expertise and help they need to maintain their heritage as opposed to what we see most of them doing. We all know full well that a lot of claimants end up failing to manage and run the farms they received and they end up squandering everything. This is a great cause for concern. We strongly urge our government to do something about this!

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